Brazilian Soccer Is Too Big To Fail (Bloomberg)

Brazil Soccer

Brazil’s Sao Paulo players react after losing their 2013 Copa Sudamericana semifinal first leg football match against Brazil’s Ponte Preta at Morumbi stadium on Nov. 20, 2013. Photographer: Nelson Almeida/AFP via Getty Images

By Raul Gallegos Nov 22, 2013 4:22 PM GMT-0200

To understand Brazil’s economic woes, one should consider how politics has ruined the country’s most venerated sport.

It’s no secret that the economics of the Brazilian soccer world are dysfunctional. For the most part, teams are poorly run, member-controlled organizations with histories of financial mismanagement, run by overpaid managers with little accountability. For years, soccer clubs stopped paying taxes and evaded social security obligations. And the government often rescued them from financial failure — as it may be about to do again.

According to an October piece in the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper, Brazil’s soccer clubs have run up a 4.8 billion reais ($2.1 billion) tab with the federal government. Approximately 36 percent of the total debt owed by clubs is due in the short term, according to an Oct. 25 analysis by consulting firm Pluri Consultoria. Soccer teams are heavily leveraged, and their profitability (the average profitability of the top 25 teams is 0.7 percent of annual sales) is almost nonexistent. “It is possible to say, with no shadow of a doubt, that soccer clubs would not be standing” if they operated as companies, Pluri warned.

As Vilson Ribeiro de Andrade, president of the Coritiba Foot Ball Club — a debtor — said in the Folha article, the government’s bill is “virtually unrecoverable.” This is not flattering for a country that boasts five FIFA World Cup titles and is set to host the event next year.

And so, legislators are considering a controversial new proposal that would absolve the game’s worst tax cheats. The disarmingly named “Program for the Strengthening of Olympic Sports” law proposal would apparently wipe out about 90 percent of the clubs’ fiscal debts and allow teams as long as 20 years to pay off the remainder of what they owe. In exchange, soccer clubs would be obligated to help train Olympic athletes.

Letting clubs off so easily does not sit well with some. In an editorial Monday, Folha demanded that the teams should at least agree to adopt standard business-management practices and make officials accountable for mismanagement in exchange for debt forgiveness. “The debts are not responsible for causing the administrative negligence of the clubs — but the other way around,” the editorial said.

Henrique Alves, president of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies, gave a rather weak excuse for the proposed bailout last week: “Soccer, especially, is a source of happiness, socialization and integration of the Brazilian family.” Alves’s transparent move to rescue the sector suggests that Brazil’s soccer teams have also mastered the game of politics.

In a soccer-obsessed nation, politicians fear losing voters if they push teams to own up to their fiscal mistakes. Squeezing clubs financially could hurt their ability to hire talent and weaken their performance. This could prove unpopular with Brazil’s poor, for whom soccer is not just entertainment, but also a means of upward social mobility for talented players from the slums. Teams understand this political reality and have long taken advantage of it.

This partly explains why having the state lend a hand to troubled teams is a Brazilian tradition. In 2008, Brazil’s government introduced Timemania (Team Mania), a lottery game that includes 80 teams and is meant to generate enough proceeds to help pay what clubs owe the government. In addition, Brazil has led three refinancing programs for financially strapped clubs over the past 15 years. The bill under consideration by legislators is the latest version of a recurring story.

Attempts to professionalize the sport have failed. Even legendary soccer star Pele went nowhere fast with the “Pele Law” he helped usher in when he became the country’s sports minister in the 1990s. The legislation was meant to push teams to become professional sports businesses and to regulate the relationship between players and employers. But interest groups managed to water down the law over time.

These days, even the richest teams have trouble with cash flow. When Rio de Janeiro’s Flamengo — Brazil’s fourth-largest club as ranked by 2012 revenue — struggled to pay soccer star Ronaldinho last year, the player’s agent and brother, Roberto de Assis Moreira, apparently attempted to take more than 40 items without paying, including shirts and hats, from the club’s store in protest. “Flamengo aren’t paying my brother, so I’m not paying, either,” he allegedly told the store’s staff.

Brazil’s soccer teams now feel empowered to make their own rules. The Confederacao Brasileira de Futebol, or CBF, a member organization controlled by soccer teams, suggested earlier this year that in exchange for longer repayment times, it would offer to penalize member teams that default on tax debt or delay wage payments to players. CBF suggested it could go so far as to bar noncompliant teams from games. That’s about as realistic as expecting a World Cup final to run smoothly without referees present.

Romario, the World Cup player turned lawmaker, took a shot at the absurdity of that proposal: “Do you really think that the CBF has the moral courage and the ability to make Vasco, Flamengo or Corinthians fall because they did not pay debts?” His answer: “That’s a lie. This won’t happen. This is a utopia and will not exist.”

An amendment to the Pele Law that President Dilma Rousseff signed in October, intended to increase sports teams’ financial transparency and limit the tenure of executives running sports institutions, is a good call. But rewarding clubs for their notorious incompetence is not. Brazilian politicians managed to botch the country’s economic resurgence by not getting out of the way. But on the soccer field, Brazil’s role as a strong referee is not just desirable, but also necessary.

(Raul Gallegos is the Latin American correspondent for the World View blog. Follow him on Twitter. E-mail him at rgallegos5@bloomberg.net.)

Something Is Rotten at the New York Times (Huff Post)

By Michael E. Mann

Director of Penn State Earth System Science Center; Author of ‘Dire Predictions’ and ‘The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars’

Posted: 11/21/2013 7:20 pm

Something is rotten at the New York Times.

When it comes to the matter of human-caused climate change, the Grey Lady’s editorial page has skewed rather contrarian of late.

A couple months ago, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) publishedits 5th scientific assessment, providing the strongest evidence to date that climate change is real, caused by us, and a problem.

Among other areas of the science where the evidence has become ever more compelling, is the so-called “Hockey Stick” curve — a graph my co-authors and I published a decade and a half ago showing modern warming in the Northern Hemisphere to be unprecedented for at least the past 1000 years. The IPCC further strengthened that original conclusion, finding that recent warmth is likely unprecedented over an even longer timeframe.

Here was USA Today on the development:

The latest report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the internationally accepted authority on the subject, concludes that the climate system has warmed dramatically since the 1950s, and that scientists are 95% to 100% sure human influence has been the dominant cause. In the Northern Hemisphere, 1983 to 2012 was likely the warmest 30-year period of the past 1,400 years, the IPCC found.

And here was the Washington Post:

The infamous “hockey stick” graph showing global temperatures rising over time, first slowly and then sharply, remains valid.

And the New York Times? Well we instead got this:

The [Hockey Stick] graph shows a long, relatively unwavering line of temperatures across the last millennium (the stick), followed by a sharp, upward turn of warming over the last century (the blade). The upward turn implied that greenhouse gases had become so dominant that future temperatures would rise well above their variability and closely track carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere….I knew that wasn’t the case.

Huh?

Rather than objectively communicating the findings of the IPCC to their readers, the New York Times instead foisted upon them the ill-informed views of Koch Brothers-fundedclimate change contrarian Richard Muller, who used the opportunity to deny the report’s findings.

In fact, in the space of just a couple months now, the Times has chosen to grant Muller not just one, but two opportunities to mislead its readers about climate change and the threat it poses.

The Times has now published another op-ed by Muller wherein he misrepresented the potential linkages between climate change and extreme weather–tornadoes to be specific, which he asserted would be less of a threat in a warmer world. The truth is that the impact of global warming on tornadoes remains uncertain, because the underlying science is nuanced and there are competing factors that come into play.

The Huffington Post published an objective piece about the current state of the science earlier this year in the wake of the devastating and unprecedented Oklahoma tornadoes.

That piece accurately quoted a number of scientists including myself on the potential linkages. I pointed out to the journalist that there are two key factors: warm, moist air is favorable for tornadoes, and global warming will provide more of it. But important too is the amount of “shear” (that is, twisting) in the wind. And whether there will, in a warmer world, be more or less of that in tornado-prone regions, during the tornado season, depends on the precise shifts that will take place in the jet stream–something that is extremely difficult to predict even with state-of-the-art theoretical climate models. That factor is a “wild card” in the equation.

So we’ve got one factor that is a toss-up, and another one that appears favorable for tornado activity. The combination of them is therefore slightly on the “favorable” side, and if you’re a betting person, that’s probably what you would go with. And this is the point that I made in the Huffington Post piece:

Michael Mann, a climatologist who directs the Earth System Science Center at Pennsylvania State University, agreed that it’s too early to tell.

“If one factor is likely to be favorable and the other is a wild card, it’s still more likely that the product of the two factors will be favorable,” said Mann. “Thus, if you’re a betting person — or the insurance or reinsurance industry, for that matter — you’d probably go with a prediction of greater frequency and intensity of tornadoes as a result of human-caused climate change.”

Now watch the sleight of hand that Muller uses when he quotes me in his latest Times op-ed:

Michael E. Mann, a prominent climatologist, was only slightly more cautious. He said, “If you’re a betting person — or the insurance or reinsurance industry, for that matter — you’d probably go with a prediction of greater frequency and intensity of tornadoes as a result of human-caused climate change.”

Completely lost in Muller’s selective quotation is any nuance or context in what I had said, let alone the bottom line in what I stated: that it is in fact too early to tell whether global warming is influencing tornado activity, but we can discuss the processes through which climate change might influence future trends.

Muller, who lacks any training or expertise in atmospheric science, is more than happy to promote with great confidence the unsupportable claim that global warming will actuallydecrease tornado activity. His evidence for this? The false claim that the historical data demonstrate a decreasing trend in past decades.

Actual atmospheric scientists know that the historical observations are too sketchy and unreliable to decide one way or another as to whether tornadoes are increasing or not (see this excellent discussion by weather expert Jeff Masters of The Weather Underground).

So one is essentially left with the physical reasoning I outlined above. You would think that a physicist would know how to do some physical reasoning. And sadly, in Muller’s case, you would apparently be wrong…

To allow Muller to so thoroughly mislead their readers, not once, but twice in the space of as many months, is deeply irresponsible of the Times. So why might it be that the New York Times is so enamored with Muller, a retired physicist with no training in atmospheric or climate science, when it comes to the matter of climate change?

I discuss Muller’s history as a climate change critic and his new-found role as a media favorite in my book “The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars” (the paperback was just released a couple weeks ago, with a new guest foreword by Bill Nye “The Science Guy”).

Muller is known for his bold and eccentric, but flawed and largely discredited astronomical theories. But he rose to public prominence only two years ago when he cast himself in theirresistible role of the “converted climate change skeptic”.

Muller had been funded by the notorious Koch Brothers, the largest current funders of climate change denial and disinformation, to independently “audit” the ostensibly dubious science of climate change. This audit took the form of an independent team of scientists that Muller picked and assembled under the umbrella of the “Berkeley Earth Surface Temperature” (unashamedly termed “BEST” by Muller) project.

Soon enough, Muller began to unveil the project’s findings: First, in late 2011, he admitted that the Earth was indeed warming. Then, a year later he concluded that the warming was not only real, but could only be explained by human influence.

Muller, in short, had rediscovered what the climate science community already knew long ago.

summarized the development at the time on my Facebook page:

Muller’s announcement last year that the Earth is indeed warming brought him up to date w/ where the scientific community was in the the 1980s. His announcement this week that the warming can only be explained by human influences, brings him up to date with where the science was in the mid 1990s. At this rate, Muller should be caught up to the current state of climate science within a matter of a few years!

The narrative of a repentant Koch Brothers-funded skeptic who had “seen the light” andappeared to now endorse the mainstream view of human-caused climate change, was simply too difficult for the mainstream media to resist. Muller predictably was able to position himself as a putative “honest broker” in the climate change debate. And he was granted a slew of op-eds in the New York Times and Wall Street Journal, headline articles in leading newspapers, and interviews on many of the leading television and radio news shows.

Yet Muller was in reality seeking to simply take credit for findings established by otherscientists (ironically using far more rigorous and defensible methods!) literally decades ago. In 1995 the IPCC had already concluded, based on work by Ben Santer and other leading climate scientists working on the problem of climate change “detection and attribution”, that there was already now a “discernible human influence” on the warming of the planet.

And while Muller has now admitted that the Earth had warmed and that human-activity is largely to blame, he has used his new-found limelight and access to the media to:

1. Smear and misrepresent other scientists, including not just me and various other climate scientists like Phil Jones of the UK’s University of East Anglia, but even the President of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences himself, Ralph Cicerone.

2. Misrepresent key details of climate science, inevitably to downplay the seriousness of climate change, whether it is the impacts on extreme weather and heat, drought, Arctic melting, or the threat to Polar Bears. See my own debunking of various falsehoods that Muller has promoted in his numerous news interviews e.g. here or here.

3. Shill for fossil fuel energy, arguing that the true solution to global warming isn’t renewable or clean energy. No, not at all! Muller is bullish on fracking and natural gas as the true solution.

To (a) pretend to accept the science, but attack the scientists and misrepresent so many important aspect of the science, downplaying the impacts and threat of climate change, while (b) acting as a spokesman for natural gas, one imagines that the petrochemical tycoon Koch Brothers indeed were probably quite pleased with their investment. Job well done. As I put it in an interview last year:

It would seem that Richard Muller has served as a useful foil for the Koch Brothers, allowing them to claim they have funded a real scientist looking into the basic science, while that scientist– Muller—props himself up by using the “Berkeley” imprimatur (UC Berkeley has not in any way sanctioned this effort) and appearing to accept the basic science, and goes out on the talk circuit, writing op-eds, etc. systematically downplaying the actual state of the science, dismissing key climate change impacts and denying the degree of risk that climate change actually represents. I would suspect that the Koch Brothers are quite happy with Muller right now, and I would have been very surprised had he stepped even lightly on their toes during his various interviews, which he of course has not. He has instead heaped great praise on them, as in this latest interview.

The New York Times does a disservice to its readers when it buys into the contrived narrative of the “honest broker”–Muller as the self-styled white knight who must ride in to rescue scientific truth from a corrupt and misguided community of scientists. Especially when that white knight is in fact sitting atop a Trojan Horse–a vehicle for the delivery of disinformation, denial, and systematic downplaying of what might very well be the greatest threat we have yet faced as a civilization, the threat of human-caused climate change.

Shame on you New York Times. You owe us better than this.

Michael Mann is Distinguished Professor of Meteorology at Pennsylvania State University and author of The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars: Dispatches from the Front Lines (now available in paperback with a new guest foreword by Bill Nye “The Science Guy”)

Majority of red-state Americans believe climate change is real, study shows (The Guardian)

Study suggests far-reaching acceptance of climate change in traditionally Republican states such as Texas and Oklahoma

, US environment correspondent

theguardian.com, Wednesday 13 November 2013 19.40 GMT

Texas droughtA cracked lake bed in Texas. Findings in this study are likely based on personal experiences of hot weather. Photograph: Tony Gutierrez/AP

A vast majority of red-state Americans believe climate change is real and at least two-thirds of those want the government to cut greenhouse gas emissions, new research revealed on Wednesday.

The research, by Stanford University social psychologist Jon Krosnick, confounds the conventional wisdom of climate denial as a central pillar of Republican politics, and practically an article of faith for Tea Party conservatives.

Instead, the findings suggest far-reaching acceptance that climate change is indeed occurring and is caused by human activities, even in such reliably red states as Texas and Oklahoma.

“To me, the most striking finding that is new today was that we could not find a single state in the country where climate scepticism was in the majority,” Krosnick said in an interview.

States that voted for Barack Obama, as expected, also believe climate change is occurring and support curbs on carbon pollution. Some 88% of Massachusetts residents believe climate change is real.

But Texas and Oklahoma are among the reddest of red states and are represented in Congress by Republicans who regularly dismiss the existence of climate change or its attendant risks.

Congressman Joe Barton of Texas and Senator Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma stand out for their regular denials of climate change as a “hoax”, even among Republican ranks.

However, the research found 87% of Oklahomans and 84% of Texans accepted that climate change was occurring.

Seventy-six percent of Americans in both states also believed the government should step in to limit greenhouse gas emissions produced by industry.

In addition, the research indicated substantial support for Obama’s decision to use the Environmental Protection Agency to cut emissions from power plants. The polling found at least 62% of Americans in favour of action cutting greenhouse gas emissions from plants.

Once again, Texas was also solidly lined up with action, with 79% of voters supporting regulation of power plants.

The acceptance of climate change was not a result of outreach efforts by scientists, however, or by the experience of extreme events, such as hurricane Sandy, Krosnick said.

His research found no connection between Sandy and belief in climate change or support for climate action.

Instead, he said the findings suggest personal experiences of hot weather – especially in warm states in the south-west – persuaded Texans and others that the climate was indeed changing within their own lifetimes.

“Their experience with weather leaves people in most places on the green side in most of the questions we ask,” he said.

There was some small slippage in acceptance of climate change in north-western states such as Idaho and Utah and in the industrial heartland states of Ohio. But even then at a minimum, 75% believed climate change was occurring.

The findings, represented in a series of maps, were presented at a meeting of the bicameral task force on climate change which has been pushing Congress to try to move ahead on Obama’s green commitments. There was insufficient data to provide findings from a small number of states

Henry Waxman, the Democrat who co-chairs the taskforce, said in a statement the findings showed Americans were ready to take action to cut emissions that cause climate change.

“This new report is crystal clear,” said Waxman. “It shows that the vast majority of Americans – whether from red states or blue – understand that climate change is a growing danger. Americans recognise that we have a moral obligation to protect the environment and an economic opportunity to develop the clean energy technologies of the future. Americans are way ahead of Congress in listening to the scientists.”

Some 58% of Republicans in the current Congress deny the existence of climate change or oppose action to cut greenhouse gas emissions, according to an analysis by the Center for American Progress.

Is BP “Trolling” Its Facebook Critics? (Aljazeera)

Wednesday, 20 November 2013 13:04

By Dahr JamailAljazeera English

BP.BP Critics using BP America’s Facebook page allege they have been harassed. (Erika Blumenfeld / Al Jazeera)

New Orleans – BP has been accused of hiring internet “trolls” to purposefully attack, harass, and sometimes threaten people who have been critical of how the oil giant has handled its disaster in the Gulf of Mexico.

The oil firm hired the international PR company Ogilvy & Mather to run the BP America Facebook page during the oil disaster, which released at least 4.9 million barrels of oil into the Gulf in what is to date the single largest environmental disaster in US history.

The page was meant to encourage interaction with BP, but when people posted comments that were critical of how BP was handling the crisis, they were often attacked, bullied, and sometimes directly threatened.

“Marie” was deeply concerned by the oil spill, and began posting comments on the BP America Facebook page. Today, she asks that she remain anonymous out of what she described to Al Jazeera as “fear for my personal safety should the BP trolls find out that I am the whistleblower in this case”.

In internet slang, a troll is someone who sows online discord by starting arguments or upsetting people, often posting inflammatory messages in an online community, or even issuing physical threats.

Marie sought assistance from the Government Accountability Project (GAP) in Washington DC, and has produced boxes of documents and well-researched information that may show that the people harassing BP’s critics online worked for BP or Ogilvy.

“We’d been hearing of this kind of harassment by BP when we were working on our health project [in the Gulf of Mexico], so it sparked our interest,” GAP investigator Shanna Devine told Al Jazeera. “We saw Marie’s documentation of more serious threats made on the BP page, and decided to investigate.”

According to both Marie and Devine, some of the threats began on the page, but then escalated off the page.

Threats included identifying where somebody lived, an internet troll making reference to having a shotgun and making use of it, and “others just being more derogatory”, according to Devine. “We’ve seen all this documentation and that’s why we thought it was worth bringing to the ombudsman’s office of BP, and we told them we thought some of it even warranted calling the police about.”

Death Threats

“We have thousands of documents regarding communications posted through various Facebook websites,” said certified legal investigator Steve Lockman of Levin, Papantonio, Thomas, Mitchell, Rafferty & Proctor. “In addtion, we are in possession of communications between the federal government and the ombudsman’s office of BP regarding the [harassment] Internet communications, and the federal government requesting BP to control the harassment through their Facebook page and their interactions.”

“The harassment communications are not something that BP and their people are not aware of,” Lockman told Al Jazeera. “It’s not a hidden secret that the personal attacks, broadcast abuse, and type-written harassment were happening and continue to go on.”

Marie provided the firm and Al Jazeera with files of complaint letters, computer screenshots of the abuse, and a list of Facebook profiles used by the people who harassed her and others.

According to Marie, the harassment didn’t remain on the BP page. Trolls often followed users to their personal Facebook pages and continued to harass them there.”I was called a lot of names,” Marie added. “I was called a streetwalker and a lot of things like that, and eventually had gun threats.”

“They resorted to very demeaning methods of abuse,” Marie said. “They were racist, sexist, and threatened me and others with legal action and violence. They’ve insinuated that some commenters are ‘child molesters’, and have often used the tactic of mass reporting with the goal of having their targets completely removed from Facebook.”

One troll using the name “Griffin” makes several allusions to gun violence in order to distress and harass users, even going so far as to edit a photo of a BP critic’s pet bird into the crosshairs of a gunsight, before posting the photo online – along with photos of an arsenal of semi-automatic weapons.

Another instance occurred involving “Griffin” and an environmentalist who posted a picture of a rendition of Mother Earth saying “Mother Earth Has Been Waiting for Her Day in Court, BP”. “Griffin” posted a comment to the picture that read, “A few rounds from a .50 cal will stop that b**ch”.

According to Marie, Lockman and GAP, BP’s “astroturfing” efforts and use of “trolls” have been reported as pursuing users’ personal information, then tracking and posting IP addresses of users, contacting their employers, threatening to contact family members, and using photos of critics’ family members to create false Facebook profiles, and even threatening to affect the potential outcome of individual claims.

Marie, along with several other targets of harassment, wrote and sent two letters to BP America, asking the company to respond to the allegations and deal with the matter.  Neither letter received a response, which is why Marie decided to contact GAP, as well as the law firm.

While Marie’s evidence appears to tie Ogilvy and BP together via the trolls, the law firm Lockman works for is investigating further in order to conclusively determine the extent of BP’s involvement.

Spinning the Disaster

Stephen Marino worked for Ogilvy during the BP disaster. BP had been a client of Ogilvy for five years before the spill, and when the disaster occurred, “we were responsible for all the social media for BP during the spill”, Marino said during a lecture he gave at the University of Texas, Austin, on April 19, 2012.

His team, which he called the “digital influence team”, was “responsible for the crisis response”.  Marino told the audience that his job during the BP disaster was to run a ” reputation management campaign ” and gave this specific example of the depths to which Ogilvy worked to maintain a positive appearance for BP:

“We were putting out ads, if you guys remember those ads that came out where it would be Iris in the Gulf of Mexico and she’d be talking about how she grew up there and she wasn’t going to go away,” he explained . “The way we were working with the strategy on that was we would cut the ads one day, we would edit them overnight, we’d air them on Tuesday let’s say, and then we’d look at social media to see what the response was to the ads – and based upon the feedback we were getting on social media, the advertising agency would then go back and re-cut the ads to fix the message to make it resonate more with what the constituents wanted… that was the first key strategy.”

Chris Paulos, an attorney with the firm investigating Marie’s case, believes this is a perfect example of “subversive attempts by corporations to put forward their ideology of what we should think about them, and doing it in a way that is not decipherable to the average person”.

According to Paulos, the public should be concerned about this because we can no longer tell if people online are truly who they say they are, “or are working for a corporation and talking their script to control the dialogue about whatever issue they are addressing”.

“We are in unprecedented times with technology, and [in] the disparity between the power of corporations and autonomous consumers,” Paulos told Al Jazeera. ” Citizens United has basically emboldened corporations with their ability to speak as individuals with First Amendment rights. Ever since that decision, corporations have been outspoken and vigorously protecting themselves while doing it.”

BP’s Response

Billie Garde, BP’s deputy ombudsman, in a letter to the Government Accountability Project dated December 18, 2012, stated clearly that “BP America contracts management of its Facebook page to Ogilvy Public Relations” and added, “Ogilvy manages all of BP America’s social media matters”.

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“According to BP America, Ogilvy has a group of 10 individuals in different time zones that perform comment screening of the page,” wrote Garde.

Interestingly, Garde’s letter addressed the fact that, at that time, according to Ogilvy’s data, 91 percent of all the comments on BP’s Facebook page were considered to be “unsupportive” of BP, while only nine percent were considered “supportive”.  She added that “i n previous years, the number of comments that were ‘unsupportive ‘ of BP was larger than the present 91 per cent “.

Her letter stated that Ogilvy follows a “three strike” policy for all comments, “meaning if they find a comment to be in violation of the commenting policy, they delete the comment and record a ‘strike’ against the user, and three strikes means a user is no longer able to comment on the page. It is also noted that Ogilvy will delete offending comments and send a note to the user indicating the comment was inappropriate”.

Garde added: “BP America has informed our office that Ogilvy strictly adheres to the Commenting Policy as stated on the BP America Facebook page. This policy serves as the guidelines that Ogilvy follows when evaluating the appropriateness of comments. Ogilvy does not evaluate a comment with respect to it being a positive or negative statement towards BP. Likewise, they do not delete any comments based on either of these qualifiers.”

According to Garde, BP America’s Director of Employee Concerns Oversight, Mike Wilson, was apprised of the situation. Wilson was provided examples of harassment and was asked if the examples were reviewed by Ogilvy. “The discussion is ongoing, and Mr Wilson is addressing these specific concerns internally, ” Garde added.

A BP spokesman provided the following statement for Al Jazeera: “The BP America Facebook page, and its moderators, do not endorse or dictate any user activity. All users’ comments and actions are their own. BP created the BP America Facebook page to engage the public in an informative conversation about our ongoing commitment to America and to facilitate constructive dialogue for any and all who wish to participate. No users are compensated for participating in the Facebook community. More information on our commenting policy can be found here .”

Marie, however, staunchly believes that BP is responsible for the pro-BP Facebook trolls.

“I have no doubt that they are, and I’ve found the links between the trolls and their friends who work for BP,” she told Al Jazeera. “The Government Accountability Project, through the inquiry they’re conducting for me, is still trying to find out. But we are being stonewalled on the other end, as far as BP doing some type of an internal investigation into these connections that I’ve uncovered.”

According to Marie, the harassment “almost ceased completely at around the same time GAP received Garde’s letter. I say ‘almost’ because at least two of the people who were involved in the prior harassment are still allowed to comment on BP’s page to this day, and [one of those] was still checking on people’s profiles to obtain their state of residence, and would use this against them on the page.”

“Terroristic Threats”

Lockman’s investigation continues, as do efforts of recovering additional documentation and sifting through information on hand that links the trolls to both BP and Ogilvy as well as other subcontracted companies used by BP as creative storytellers.

“The information we possess regarding Marie’s claims, printed out, fills two file boxes, and that does not include all the DVDs which are currently being duplicated at this time,” Lockman said. “It is an unbelievable amount of documentation that has been developed. This documentation, support materials, and information is coming from several different sources. It is like a spider web and we just got started.”

Al Jazeera asked the firm Lockman works for what the possible legal ramifications would be for the alleged actions of BP and Ogilvy.

“What these guys are doing is bordering on illegal,” Paulos told Al Jazeera. “Marie’s allegations are that these guys have made overt acts beyond what they did online, and it does sound like people who’ve been the victims of these actions believe they are in imminent danger of bodily harm, and that can become the basis for a claim of assault.”

Paulos went on to say that if money were involved, like if the threats made by the trolls were against people who had pending claims against BP, or offered to cease the harassment in exchange for funds or other benefits, “it can become a claim of extortion or fraud, depending on how the money is being used”.

Yet these are not the worst possible crimes.

“They [BP/Ogilvy] are obviously trying to silence folks who are opposed or critical of what they are doing,” Paulos claimed. “But it appears as though it has moved into threats that can be considered terroristic threats depending on the intent behind them, so there are a lot of laws they can be treading on, including stalking, and tortious interference with someone’s businesses. I understand they’ve called the workplaces of people on the websites, and depending on what’s being said that may become actionable under US civil law. So there are a lot of ways they could be breaching the law based on the intent of their communication and how that has been received.” Paulos believes Marie’s case is an example of how corporations such as BP use their money and power to take advantage of a lack of adequate legal regulations over the use of internet trolls and vigorous PR campaigns, and that this should give the general public pause.

“Marie’s story shows that corporations do not refrain from cyber-bullying, and they are doing it in a very aggressive fashion.”

Other Harassment

Linda Hooper Bui, an associate professor of entomology at Louisiana State University, experienced a different form of harassment from BP while working on a study about the impact of the oil disaster on spiders and insects.

“BP was desperately trying to control the science, and that was what I ran into,” Bui told Al Jazeera. According to her, BP’s chief science officer “tried to intimidate me”, and the harassment included BP “bullying my people” who were working in the field with her on her study that revealed how “insects and spiders in the oiled areas were completely decimated”.

While collecting data for the study, Bui and her colleagues regularly ran into problems with BP, she said.

“Local sheriffs working under the auspices of BP, as well as personnel with Wildlife and Fisheries, the US Coast Guard – all of these folks working under BP were preventing us from doing our job,” Bui explained. “We were barred from going into areas to collect data where we had previous data.”

Bui said personnel from the USCG, Fish and Wildlife, and even local sheriffs departments, always accompanied by BP staff, worked to prevent her from entering areas to collect data, confiscated her samples, and “if I’d refused to oblige they would have arrested me” – despite her having state permits to carry out her work.

Bui has also been harassed online, by what she thinks was “a BP troll”, but she remained primarily concerned about what BP was doing to block her science. Her frustration about this prompted her to write an opinion article for The New York Times , titled A Gulf Science Blackout .

That is when she received a call from BP.

“August 24, 2010, at 7:15am the morning my op-ed was published, I received a call from BP’s chief science officer who tried to get me to be quiet,” Bui said. “He said he’d solve my problem, and asked me how much money I needed.”

Bui explained to him she was only interested in being allowed to conduct her studies, and was not interested in working with BP, “that I was publishing science and it involved the entire scientific community”, and she never heard back from him.

She believes her method of dealing with the overall situation was a success. “When somebody starts to mess with me, I publicise it and say: ‘Don ‘ t f**k with me,'” she concluded. “And if you do, I’m going to go very public with it, and that’s what I did.”

BP did not respond to Al Jazeera for comment regarding her specific allegation.

GAP’s Shanna Devine told Al Jazeera she believes the onus is on BP to investigate the possibility that there is a connection between the harassment and Ogilvy and BP employees.

“But so far they’ve taken a very hands-off approach,” she explained. “They’ve not taken responsibility and they are not willing to share information with us. So if it’s through BP’s silence that the public is willing to draw their conclusions, I think that is legitimate.”

Hence, Devine concluded: “The BP America Facebook page is not a safe place to be.”

2013 1120-5aInternet troll “Griffin” here complains to Facebook that “D**” is a troll, making up fabrications about BP. “Griffin” posts a link to “D**”‘s profile page, next to a picture of a gun.

2013 1120-5bA second internet troll, “Ken Smith”, is understood to have taken a photo of “D**”‘s pet bird from the BP critic’s profile, printed it out, superimposed a rifle’s crosshairs upon the image – and shot it several times.

2013 1120-5c“Griffin”‘s profile, using an anonymised portrait, also features images of target practice. It is understood that his message has a threatening tone.

2013 1120-5d“Ken Smith”, who posted the previous image of a BP critic’s pet bird being used as target practice, here posts a picture of his considerable arsenal.

2013 1120-5e“Ken Smith” goes on to call BP critics “haters”, and one in particular a “drunken moron”.

2013 1120-5hOthers leave comments on BP America’s Facebook page supportive of the oil giant, claiming that scientists and others critical of the spill are attention-seeking drug users.

This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.

By DAHR JAMAIL

Dahr Jamail, a journalist for Al Jazeera’s Human Rights Department, is the author of “The Will to Resist: Soldiers Who Refuse to Fight in Iraq and Afghanistan,” (Haymarket Books, 2009), and “Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches From an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq,” (Haymarket Books, 2007). Jamail reported from Iraq for more than a year, as well as from Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Turkey over the last ten years, and has won the Martha Gellhorn Award for Investigative Journalism, among other awards.

Just 90 companies caused two-thirds of man-made global warming emissions (The Guardian)

Chevron, Exxon and BP among companies most responsible for climate change since dawn of industrial age, figures show

, US environment correspondent

theguardian.com, Wednesday 20 November 2013 16.07 GMT

 Sandbag’s report into the emergence of emissions trading in China : carbon pollutionOil, coal and gas companies are contributing to most carbon emissions, causing climate change and some are also funding denial campaigns. Photograph: David Gray/Reuters
The climate crisis of the 21st century has been caused largely by just 90 companies, which between them produced nearly two-thirds of the greenhouse gas emissions generated since the dawning of the industrial age, new research suggests.The companies range from investor-owned firms – household names such as Chevron, Exxon and BP – to state-owned and government-run firms.The analysis, which was welcomed by the former vice-president Al Goreas a “crucial step forward” found that the vast majority of the firms were in the business of producing oil, gas or coal, found the analysis, which has been accepted for publication in the journal Climatic Change.”There are thousands of oil, gas and coal producers in the world,” climate researcher and author Richard Heede at the Climate Accountability Institute in Colorado said. “But the decision makers, the CEOs, or the ministers of coal and oil if you narrow it down to just one person, they could all fit on a Greyhound bus or two.”Half of the estimated emissions were produced just in the past 25 years – well past the date when governments and corporations became aware that rising greenhouse gas emissions from the burning of coal and oil were causing dangerous climate change.Many of the same companies are also sitting on substantial reserves of fossil fuel which – if they are burned – puts the world at even greater risk of dangerous climate change.Climate change experts said the data set was the most ambitious effort so far to hold individual carbon producers, rather than governments, to account.The United Nations climate change panel, the IPCC, warned in September that at current rates the world stood within 30 years of exhausting its “carbon budget” – the amount of carbon dioxide it could emit without going into the danger zone above 2C warming. The former US vice-president and environmental champion, Al Gore, said the new carbon accounting could re-set the debate about allocating blame for the climate crisis.Leaders meeting in Warsaw for the UN climate talks this week clashed repeatedly over which countries bore the burden for solving the climate crisis – historic emitters such as America or Europe or the rising economies of India and China.Gore in his comments said the analysis underlined that it should not fall to governments alone to act on climate change.”This study is a crucial step forward in our understanding of the evolution of the climate crisis. The public and private sectors alike must do what is necessary to stop global warming,” Gore told the Guardian. “Those who are historically responsible for polluting our atmosphere have a clear obligation to be part of the solution.”Between them, the 90 companies on the list of top emitters produced 63% of the cumulative global emissions of industrial carbon dioxide and methane between 1751 to 2010, amounting to about 914 gigatonne CO2 emissions, according to the research. All but seven of the 90 wereenergy companies producing oil, gas and coal. The remaining seven were cement manufacturers.The list of 90 companies included 50 investor-owned firms – mainly oil companies with widely recognised names such as Chevron, Exxon, BP , and Royal Dutch Shell and coal producers such as British Coal Corp, Peabody Energy and BHP Billiton.Some 31 of the companies that made the list were state-owned companies such as Saudi Arabia’s Saudi Aramco, Russia’s Gazprom and Norway’s Statoil.Nine were government run industries, producing mainly coal in countries such as China, the former Soviet Union, North Korea and Poland, the host of this week’s talks.Experts familiar with Heede’s research and the politics of climate change said they hoped the analysis could help break the deadlock in international climate talks.”It seemed like maybe this could break the logjam,” said Naomi Oreskes, professor of the history of science at Harvard. “There are all kinds of countries that have produced a tremendous amount of historical emissions that we do not normally talk about. We do not normally talk about Mexico or Poland or Venezuela. So then it’s not just rich v poor, it is also producers v consumers, and resource rich v resource poor.”Michael Mann, the climate scientist, said he hoped the list would bring greater scrutiny to oil and coal companies’ deployment of their remaining reserves. “What I think could be a game changer here is the potential for clearly fingerprinting the sources of those future emissions,” he said. “It increases the accountability for fossil fuel burning. You can’t burn fossil fuels without the rest of the world knowing about it.”Others were less optimistic that a more comprehensive accounting of the sources of greenhouse gas emissions would make it easier to achieve the emissions reductions needed to avoid catastrophic climate change.John Ashton, who served as UK’s chief climate change negotiator for six years, suggested that the findings reaffirmed the central role of fossil fuel producing entities in the economy.”The challenge we face is to move in the space of not much more than a generation from a carbon-intensive energy system to a carbonneutral energy system. If we don’t do that we stand no chance of keeping climate change within the 2C threshold,” Ashton said.”By highlighting the way in which a relatively small number of large companies are at the heart of the current carbon-intensive growth model, this report highlights that fundamental challenge.”Meanwhile, Oreskes, who has written extensively about corporate-funded climate denial, noted that several of the top companies on the list had funded the climate denial movement.”For me one of the most interesting things to think about was the overlap of large scale producers and the funding of disinformation campaigns, and how that has delayed action,” she said.The data represents eight years of exhaustive research into carbon emissions over time, as well as the ownership history of the major emitters.The companies’ operations spanned the globe, with company headquarters in 43 different countries. “These entities extract resources from every oil, natural gas and coal province in the world, and process the fuels into marketable products that are sold to consumers on every nation on Earth,” Heede writes in the paper.The largest of the investor-owned companies were responsible for an outsized share of emissions. Nearly 30% of emissions were produced just by the top 20 companies, the research found.By Heede’s calculation, government-run oil and coal companies in the former Soviet Union produced more greenhouse gas emissions than any other entity – just under 8.9% of the total produced over time. China came a close second with its government-run entities accounting for 8.6% of total global emissions.ChevronTexaco was the leading emitter among investor-owned companies, causing 3.5% of greenhouse gas emissions to date, with Exxon not far behind at 3.2%. In third place, BP caused 2.5% of global emissions to date.The historic emissions record was constructed using public records and data from the US department of energy’s Carbon Dioxide Information and Analysis Centre, and took account of emissions all along the supply chain.The centre put global industrial emissions since 1751 at 1,450 gigatonnes.

Selecting Mathematical Models With Greatest Predictive Power: Finding Occam’s Razor in an Era of Information Overload (Science Daily)

Nov. 20, 2013 — How can the actions and reactions of proteins so small or stars so distant they are invisible to the human eye be accurately predicted? How can blurry images be brought into focus and reconstructed?

A new study led by physicist Steve Pressé, Ph.D., of the School of Science at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, shows that there may be a preferred strategy for selecting mathematical models with the greatest predictive power. Picking the best model is about sticking to the simplest line of reasoning, according to Pressé. His paper explaining his theory is published online this month in Physical Review Letters.

“Building mathematical models from observation is challenging, especially when there is, as is quite common, a ton of noisy data available,” said Pressé, an assistant professor of physics who specializes in statistical physics. “There are many models out there that may fit the data we do have. How do you pick the most effective model to ensure accurate predictions? Our study guides us towards a specific mathematical statement of Occam’s razor.”

Occam’s razor is an oft cited 14th century adage that “plurality should not be posited without necessity” sometimes translated as “entities should not be multiplied unnecessarily.” Today it is interpreted as meaning that all things being equal, the simpler theory is more likely to be correct.

A principle for picking the simplest model to answer complex questions of science and nature, originally postulated in the 19th century by Austrian physicist Ludwig Boltzmann, had been embraced by the physics community throughout the world. Then, in 1998, an alternative strategy for picking models was developed by Brazilian Constantino Tsallis. This strategy has been widely used in business (such as in option pricing and for modeling stock swings) as well as scientific applications (such as for evaluating population distributions). The new study finds that Boltzmann’s strategy, not the 20th century alternative, assures that the models picked are the simplest and most consistent with data.

“For almost three decades in physics we have had two main competing strategies for picking the best model. We needed some resolution,” Pressé said. “Even as simple an experiment as flipping a coin or as complex an enterprise as understanding functions of proteins or groups of proteins in human disease need a model to describe them. Simply put, we need one Occam’s razor, not two, when selecting models.”

In addition to Pressé, co-authors of “Nonadditive entropies yield probability distributions with biases not warranted by the data” are Kingshuk Ghosh of the University of Denver, Julian Lee of Soongsil University, and Ken A. Dill of Stony Brook University.

Pressé is also the first author of a companion paper, “Principles of maximum entropy and maximum caliber in statistical physics” published in the July-September issue of the Reviews of Modern Physics.

Um balanço da primeira semana da COP19 (Vitae Civilis)

Ambiente
18/11/2013 – 09h10

por Délcio Rodrigues e Silvia Dias*

cop19 ecod 300x183 Um balanço da primeira semana da COP19

Ao fim da primeira semana da CoP19, a sensação de dejá vú é inevitável. Mais uma vez, o negociador filipino foi o responsável pelo discurso mais emocionante. Mais uma vez, o Germanwatch divulga que os países pobres são os mais vulneráveis aos eventos climáticos extremos. Mais uma vez, aliás, temos um evento climático vitimando milhares de pessoas enquanto acontece a conferência. Mais uma vez, temos a divulgação de que estamos vivendo os anos mais quentes da história recente do planeta, de que a quantidade de gases causadores do efeito estufa na atmosfera já está em níveis alarmantes, de que o certo seria deixar as reservas de combustíveis fósseis intocadas…

Mesmo o novo relatório do IPCC chega com um certo gosto de notícia velha. Pois apesar da maior gama de detalhes e da maior certeza científica, basicamente o AR5 confirma que estamos seguindo em uma trajetória que esgotará já em 2030 todo o carbono que poderemos queimar neste século sem alterar perigosamente o clima do planeta. Da mesma forma, a Agência Internacional de Energia (IEA) confirma o exposto por uma forte campanha feita na CoP18 contra os subsídios aos combustíveis fósseis. Segundo a IEA, os governos gastaram US$ 523 bilhões em subsídios aos combustíveis fósseis em 2011 – uma completa inversão de prioridades, do ponto de vista da mudança climática: para cada US$ 1 em apoio às energias renováveis​​, outros US$ 6 estão promovendo combustíveis intensivos em carbono. Parte dos subsídios aos combustíveis fósseis estão acontecendo em países emergentes e em desenvolvimento, haja vista os subsídios à gasolina impostos pelo governo brasileiro à Petrobrás. Mas talvez sejam mais importantes nos países ricos. Pesquisa do Overseas Development Institute, do Reino Unido, mostrou que os subsídios ao consumo de combustíveis fósseis em 11 países da OCDE alcançam o total de US$ 72 bilhões dólares, ou cerca de US$ 112 por habitante adulto destes países.

Essa perversidade econômica estrangula, no nascimento, as inovações tecnológicas que podem contribuir para evitarmos a colisão iminente entre a economia global (e o seu sistema energético) e os limites ecológicos do nosso planeta. Os recentes desenvolvimentos em energia eólica, solar, bio-combustíveis , geotermia, marés, células de combustível e eficiência energética estão aumentando as possibilidades de construção de um cenário energético de baixo carbono. Além de poderem afastar a crise climática, estas tecnologias poderiam abrir novas oportunidades de investimento, fornecer energia a preços acessíveis e sustentar o crescimento. Mas este potencial somente será realizado se os governos perseguirem ativamente políticas industriais sustentáveis. É necessário alinhar o objetivo de mitigação da crise climática com desincentivos para as fontes de energia intensivas em carbono por meio de impostos e apoio a alternativas sustentáveis.

O fim dos subsídios aos combustíveis fósseis precisa ser acompanhado por políticas que favoreçam a transferência de tecnologias limpas. Não podemos deixar de lado o exemplo da China, da Índia e também do Brasil, para onde multinacionais historicamente enviam plataformas de produção sujas e energo-intensivas. Infelizmente, as negociações sobre tecnologia estão entre as mais emperradas – tanto no formato anterior, estabelecido pelo Caminho de Bali, como agora, na chamada Plataforma Durban. Simultaneamente, tomamos conhecimento, pelo WikiLeaks, da Parceria Trans-Pacífica (TPP) referente a patentes e proteção intelectual – acordo que vem sendo negociado secretamente entre líderes de 12 países que concentram 40% do PIB e um terço do comércio global e que visa impor medidas mais agressivas para coibir a quebra de propriedade intelectual.

A discrepância entre o que a ciência recomenda e o que os governos estão promovendo permanece, independente do formato das negociações climáticas. Saímos dos dois trilhos estabelecidos em Bali para a Plataforma Durban, mas os compromissos financeiros ou metas mais agressivas de mitigação não vieram. Na primeira semana da CoP19, os discursos dos negociadores reviveram posicionamentos arcaicos e obstrutivos ao processo. Sim, é certo que já sabíamos que esta não seria uma conferência de grandes resultados. Mas o fato é que os bad guys resolveram ser realmente bad sob a condução complacente de uma presidência que não se constrange em explicitar sua conduta em prol do carvão e demais combustíveis fósseis. Tanto que a Rússia abriu mão de atravancar o processo, guardando suas queixas sobre o processo da UNFCCC para outra ocasião.

Esta outra ocasião pode ser a CoP20, no Peru, para onde as esperanças de negociações mais produtivas se voltam. Antes, porém, haverá a cúpula de Ban Ki Moon, para a qual as lideranças dos países estão convidadas. O objetivo é gerar a sensibilidade política que faltou em Copenhague e tentar definir metas antes da reta derradeira do acordo, em Paris. Esse encontro deve ser precedido e seguido de várias reuniões interseccionais para que os delegados avancem na costura do acordo e para que os itens críticos, como metas de mitigação e financiamento, comecem a adquirir contornos mais concretos.

Em outras palavras, uma agenda consistente de reuniões e o compromisso para apresentar metas no ano que vem são o melhor resultado que podemos esperar de uma conferência que corre o risco de entrar para a História como a CoP do carvão.

Délcio Rodrigues é especialista em Mudanças Climáticas do Vitae Civilis. Silvia Dias, membro do Conselho Deliberativo do Vitae Civilis, acompanha as negociações climáticas desde 2009.

Crops, Towns, Government (London Review of Books)

Vol. 35 No. 22 · 21 November 2013
pages 13-15 | 3981 words

James C. Scott

The World until Yesterday: What Can We Learn from Traditional Societies? by Jared DiamondPenguin, 498 pp, £8.99, September, ISBN 978 0 14 102448 6

 

It’s a good bet a culture is in trouble when its best-known intellectuals start ransacking the cultural inventory of its ancestors and its contemporary inferiors for tips on how to live. The malaise is all the more remarkable when the culture in question is the modern American variant of Enlightenment rationalism and progress, a creed not known for self-doubt or failures of nerve. The deeper the trouble, the more we are seen to have lost our way, the further we must go spatially and temporally to find the cultural models that will help us. In the stronger versions of this quest, there is either a place – a Shangri-la – or a time, a Golden Age, that promises to reset our compass to true north. Anthropology and history implicitly promise to provide such models. Anthropology can show us radically different and satisfying forms of human affiliation and co-operation that do not depend on the nuclear family or inherited wealth. History can show that the social and political arrangements we take for granted are the contingent result of a unique historical conjuncture.

Jared Diamond, ornithologist, evolutionary biologist and geographer, is best known as the author of Guns, Germs and Steel: A Short History of Everybody for the Last 13,000 Years, one of the most influential accounts of how most of us came to live in places with huge concentrations of people, grain and domesticated animals, and how this helped create the world of massive inequalities and disparate life chances with which we now live. Diamond’s was not a simple, self-congratulatory ‘rise of the West’ story, telling how some peoples and cultures showed themselves to be essentially cleverer, braver or more rational than others. Instead, he demonstrated the importance of impersonal environmental forces: plants and herd animals amenable to domestication, pathogens, a favourable climate and geography that aided the rise of early states in the Fertile Crescent and the Mediterranean. These initial advantages were compounded by interstate competition in metallurgy for armaments and navigational devices. His argument was much praised for its bold and original synthesis, and much criticised by historians and anthropologists for reducing the arc of human history to a handful of environmental conditions. There was no denying, however, that Diamond’s simple quasi-Darwinian view of human selection was ‘good to think with’.

The subtitle of his new foray into deep history, ‘What Can We Learn from Traditional Societies?’, suggests, without a trace of irony, that it might be more at home in the self-help section of the bookstore. By ‘traditional societies’, he by and large means hunting and gathering and small horticultural societies that have survived into the modern world in the marginal and stingy environments into which states have pushed them. They span the globe, but Diamond draws his principal examples from New Guinea and Australia, where his bird-watching interests lie, and from the findings of studies of hunter-gatherer societies (the Hadza and !Kung of Africa, the Piraha, Siriono and Yanomamo of Latin America) that fit best with his argument.

What could these historical relics possibly teach the wired, hyper-modernist residents of Diamond’s home village of Los Angeles? The question is not so preposterous. As he explains, Homo sapiens has been around for roughly 200,000 years and left Africa not much earlier than 50,000 years ago. The first fragmentary evidence for domesticated crops occurs roughly 11,000 years ago and the first grain statelets around 5000 years ago, though they were initially insignificant in a global population of perhaps eight million. More than 97 per cent of human experience, in other words, lies outside the grain-based nation-states in which virtually all of us now live. ‘Until yesterday’, our diet had not been narrowed to the three major grains that today constitute 50 to 60 per cent of the world’s caloric intake: rice, wheat and maize. The circumstances we take for granted are, in fact, of even more recent vintage than Diamond supposes. Before, say, 1500, most populations had a sporting chance of remaining out of the clutches of states and empires, which were still relatively weak and, given low rates of urbanisation and forest clearance, still had access to foraged foods. On this account, our world of grains and states is a mere blink of the eye (0.25 per cent), in the historical adventure of our species.

Why, Diamond asks, should we not plumb this vast historical record of human experience for what it might teach our WEIRD – ‘Western, educated, industrialised, rich and democratic’ – societies? Though they are the most thoroughly studied of societies, they are totally unrepresentative. If we wish to generalise about human nature, not to mention the history of human experience, we must, he argues, cast our net more widely.

Traditional societies in effect represent thousands of natural experiments in how to construct a human society. They have come up with thousands of solutions to human problems, solutions different from those adopted by our own WEIRD modern societies. We shall see that some of these solutions – for instance, some of the ways in which traditional societies raise their children, treat their elderly, remain healthy, talk, spend their leisure time and settle disputes – may strike you, as they do me, as superior to normal practices in the First World.

The lens through which Diamond, an unrelenting environmental biologist, sees the world affords striking insights but there are still massive blind spots. His discussion of languages, for example, is both passionate and convincing, as one might expect from a scholar whose New Guinea field site is home to roughly a thousand of Earth’s seven thousand languages. Aside from the ‘nine giants’ (Mandarin, Spanish, English, Arabic, Hindi, Bengali, Portuguese, Russian and Japanese), each with more than a hundred million speakers, the rest have on average only a few thousand speakers and a great many have far fewer. The ‘giants’ create vast heartland zones of monolingual citizens within which minor languages are exterminated. Inasmuch as language ‘speciation’ depends largely on dispersal and isolation, the contemporary processes of concentration and cultural homogenisation militate against the development of new languages and the survival of those already endangered. Half of the roughly 250 Australian languages are extinct, one third of the hundreds of Native American languages spoken in 1492 have disappeared and another third are unlikely to survive another generation. Each heartland of a ‘giant’ language is the graveyard of the languages it has overwhelmed.

The commonest contemporary cause of death is cultural and economic engulfment: the majority language so dominates the public sphere, media, schools and government that mastering it is the sole route to employment, social status and cultural citizenship. Diamond pauses to consider the argument that the consolidation of languages might be a fine thing. After all, eliminating language barriers makes for better mutual understanding. Why would one prefer a world in which hill peoples navigate through a linguistic thicket in which they must operate in five or more languages, as his informants do in the New Guinea Highlands?

Here, Diamond, as evolutionary biologist, has two choices. He could claim that the extinction of languages is the process of natural selection at work, just as the scientific racists of the late 19th century claimed that the extermination of backward tribal peoples like the Herero was a tragic but inevitable result of the expansion of superior races. But instead, he takes up a position not unlike that held by E.O. Wilson on the disappearance of species. He argues that just as natural diversity is a treasury of variation and resilience, so linguistic diversity represents a cultural treasury of expression, thought-ways and cosmology that, once lost, is gone for ever.

Literature, culture and much knowledge are encoded in languages: lose the language and you lose much of the literature, culture and knowledge … Traditional peoples have local-language names for hundreds of animal and plant species around them; those encyclopedias of ethnobiological information vanish when their languages vanish … Tribal peoples also have their own oral literatures, and losses of those literatures also represent losses to humanity.

It is undeniable that we are in danger of irrecoverably losing a large part of mankind’s cultural, linguistic and aesthetic heritage from the effects of ‘steamroller’ languages and states. But what a disappointment it is, after nearly five hundred pages of anecdotes, assertions, snippets of scientific studies, observations, detours into the evolution of religion, reports of near-death experiences – Diamond can be a gripping storyteller – to hear the lessons he has distilled for us. We should learn more languages; we should practise more intimate and permissive child-rearing; we should spend more time socialising and talking face to face; we should utilise the wisdom and knowledge of our elders; we should learn to assess the dangers in our environment more realistically. And, when it comes to daily health tips, you have to imagine Diamond putting on his white coat and stethoscope as he recommends ‘not smoking; exercising regularly; limiting our intake of total calories, alcohol, salt and salty foods, sugar and sugared soft drinks, saturated and trans fats, processed foods, butter, cream and red meat; and increasing our intake of fibre, fruits and vegetables, calcium and complex carbohydrates. Another simple change is to eat more slowly.’ Perhaps wary of resistance to a fully fledged hunter-gatherer diet, he recommends the Mediterranean diet. Those who have trekked all this way with him, through the history of the species and the New Guinea Highlands, must have expected something more substantial awaiting them at the end of the trail.

*

What were our ancestors like before the domestication of plants and animals, before sedentary village life, before the earliest towns and states? That is the question Diamond sets himself to answer. In doing so, he faces nearly insurmountable obstacles. Until quite recently, archaeology recorded our history as a species in relation to the concentration of debris (middens, building rubble, traces of irrigation canals, walls, fossilised faeces etc) we left behind. Hunter-gatherers were typically mobile and spread their largely biodegradable debris widely; we don’t often find their temporary habitats, which were often in caves or beside rivers or the sea, and the vast majority of such sites have been lost to history. When we do find them, they can tell us something about their inhabitants’ diet, cooking methods, bodily adornment, trade goods, weapons, diseases, local climate and occasionally even causes of death, but not much else. How to infer from this scant evidence our ancestors’ family structure and social organisation, their patterns of co-operation and conflict, let alone their ethics and cosmology?

It is here that Diamond makes his fundamental mistake. He imagines he can triangulate his way to the deep past by assuming that contemporary hunter-gatherer societies are ‘our living ancestors’, that they show what we were like before we discovered crops, towns and government. This assumption rests on the indefensible premise that contemporary hunter-gatherer societies are survivals, museum exhibits of the way life was lived for the entirety of human history ‘until yesterday’ – preserved in amber for our examination.

In the unique case of Highland New Guinea, which was apparently isolated from coastal trade and the outside world until World War Two, Diamond might be forgiven for making this inference, though the people of New Guinea have had exactly the same amount of time to adapt and evolve as homo americanus and they managed somehow to get hold of the sweet potato, which originated in South America. The inference of pristine isolation, however, is completely unwarranted for virtually all of the other 35 societies he canvasses. Those societies have, for the last five thousand years, been deeply involved in a world of trade, states and empires and are often now found in undesirable marginal areas to which they have been pushed by more powerful societies. The anthropologist Pierre Clastres argued that the Yanomamo and Siriono, two of Diamond’s prime examples, were originally sedentary cultivators who turned to foraging in order to escape the forced labour and disease associated with Spanish settlements. Like almost all the groups Diamond considers, they have been trading with outside kingdoms and states (and raiding them) for much of the past three thousand years; their beliefs and practices have been shaped by contact, trade goods, travel and intermarriage. So thoroughly have they come to live in a world of powerful kingdoms and states that one might call these societies themselves a ‘state effect’. That is, their location in the landscape is designed to help them evade or trade with larger societies. They forage forest and marine products desired by urban societies; many groups are ‘twinned’ with neighbouring societies, through which they manage their trade and relationship to the larger world.

Contemporary foraging societies, far from being untouched examples of our deep past, are up to their necks in the ‘civilised world’. Those available for Diamond’s inspection are, one might argue, precisely the most successful examples, showing how some hunter-gatherer societies have avoided extinction and assimilation by creatively adapting to the changing world. Taken together, they might make for an interesting study of adaptation, but they are useless as a metric to tell us what our remote ancestors were like. Even their designations – Yanomamo, !Kung, Ainu – convey a false sense of genealogical and genetic continuity, vastly understating the fluidity of these groups’ ethnic boundaries.

Diamond is convinced that violent revenge is the besetting plague of hunter-gatherer societies and, by extension, of our pre-state ancestors. Having chosen some rather bellicose societies (the Dani, the Yanomamo) as illustrations, and larded his account with anecdotal evidence from informants, he reaches the same conclusion as Steven Pinker in The Better Angels of Our Nature: we know, on the basis of certain contemporary hunter-gatherers, that our ancestors were violent and homicidal and that they have only recently (very recently in Pinker’s account) been pacified and civilised by the state. Life without the state is nasty, brutish and short. Though Hobbes is not directly invoked, his gloomy view of savage life without a sovereign infuses Diamond’s narrative. ‘First and foremost, a fundamental problem of virtually all small-scale societies is that, because they lack a central political authority exerting a monopoly of retaliatory force, they are unable to prevent recalcitrant members from injuring other members, and also unable to prevent aggrieved members from taking matters into their own hands and seeking to achieve their goals by violence. But violence invites counter-violence.’

*

In a passage that recapitulates the fable of the social contract, Diamond implies that it was explicitly to end this violence that subjects agreed to found a sovereign power that would guarantee peace and order by restraining their habits of violence and revenge.

Maintenance of peace within a society is one of the most important services that a state can provide. That service goes a long way towards explaining the apparent paradox that, since the rise of the first state governments in the Fertile Crescent about 5400 years ago, people have more or less willingly (not just under duress) surrendered some of their individual freedoms, accepted the authority of state governments, paid taxes and supported a comfortable individual lifestyle for the state’s leaders and officials.

Two fatal objections come immediately to mind. First, it does not follow that the state, by curtailing ‘private’ violence, reduces the total amount of violence. As Norbert Elias pointed out more than half a century ago in The Civilising Process, what the state does is to centralise and monopolise violence in its own hands, a fact that Diamond, coming as he does from a nation that has initiated several wars in recent decades and a state (California) that has a prison population of roughly 120,000 – most of them non-violent offenders – should appreciate.

Second, Hobbes’s fable at least has nominally equal contractants agreeing to establish a sovereign for their mutual safety. That is hard to reconcile with the fact that all ancient states without exception were slave states. The proportion of slaves seldom dropped below 30 per cent of the population in early states, reaching 50 per cent in early South-East Asia (and in Athens and Sparta as much as 70 and 86 per cent). War captives, conquered peoples, slaves purchased from slave raiders and traders, debt bondsmen, criminals and captive artisans – all these people were held under duress, as the frequency of state collapse, revolt and flight attests. As either a theory or a historical account of state-formation, Diamond’s story makes no sense.

The straw man in his argument is that contemporary hunter-gatherer societies are oases of peace, co-operation and order. Of course they are not. The question, rather, is how violent they are compared to state-societies and what are the causes of the violence that does exist. There is, contra Diamond, a strong case that might be made for the relative non-violence and physical well-being of contemporary hunters and gatherers when compared with the early agrarian states. Non-state peoples have many techniques for avoiding bloodshed and revenge killings: the payment of compensation or Weregild, arranged truces (‘burying the hatchet’), marriage alliances, flight to the open frontier, outcasting or handing over a culprit who started the trouble. Diamond does not seem to appreciate the strong social forces mobilised by kinsmen to restrain anyone contemplating a hasty and violent act that will expose all of them to danger. These practices are examined by many of the ethnographers who have carried out intensive fieldwork in the New Guinea Highlands (for example by Edward L. Schieffelin in The Sorrow of the Lonely and the Burning of the Dancers, Marilyn Strathern inWomen in Between, and Andrew Strathern and Pamela Stewart’s work on compensation), but they make no dent in Diamond’s one-dimensional view of the desire for revenge.

On the other side of the ledger, when it comes to violence in early agrarian states, one must weigh rebellion, war and systematic violence against slaves and women (as a rule of thumb, agrarian states everywhere created patriarchal property regimes which reduced the status and freedom of women) against ‘tribal conflicts’. We also know, and Diamond notes, that hunter-gatherers even today have healthier diets and far fewer communicable diseases. Believing, against the evidence, that hunters and gatherers live in daily fear of starvation, he fails to note that they also work far less hard and thus have far more leisure. Marshall Sahlins called hunter-gatherers, even when relegated to the most undesirable environments, ‘the original affluent society’. It’s hard to imagine Diamond’s primitives giving up their physical freedom, their varied diet, their egalitarian social structure, their relative freedom from famine, large-scale state wars, taxes and systematic subordination in exchange for what Diamond imagines to be ‘the king’s peace’. Reading his account one can get the impression that the choice facing hunters and gatherers was one between their world and, say, the modern Danish welfare state. In practice, their option was to trade what they had for subjecthood in the early agrarian state.

No matter how one defines violence and warfare in existing hunter-gatherer societies, the greater part of it by far can be shown to be an effect of the perils and opportunities represented by a world of states. A great deal of the warfare among the Yanomamo was, in this sense, initiated to monopolise key commodities on the trade routes to commercial outlets (see, for example, R. Brian Ferguson’s Yanomami Warfare: A Political History, a strong antidote to the pseudo-scientific account of Napoleon Chagnon on which Diamond relies heavily). Much of the conflict among Celtic and Germanic peoples on the fringes of Imperial Rome was essentially commercial war as groups jockeyed for access to Roman markets. The unprecedented riches conjured by the ivory trade in the late 19th century set off hundreds of wars among Africans for whom tusks were the currency that purchased muskets, power and trade goods. Borneo/Kalimantan was originally settled more than a millennium ago, it is now believed, by Austronesians who regarded it as an ideal foraging ground for the Chinese luxury market in feathers, camphor wood, tortoiseshell, bezoar stones, hornbill and rhinoceros ivory, and edible birds’ nests. They were there for trade, and that meant conflict over the most profitable sites for foraging and exchange. It would be impossible to understand intertribal warfare in colonial North America without considering the competition for fur trade profits that allowed the winners to buy firearms and allies, and to dominate their rivals.

In the world of states, hunter-gatherers and nomads, one commodity alone dominated all others: people, aka slaves. What agrarian states needed above all else was manpower to cultivate their fields, build their monuments, man their armies and bear and raise their children. With few exceptions, the epidemiological conditions in cities until very recently were so devastating that they could grow only by adding new populations from their hinterlands. They did this in two ways. They took captives in wars: most South-East Asian early state chronicles gauge the success of a war by the number of captives marched back to the capital and resettled there. The Athenians and Spartans might kill the men of a defeated city and burn its crops, but they virtually always brought back the women and children as slaves. And they bought slaves: a slave merchant caravan trailed every Roman war scooping up the slaves it inevitably produced.

The fact is that slaving was at the very centre of state-making. It is impossible to exaggerate the massive effects of this human commodity on stateless societies. Wars between states became a kind of booty capitalism, where the major prize was human traffic. The slave trade then completely transformed the non-state ‘tribal zone’. Some groups specialised in slave-raiding, mounting expeditions against weaker and more isolated groups and then selling them to intermediaries or directly at slave markets. The oldest members of highland groups in Laos, Thailand, Malaysia and Burma can recall their parents’ and grandparents’ memories of slave raids. The fortified, hilltop villages, with thorny, twisting and hidden approaches that early colonists found in parts of South-East Asia and Africa were largely a response to the slave trade.

There is plenty of violence in the world of hunter-gatherers, though it is hardly illuminated by resorting to statistical comparisons between the mortality rates of a tiny tribal war in Kalimantan and the Battle of the Somme or the Holocaust. This violence, however, is almost entirely a state-effect. It simply cannot be understood historically from 4000 BC forward apart from the appetite of states for trade goods, slaves and precious ores, any more than the contemporary threat to remote indigenous groups can be understood apart from the appetite of capitalism and the modern state for rare minerals, hydroelectric sites, plantation crops and timber on the lands of these peoples. Papua New Guinea is today the scene of a particularly violent race for minerals, aided by states and their militias and, as Stuart Kirsch’s Mining Capitalismshows, its indigenous politics can be understood only in this context. Contemporary hunter-gatherer life can tell us a great deal about the world of states and empires but it can tell us nothing at all about our prehistory. We have virtually no credible evidence about the world until yesterday and, until we do, the only defensible intellectual position is to shut up.

Climate change pledges: rich nations face fury over moves to renege (The Guardian)

Typhoon Haiyan raises fear over global warming threat as Philippines leads attack on eve of key talks

 in Warsaw

The Observer, Sunday 17 November 2013

Typhoon Haiyan

Survivors of Typhoon Haiyan form a queue to receive relief goods at a devasted coastal area in Leyte. Photograph: Dondi Tawatao/Getty Images

Developing nations have launched an impassioned attack on the failure of the world’s richest countries to live up to their climate change pledges in the wake of the disaster in the Philippines.

With more than 3,600 people now believed to have been killed byTyphoon Haiyan, moves by several major economies to backtrack on commitments over carbon emissions have put the world’s poorest and most wealthy states on a collision course, on the eve of crucial high-level talks at a summit of world powers.

Yeb Sano, the Philippines’ lead negotiator at the UN climate change summit being held this weekend in Warsaw, spoke of a major breakdown in relations overshadowing the crucial talks, which are due to pave the way for a 2015 deal to bring down global emissions.

The diplomat, on the sixth day of a hunger strike in solidarity for those affected by Haiyan, including his own family, told the Observer: “We are very concerned. Public announcements from some countries about lowering targets are not conducive to building trust. We must acknowledge the new climate reality and put forward a new system to help us manage the risks and deal with the losses to which we cannot adjust.”

Munjurul Hannan Khan, representing the world’s 47 least affluent countries, said: “They are behaving irrationally and unacceptably. The way they are talking to the most vulnerable countries is not acceptable. Today the poor are suffering from climate change. But tomorrow the rich countries will be. It starts with us but it goes to them.”

Recent decisions by the governments of AustraliaJapan and Canada to downgrade their efforts over climate change have caused panic among those states most affected by global warming, who fear others will follow as they rearrange their priorities during the downturn.

In the last few days, Japan has announced it will backtrack on its pledge to reduce its emission cuts from 25% to 3.8% by 2020 on the basis that it had to close its nuclear reactors after the 2011 earthquake and tsunami.

Australia, which is not sending a minister to this weekend’s talks,signalled it may weaken its targets and is repealing domestic carbon lawsfollowing the election of a conservative government.

Canada has pulled out of the Kyoto accord, which committed major industrial economies to reducing their annual CO2 emissions to below 1990 levels.

China’s lead negotiator at the Warsaw talks, Su Wei, said: “I do not have any words to describe my dismay at Japan’s decision.” He criticised Europe for showing a lack of ambition to cut emissions further, adding: “They talk about ratcheting up ambition, but rather they would have to ratchet up to ambition from zero ambition.”

When the highest-level talks start at the summit on Monday, due to be attended by representatives from 195 countries, including energy secretary Ed Davey, the developing world will seek confirmation from states such as Britain that they will not follow the path of Japan and others. David Cameron’s comments this weekend in which he backed carbon emission cuts and suggested that there was growing evidence of a link between manmade climate change and disasters such as Typhoon Haiyan, will inevitably be used to pressure others to offer similar assurances.

The developing world also wants the rich western nations to commit to establishing a compensation scheme for future extreme weather events, as the impact of global warming is increasingly felt. And they want firm signals that rich countries intend to find at least $100bn a year by 2020 to help them to adapt their countries to severe climate extremes.

China and 132 nations that are part of the G77 block of developing countries have expressed dismay that rich countries had refused to discuss a proposal for scientists to calculate emissions since the start of the Industrial Revolution.

Ambassador Jose Antonio Marcondes de Carvalho of Brazil, who initially proposed the talks, said: “We were shocked, very much surprised by their rejection and dismissal. It is puzzling. We need to understand why they have rejected it.

“Developing countries are doing vastly more to reduce their emissions than Annexe 1 [rich] countries.”

Members of the Disaster Emergencies Committee, which co-ordinates British aid efforts, also warned leaders that the disaster offers a glimpse of the future if urgent action is not taken.

Aid agencies including Christian Aid, Cafod, Care International, Oxfam and Tearfund said ministers meeting in the Polish capital must act urgently because climate change is likely to make such extreme weather events more common in the future, putting millions more lives at risk.

A Climate-Change Victory (Slate)

If global warming is slowing, thank the Montreal Protocol.

By 

An aerosol spray can.

No CFCs, please. (Photo by iStock)

Climate deniers like to point to the so-called global warming “hiatus” as evidence that humans aren’t changing the climate. But according a new study, exactly the opposite is true: The recent slowdown in global temperature increases is partially the result of one of the few successful international crackdowns on greenhouse gases.

Back in 1988, more than 40 countries, including the United States, signed the Montreal Protocol, an agreement to phase out the use of ozone-depleting gases like chlorofluorocarbons. (Today the protocol has nearly 200 signatories.) According to the Environmental Protection Agency, CFC emissions are down 90 percent since the protocol, a drop that the agency calls “one of the largest reductions to date in global greenhouse gas emissions.” That’s a blessing for the ozone layer, but also for the climate. CFCs are a potent heat-trapping gas, and a new analysis published in Nature Geoscience finds that slashing them has been a major driver of the much-discussed slowdown in global warming.

Without the protocol, environmental economist Francisco Estrada of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México reports, global temperatures today would be about a tenth of a degree Celsius higher than they are. That’s roughly an eighth of the total warming documented since 1880.

Estrada and his co-authors compared global temperature and greenhouse gas emissions records over the last century and found that breaks in the steady upward march of both coincided closely. At times when emissions leveled off or dropped, such as during the Great Depression, the trend was mirrored in temperatures; likewise for when emissions climbed.

“With these breaks, what’s interesting is that when they’re common that’s pretty indicative of causation,” said Pierre Perron, a Boston University economist who developed the custom-built statistical tests used in the study.

The findings put a new spin on investigation into the cause of the recent “hiatus.” Scientists have suggested that several temporary natural phenomena, including thedeep ocean sucking up more heat, are responsible for this slowdown. Estrada says his findings show that a recent reduction in heat-trapping CFCs as a result of the Montreal Protocol has also played an important role.

“Paradoxically, the recent decrease in warming, presented by global warming skeptics as proof that humankind cannot affect the climate system, is shown to have a direct human origin,” Estrada writes in the study.

The chart below, from a column accompanying the study, illustrates that impact. The solid blue line shows the amount of warming relative to pre-industrial levels attributed to CFCs and other gases regulated by the Montreal Protocol; the dashed blue line is an extrapolation of what the level would be without the agreement. Green represents warming from methane; Estrada suggests that leveling out may be the result of improved farming practices in Asia. The diamonds are annual global temperature averages, with the red line fitted to them. The dashed red line represents Estrada’s projection of where global temperature would be without these recent mitigation efforts.

131115_CDESK_chart

Courtesy of Francisco Estrada via Mother Jones

Estrada said his study doesn’t undermine the commonly accepted view among climate scientists that the global warming effect of greenhouse gases can take years or decades to fully manifest. Even if we cut off all emissions today, we’d still very likely see warming into the future, thanks to the long shelf life of carbon dioxide, the principal climate-change culprit. The study doesn’t let CO2 off the hook: The reduction in warming would likely have been even greater if CO2 had leveled off as much as CFCs and methane. Instead, Estrada said, it has increased 20 percent since the protocol was signed.

Still, the study makes clear that efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions—like arecent international plan to phase out hydrofluorocarbons, a group of cousin chemicals to CFCs that are used in air conditioners and refrigerators, and the Obama administration’s move this year to impose strict new limits on emissions from power plants—can have a big payoff.

“The Montreal Protocol was really successful,” Estrada said. And as policymakers and climate scientists gather in Warsaw, Poland, for the latest U.N. climate summit next week, “this shows that international agreements can really work.”

Oldest Clam Consternation Overblown (National Geographic)

A photo of ming the clam.

Shell valves from a specimen of Arctica islandica that was found to have lived for approximately 507 years are pictured here. The creature’s death has generated some consternation about marine researchers that looks a bit overblown.

PHOTOGRAPH COURTESY BANGOR UNIVERSITY

Samantha Larson

for National Geographic

PUBLISHED NOVEMBER 16, 2013

Consternation over the death of the world’s oldest-recorded animal, a 507-year-old clam nicknamed Ming, has earned marine researchers unhappy headlinesworldwide.

But a closer look at the story—”Clam-gate,” as the BBC called it—finds the tempest over Ming a bit overblown. (Also see “Clams: Not Just for Chowder.”)

News of the clam’s death, first noted in 2007, took on a life of its own this week after researchers led by James Scourse, from the United Kingdom’s Bangor University, reanalyzed its age and announced the 507-year estimate.

Contrary to news reports, the researchers say they did not kill the elderly clam for the ironic-seeming purpose of finding out its age.

“This particular animal was one of about 200 that were collected live from the Icelandic shelf in 2006,” explains climate scientist Paul Butlerfrom the same U.K. university, who, along with Scourse, dredged up the clam as part of a research project to investigate climate change over the past thousand years.

All 200 clams were killed when they were frozen on board to take them home. They didn’t find out how old Ming was until they were back in the lab and looked at its shell under a microscope.

Ming Dynasty Survivor

When Ming first made headlines in 2007, the researchers said they thought it was about 405 years old, earning it even then the title of the oldest-known animal.

After the more recent reanalysis, they realized that the bivalve was even more impressive than they had thought.

In the year Ming was born, Leonardo da Vinci was at work on the “Mona Lisa,” the first recorded epidemic of smallpox hit the New World, and the Ming dynasty ruled China (hence the name). Ming was 52 years old when Queen Elizabeth I took the throne.

Clam Age Counting

The researchers determined Ming’s age by counting the number of bands in its shell. This type of clam, the ocean quahog, grows a new band every year. (Also see “Giant Clam.”)

The 100-year age discrepancy resulted from the 2007 analysis examining a part of Ming’s shell where some of the bands were so narrow they couldn’t be separated from each other.

Scourse, a marine geologist, says that the new age has been verified against radiocarbon dating and is “pretty much without error.”

Clams Don’t Carry Birth Certificates

When Scourse and Butler dredged up the live clam, they had what appeared to be an everyday quahog, an animal that could fit into the palm of their hand.

As Madelyn Mette, a Ph.D. student at Iowa State University in Ames who also studies these clams, explains, “Once they reach a certain age, they don’t get a lot bigger per year … If you have a large clam, you can’t always tell if it’s 100 years old or 300 years old, because there’s very little difference in size.”

Scourse points out that the 200 clams they sampled represented a very small fraction of the world’s entire clam population. For that reason, even if Ming was the oldest animal that we knew, the chances that it was actually the oldest quahog out there in the ocean depths are “infinitesimally small.”

How About Some Chowdah?

In fact, it isn’t unthinkable that someone might eat a clam of Ming’s age for lunch—ocean quahogs from the North Atlantic are one of the main species used in clam chowder.

If nothing else, Ming’s sacrifice should help out Scourse and Butler’s research, looking at long-term climate impacts on sea life over the past few centuries.

“The 507-year-old is at the top end of the series,” Scourse says. “From this we can get annual records of marine climate change, which so far we’ve never been able to get from the North Atlantic.”

China considers end to mandatory animal testing on cosmetics (CNN)

By Zhang Dayu, CNN

November 15, 2013 — Updated 0649 GMT (1449 HKT)

A worker holds white rats at an animal laboratory of a medical school in 2008 in Chongqing, China.

A worker holds white rats at an animal laboratory of a medical school in 2008 in Chongqing, China.

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • China considers allowing sale of some cosmetics without requiring them to be tested on animals.
  • The proposal covers products made in China, but not imported products
  • Campaign group said change came quicker than expected
  • But does not expect wholesale end to animal testing of cosmetics in China

Hong Kong (CNN) — Cosmetic companies and animal rights groups have welcomed a proposal by China to allow sales of some cosmetics without requiring them to be tested on animals.

Animal testing would no longer be mandatory for “non-specialized cosmetics”, including shampoo, soaps and certain skin products manufactured in China from June next year, according to a document posted on the website of the China Food and Drug Administration earlier this month.

Beauty companies have long faced an ugly dilemma in China.

Local laws and regulations require animal testing for cosmetic products sold in the country, which has made the lucrative market a tricky area for brands that want to sell in China without alienating consumers in other places that frown upon animal testing.

“Non-specialized cosmetics produced in China could avoid toxicological testing after going through risk and safety checks,” the China Food and Drug Administration said.

Imported cosmetics are not covered in the proposal. But the document indicated that China would gradually ease regulations on animal testing, which would allow more international firms opposed to animal testing to enter China’s 134 billion yuan ($22 billion) cosmetics market.

READ: From poison to potion: Toxins turned into life-saving drugs

Current regulations require all cosmetics to go through a lengthy approval process known as “toxicological testing” which involves testing on animals like rabbits and guinea pigs.

“The Body Shop welcomes the signals that the Chinese authorities are adopting a new approach to cosmetic testing,” spokeswoman Louise Terry said in emailed comments from London.

“We have campaigned against animal testing for over 20 years and we look forward to selling our products in China one day.”

Cosmetic brand Urban Decay last year abandoned plans to sell its products in China in response to pressure from consumers and campaign groups, according to Cruelty Free International.

Dave Neale, animal welfare director at campaign group Animal Asia, told CNN the planned changes had come quicker than expected given that local campaigns against animal testing have only been going for two years.

“That’s a very significant development because it took many years for European Union to allow these products to be sold (without being tested on animals).”

Earlier this year, a complete ban on the sale of cosmetics developed through animal testing took effect in the European Union.

But Neale added that this proposal would not mark the end of animal testing in China.

“As far as I’m aware, products can still be tested on animals. It just opens the opportunity for non-animal products to be sold,” he said.

The shaman’s-eye view: A Yanomami verdict on us (New Scientist)

18 November 2013 by Daniel L. Everett

Magazine issue 2943S

Book information
The Falling Sky: Words of a Yanomami shaman by Davi Kopenawa and Bruce Albert (translated by Nicholas Elliott and Alison Dundy)
Published by: Harvard University Press
Price: $39.95

Davi Kopenawa hopes to overturn prejudices towards his people (Image: Vincent Rosenblatt/Camera Press)

In The Falling Sky: Words of a Yanomami shaman, Davi Kopenawa looks from the other side of the anthropological lens – and the result is a literary treasure

STORIES are quilts. They are patches of brightness sewn together by narratives. And as with a quilt, each patch is chosen, not random. No two people will make the same quilt or tell the same story, even if they choose the same material.

So it is with The Falling Sky: Words of a Yanomami shaman, one of the first and best autobiographical narratives by an indigenous lowland Amazonian. It is the result of a collaboration between French anthropologist Bruce Albert, who worked among the Yanomami for 38 years, and Davi Kopenawa, a shaman who became spokesman for all Amazonians through his work with indigenous-rights organisation Survival International. Albert wrote the introduction and the conclusion; the rest is Kopenawa, translated.

Each offers his perspective, but the central story is Kopenawa’s, his personal history, the philosophy and spirituality of the Yanomami, and his view of the outsiders who have both attacked and celebrated his people, in Brazil, the US and Europe: the “white people”.

One interpretation of the book is that it is little more than 600-plus pages praising superstition, interspersed with lengthy, mistaken condemnation of modern societies. But this misses the main point: all descriptions of other peoples will be affected by how the writer’s perspective was formed within their own society, simultaneously full of truth and rife with misunderstanding, wrong focus, or attempts – conscious or unconscious – to impose the author’s beliefs.

Kopenawa labels whites as “fierce people” with deliberate irony, playing on the label applied to the Yanomami by some anthropologists, the best known of whom is Napoleon Chagnon. His book about the Yanomami, The Fierce People, is perhaps the bestselling anthropological book of all time. His work has been attacked by Survival International for promoting the idea that the Yanomami are more violent than whites, a view that has informed the work of other academics.

Kopenawa makes it clear that the Yanomami revenge fights are nothing compared with whites’ mastery of destruction, which dwarfs anything the world has seen. So he rejects the label “war” as a description of his people’s violence, saying that they fight over “funerary urns” – the desire to avenge loved ones killed by the sorcery and violence of others.

You may not like the way he portrays whites because, surely, we are not like that? Yet Kopenawa bases his interpretation on personal experience, training and observations – no different from any anthropologist. And the story that emerges of our people is unpleasant. Even when he gets us wrong, The Falling Skyteaches us that it hurts to read partial truths about one’s society from the pen of a largely unsympathetic observer. Just as it hurts the Yanomami. Anthropologists and travel writers, take note.

Yet ironically, the fame of the Yanomami and the interest this book is generating are partly due to anthropologists like Chagnon and their views. Kopenawa condemns the whites who “…continue to lie about us by saying: ‘The Yanomami are fierce. All they think about is warring and stealing women. They are dangerous!’ Such words are our enemies and we detest them.”

The effect whites had on him as a child is more complex, though. “If the white people hadn’t appeared… I would probably also have become a warrior and would have arrowed other Yanomami in anger when I wanted revenge. I have thought to do it. I always contained my evil thoughts… and stayed quiet by thinking of the white people. I would tell myself: ‘If I arrow one of us, those who covet our forest will say I am evil and devoid of wisdom… they are the ones who kill us with their diseases and shotguns. And it is against them… I must direct my anger today!”

Fierceness is indeed a trait of the Yanomami, one that comes from the ancestor spirit Arowë, Kopenawa tells us. But so too are gentleness, hard work, love of family, deep philosophical thought, fun, and more. Your quilt will look different depending on which patch – the one for fierceness, understanding of nature, or love of family – you sew in the centre. None of the quilts is false: each shows the variety of human perceptions and why no quilt, story or book should be taken as “the truth”. The true contribution of this book is to show us the richness of the Yanomami spirit and culture through the eyes of a respected leader of the community.

The author’s name, too, speaks volumes. “Davi” is the name the whites gave him. Kopenawa is his Yanomami name, referring to the vicious kopena wasps found in the area, while the “omamo” part of Yanomamo – as it is sometimes transliterated – means “sons of God”. The book’s title, The Falling Sky, is also significant. It refers both to the periodic destruction of the world in Yanomami lore, and to the threat of final destruction if the “white man” does not adopt more of the Yanomami values.

The book is a mix of autobiography, history, personal philosophy, and cultural criticism of whites for their destruction of the world, worship of the material, and lack of spirituality and vitality. It extols the virtues of Yanomami life and culture and their deity, Omama, placing him at the foundation not only of their culture but of white culture, too. Tellingly, Kopenawa’s first impression of Stonehenge, which served a society that some would label truly fierce, was that it was most likely built by and dwelt in by Omama.

Kopenawa’s life began when he “fell on the ground from the vagina of a Yanomami woman”. Pride in the lack of euphemism and in his origins is evident in this phrase. He has no desire to pretend he is like a white man, though he enjoys being among them. And the book is not only finely detailed and full of challenging philosophical points, it also contains much humour. Take Kopenawa’s reaction on seeing the large populations of Brazilian cities: “White people must never stop copulating.”

More darkly, he reminds us what it is like to be on “the other side” – to be missionised, anthropologised, and regulated by government. These are not pleasant experiences. His story is particularly pointed when he describes the ham-fistedness of Brazilian state employees. He singles out the officious attitudes of the FUNAI, the body that makes and carries out policy relating to indigenous peoples.

The book is also in part the story of anthropologist Bruce Albert. His narrative is clear and compelling as the story of an anthropologist working among a particular people in the Amazon. But the presence of a second narrative dilutes Kopenawa’s story, and overall the book would have been stronger without it – though it would, no doubt, make an excellent stand-alone book.

Ultimately, it is Kopenawa’s voice that tells us who he is, who his people are, and who we are to them. It is complex and nuanced; I’d go so far as to callThe Falling Skya literary treasure: invaluable as academic reading, but also a must for anyone who wants to understand more of the diverse beauty and wonder of existence.

This article appeared in print under the headline “Those fierce white people”

Daniel L. Everett is dean of arts and sciences at Bentley University, Massachusetts. His latest book is Language: The cultural tool (Profile). He has translated for Davi Kopenawa, and lived with the Amazonian Pirahã people and studied their language

Conheça o animal que mais salvou vidas humanas até hoje (Engenheria É)

Acessado em 18/11/2013.

Por Mauro Sérgio Ribeiro de Souza

Nas últimas semanas muitas pessoas tem protestado por conta do uso de animais em pesquisas. Teve o caso dos Beagles, testes em macacos, ratos e etc. Mas e você, sabe qual o animal que mais salvou vidas humanas até hoje?

Não é o cão, como muita gente pode ter pensado, nem mesmo o leal cavalo, nem o valente pombo-mensageiro. O salvador vem do mar: é o caranguejo-ferradura!

caranguejo_ferradura_03O caranguejo-ferradura (Limulus polyphemus) é um dos seres vivos mais antigos que existem no planeta. Uma estranha criatura que parece saída do filme “Alien”, capaz de suportar até um ano sem se alimentar e de resistir temperaturas e salinidades extremas. Um fóssil vivo que habita nosso planeta há 445 milhões de anos, antes mesmo que os dinossauros.

Hoje em dia, seu número encontra-se em decréscimo de forma lenta, mas constante, devido à mudança climática, a pesca predatória e a captura para a indústria farmacêutica. Infelizmente para o bicho, seu cotado sangue azul tem numerosos usos médicos e é utilizado para salvar inumeras vidas humanas.

Desde 1950, quando cientistas descobriram que o sangue de cor azul do caranguejo-ferradura se coagulava em contato com as bactérias E.coli e Salmonela, as pesquisas nunca mais pararam. Um destes últimos estudos se concentrou em um peptídeo que os caranguejos-ferradura elaboram e que inibe a replicação do Vírus da Imunodeficiência Humana.

Os ensaios pré-clínicos mostram que é tão efetivo como a zidovudina, um medicamento clássico contra a AIDS. Inclusive astronautas da NASA testaram na Estação Espacial Internacional um dispositivo médico de alta tecnologia que utiliza enzimas primitivas dos caranguejos-ferradura para o diagnóstico de doenças humanas.

O segredo que faz com que o sangue do caranguejo seja de grande utilidade para a indústria biomédica está baseado na simplicidade e efetividade de seu sistema imunológico. Uma verdadeira cascata de enzimas, que produzem coagulação quando se encontram com o material das paredes celulares da maioria das bactérias. Os caranguejos-ferradura vivem sob constante ameaça da infecção em um habitat que pode conter milhares de milhões de bactérias por mililitro.

A diferença dos seres humanos, os caranguejos não têm hemoglobina no sangue, com isso, eles utilizam a hemocianina para transportar oxigênio. E é devido à presença de cobre na hemocianina e não de ferro, que o sangue adquire a peculiar cor azul.

caranguejo_ferradura_07É tão importante este sangue azul que provavelmente muitos de nós devemos a vida a esses caranguejos. E não é um exagero já que o LAL (lisado de amebócitos de Limulus) extrato aquoso de amebócitos do caranguejo é utilizado com frequência em testes para detectar as endotoxinas bacterianas em numerosos produtos farmacêuticos. Além de ser uma forma singela, barata e segura para detectar impurezas, é uma ferramenta importante no desenvolvimento de novos antibióticos e vacinas.

O sangue do caranguejo-ferradura não só se converteu em uma poderosa “arma médica”, como também é um grande negócio. No mercado mundial, um litro de sangue deste caranguejo tem um preço aproximado de 15.000 dólares.

Ao ano, precisa-se do sangue de pelo menos 500.000 caranguejos, dos quais são extraídos em torno de 100 mililitros perfurando o pericárdio de seu primitivo coração. Mas, calma! Antes que você ache que os bichinhos precisem morrer para isso, saiba que o sacrifício deles não é necessário. Para obter o seu sangue valioso, os caranguejos são “ordenhados” manualmente por profissionais cuidadosos e, apesar de perderem 30% de seu peso, depois eles se recuperaram rápido e são devolvidos à água. Durante o processo, “apenas” 15% dos caranguejos morrem.

Os caranguejos passam por essa ordenha apenas uma vez por ano, sendo que seu sangue é posteriormente congelado, desidratado e, em seguida, enviado às instituições de pesquisas médicas e laboratórios.

caranguejo_ferradura_05

O tabu das arquibancadas (Pública)

O TABU DAS ARQUIBANCADAS

14.11.13 Por Ciro Barros e Giulia Afiune – 

Surgimento de torcidas gays em 2013 mostra que LGBTs querem ocupar espaço no esporte (Foto:Reprodução/Facebook Bambi Tricolor)
“Ganhamos fama de pé quente”, conta o criador da Coligay, que aos pouco conquistou o apoio de outros torcedores do Grêmio.  (Foto: Reprodução/ Acervo Revista Placar)
Selinho de Emerson Sheik compartilhado no Instagram desperta reações agressivas. (Foto: Reprodução/Instagram/10emerson10)
Logo da Galo Queer exibido na Marcha das Vadias de Belo Horizonte, em 2013. (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook Galo Queer)
Torcedora do Atlético-MG em frente ao Mineirão.  (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook Galo Queer)
Torcedores assumem homofobia em protesto contra a contratação do volante e lateral Richarlyson. (Foto: Reprodução/Impedimento.org)
Torcedores da Camisa 12 em protesto contra o selinho de Sheik em agosto desse ano. (Foto: Mauro Horita/AGIF )
Usando túnicas com as cores do grêmio, a Coligay inovava no jeito de torcer (Foto: Reprodução/Acervo Imortal Tricolor)
Símbolos da Gaviões da Fiel e da Gaivotas Fiéis. Para a Gaviões, houve plágio do jornalista Felipeh Campos (Foto: Reprodução)

Enquanto torcedores formam grupos para dar visibilidade à homossexualidade, organizadas temem perda de espaço. Discussão sobre homofobia no futebol é inadiável

O ano de 2013 foi expressivo para a discussão de dois grandes tabus do futebol brasileiro: a homossexualidade e a homofobia. Em 9 de abril, torcedores do Atlético-MG fundaram a Galo Queer, uma página no Facebook que reúne torcedores alvinegros com uma postura anti-homofobia e anti-sexismo. “Galo” é o apelido do clube de Minas Gerais e “Queer”, em inglês, significa gay. Em 15 dias, a página ganhou cinco mil fãs, e hoje conta com mais de 6.600.

O gesto da torcida atleticana motivou outras a fazerem o mesmo. Ao longo do mês de abril, surgiram páginas semelhantes de torcidas de todo o país: CruzeiroSão_PauloNáuticoGrêmio,VitóriaBahiaInternacionalPalmeirasCorinthiansFlamengo, entre outros. A lista é extensa e mostra que a discussão da homofobia no futebol, até então, ainda estava dentro do armário.

“O estádio é um ambiente super homofóbico. Lá não se vê nenhuma manifestação de diversidade afetiva”, diz o jornalista – e palmeirense – William de Lucca, colaborador da Folha de S. Paulo em João Pessoa, na Paraíba. Ele é homossexual assumido e se esforça para prestigiar os jogos do Palmeiras em cidades próximas, como Recife ou Natal. William já era militante LGBT e, assim que ouviu falar, aderiu à página anti-homofóbica “Palmeiras Livre”. “Em 2008, eu morei alguns meses em São Paulo e tinha um namorado que era palmeirense também. A gente foi até aconselhado por um amigo dele da torcida organizada a não ter nenhuma demonstração de afeto dentro do estádio, porque a gente poderia ser agredido”, lembra. “A gente sempre fica com medo. Em outros ambientes, sou muito seguro quanto a manifestar meu afeto: ando de mão dada e tal, inclusive na rua, mas acho que o estádio de futebol é mais hostil do que a própria rua, sabe? A homofobia é muito mais explícita”, conta.

“A gente só não tem mais relatos disso porque os homossexuais que torcem nos estádios não arriscam nenhum tipo de demonstração afetiva”, conclui William.

Dentro da Palmeiras Livre, assim como nas outras organizações, ainda se discute quais serão os próximos passos. Os integrantes querem ocupar as arquibancadas, mas temem agressões físicas, já que as verbais ocorrem diariamente. “Dia sim e outro também nós recebemos ameaças”, conta a fotógrafa e analista de mídias sociais Thaís Nozue, também integrante da Palmeiras Livre. “As pessoas vem ameaçando, dizendo que estão mexendo com o time errado, que eles vão descobrir quem é, que não sei o quê”. Por enquanto, a hostilidade está restrita a mensagens no Facebook como: “Vão morrer”, “Experimenta aparecer na torcida e vocês vão apanhar”, “A Mancha [maior organizada do Palmeiras] bate em polícia e não vai bater em um monte de bicha?” – o que não significa que a ameaça venha da Mancha, como explica Thaís.

Segundo ela, a causa da Palmeiras Livre também foi rechaçada pelas organizadas alviverdes. “A gente até tentou uma aproximação com as organizadas, mas elas deram um recado para a gente não se meter com elas. Às vezes aparecem pessoas se dizendo das organizadas nos ameaçando, mas a gente não tem como comprovar se são mesmo”, diz.

A HOMOFOBIA VESTE VERDE?

Procurado pela Pública, Marcos Ferreira, o Marquinhos, presidente da Mancha Alviverde, não quis dar uma entrevista sobre a polêmica da homofobia e sobre um episódio envolvendo o volante e lateral Richarlyson, hoje no Atlético-MG e tido como homossexual, apesar de sempre se declarar heterossexual.

No início de 2012, o Verdão estudava a possibilidade de contratar Richarlyson. A Mancha Verde convocou um protesto no dia 4 de janeiro, na frente do Centro de Treinamento (CT) do Palmeiras, zona oeste de São Paulo. Segundo a torcida o motivo era uma rixa antiga com o jogador, que estava à beira de um acordo com o Alviverde, mas acabou indo jogar no rival São Paulo. Porém, uma grande faixa estendida por duas pessoas durante aquele ato dizia: “A homofobia veste verde”.

Ao telefone, Marquinhos negou repetidas vezes que a Mancha tenha algo a ver com a faixa – ela seria obra de duas pessoas desconhecidas da organizada que foram ao protesto. Mas ele disse que “não via nada de agressivo na faixa”. A Pública também tentou contato com Richarlyson, mas foi informada pelo seu empresário, Julio Fressato, que ele estava se recuperando de uma cirurgia.

O SELINHO DE SHEIK E O VOO DAS GAIVOTAS

Na esteira das iniciativas anti-homofóbicas, dois episódios jogaram o Corinthians no centro da discussão. O atacante Emerson Sheik, herói corintiano da inédita conquista da Libertadores em 2012, foi vítima de uma onda de ataques homofóbicos depois da vitória do Corinthians sobre o Coritiba por 1 a 0, no Pacaembu, no dia 18 de agosto. Para comemorar, Sheik postou uma foto em seu perfil oficial no Instagram em que aparecia dando um selinho em um amigo de longa data, o empresário Isaac Azar. “Tem que ser muito valente para celebrar a amizade sem medo do que os preconceituosos vão dizer. Tem que ser muito livre para comemorar uma vitória assim, de cara limpa, com um amigo que te apoia sempre”, escreveu.

No dia seguinte, cinco integrantes da Camisa 12, segunda maior torcida organizada do Corinthians, foram ao CT do clube protestar contra a atitude de Sheik, levando três faixas que diziam “Vai beijar a P.Q.P. Aqui é lugar de homem”, “Respeito é pra quem tem” e “Viado não”.

Dois meses depois, o jornalista e apresentador Luiz Felipe de Campos Mundin, que assina como Felipeh Campos, anunciou que faltava pouco para fundar a já polêmica Gaivotas Fiéis, primeira torcida organizada com conceito gay do Corinthians.

Pública conseguiu entrevistar um personagem importante em ambos os episódios, Marco Antônio de Paula Rodrigues, de 34 anos. Conhecido pelo apelido “Capão”, por ter crescido no Capão Redondo, bairro periférico da zona sul de São Paulo, ele é presidente da Camisa 12, e foi um dos cinco que protestaram contra o selinho de Sheik. Ele revela ter sido o autor da faixa que dizia “Viado não” – a única, dentre as três, que considera agressiva. “Só essa foi um pouco mais forte, foi um excesso. Eu que risquei com o spray essa faixa, eu até pensei [que era agressiva], mas depois que nós já estávamos lá, a gente não podia voltar atrás”, diz. Trajado da cabeça aos pés com roupas da Camisa 12 (boné, camiseta, agasalho, bermuda e até meias da torcida), Capão é assertivo, olha nos olhos e tem a voz rouca. Aceitou falar durante uma hora e meia com a reportagem da Pública na sede da torcida, no bairro paulistano do Pari, região central, para “dar a explanação” sobre os dois episódios.

Sobre a iniciativa de Felipeh Campos, Capão vê a nova torcida gay como puro marketing. “Acredito que ele está pensando mais numa autopromoção do que numa torcida organizada. Porque para nós, uma torcida organizada começa como a gente sempre troca ideia nas torcidas: o cara vai para uma caravana, o cara participa de vários jogos do Corinthians na arquibancada e não na numerada, a pessoa participa de inúmeras manifestações corintianas que teve nesses últimos anos, tanto de protesto contra diretoria, contra jogador. Tem uma caminhada ideológica dentro de uma instituição para você fundar uma torcida organizada. Torcida organizada não é um comércio, mano”, argumenta.

“Tomei muita borrachada da polícia por aí, passei muita fome na estrada, nunca fomos pra qualquer lugar e fomos bem recebidos por qualquer órgão que cuida da organização do jogo no estádio, da segurança pública, nós sempre fomos maltratados por muitos deles, então a torcida organizada não é simplesmente chegar e falar: ‘Ó, vou criar uma torcida hoje. Vou criar uma camisa e vou pro estádio’”.

Para Capão, é “inaceitável” a escolha do nome da torcida gay e a corruptela do símbolo do Corinthians – no brasão da Gaivotas,  além da nova ave, o símbolo tem como fundo um espelho de maquiagem com direito a pincel e lápis, e a bandeira do Estado de São Paulo foi pintada com as cores do arco-íris, ícone do movimento gay.

Símbolos da Gaviões da Fiel e da Gaivotas Fiéis. Para a Gaviões, houve plágio do jornalista Felipeh Campos (Foto: Reprodução)

Símbolos da Gaviões da Fiel e da Gaivotas Fiéis. Para a Gaviões, houve plágio do jornalista Felipeh Campos (Foto: Reprodução)

“Eu acho que o rapaz lá acaba beirando até o ridículo… Ele está transmutando as nossas coisas. Tanto pelo nome que ele coloca se referindo a uma torcida que tem uma puta tradição [Gaviões da Fiel, a maior organizada do Corinthians, fundada em 1969] quanto do nosso símbolo do Corinthians, ele colocar um espelho e uns negócios de maquiagem no símbolo… Numa entrevista que eu vi, perguntaram: ‘Mas por que isso daí?’ E ele: ‘Ah, porque na verdade o corintiano vai gostar de se pintar na arquibancada’. Meu, torcida do Coringão é 90 minutos, mano. A gente gosta é de cantar, de sofrer, de chorar pelo Coringão. Não é de se pintar. Com todo o respeito, nem as nossas mulheres fazem isso”, afirma Capão, que é contra a existência de uma torcida gay. “Já digo de pronto que eu não sou favorável a ter uma torcida gay, porque eu acho que os gays não precisam disso daí pra poder se achar numa sociedade que já está abrangendo todo mundo”.

Perguntado se existem gays na Camisa 12, Capão não hesita: “Nós não temos gays na torcida, mano. Pelo menos nunca soubemos, entendeu. Meu, se o cara tá lá, tá assistindo o jogo. Tudo bem, nós vamos respeitar, mas qualquer faixa assim, nós somo contra mano. Nós não queremos, de verdade mano, aqui dentro da 12. Pra nós é sério o estádio, não é só pra brincar”. Capão, explicando que, se “no meio de um gol os dois de repente se beijarem no meio da nossa torcida”, seria “ruim”: “O estádio pra nós é um templo”.

O lastro, para Capão – que não se considera homofóbico –, é sempre a tradição. “O cara ir pro jogo, se for um homem, de shortinho amarradinho, camisa amarradinha e todo pintado… Pra nós não rola meu, de verdade. Porque o nosso tradicionalismo, infelizmente, meio ogro, tá ligado, até beirando homem da caverna não permite isso daí, certo?”. Se a Camisa 12 fosse homofóbica, exemplifica Capão, “a gente juntava os associados da 12 e ia lá na passeata gay quebrar todo mundo. No entanto que ninguém tá muito se manifestando [sobre a Gaivotas Fiéis], certo? Por quê? Porque tudo que a gente fala, a mídia distorce”.

Sobre o episódio do selinho do Sheik, Capão diz que o problema foi o atacante ter declarado que o beijo era para comemorar a vitória do Corinthians. “Quando ele falou que ele estava fazendo aquilo pra comemorar o jogo ele já transferiu a responsa pro Corinthians”, afirma, explicando que, depois do episódio, onde quer que o Timão jogue é recebido com gritos de “beija beija beija” pelos torcedores rivais. “Estávamos ali [no protesto] representando muitos torcedores. Muitos pediram para que a gente tomasse a frente, tanto que eu recebi inúmeras congratulações depois”, diz.

GAVIÕES X GAIVOTAS

A Gaviões da Fiel, maior organizada do Corinthians, fez uma denúncia de crime contra a propriedade industrial no 1º DP de Guarulhos, contestando a sátira à marca da torcida, que é registrada. A torcida reclama que a proximidade dos nomes e símbolos das duas pode induzir ao erro. “Eu não sei onde eles enxergaram plágio”, contesta Felipeh Campos, da Gaivotas. “A minha torcida chama Gaivotas Fiéis, não é gavioa. Já começa que Gaivota é feminino, não é masculino. Se eu tivesse colocado cílios e salto alto no gavião, aí eu até acredito que poderia ter sido uma questão de plágio. Porém eu não estou utilizando as peças do emblema para plagiar alguma coisa. Entendo isso como uma retaliação homofóbica”, diz.

Felipeh conta que vem sendo ameaçado nas redes sociais, e que foi agredido verbalmente na semana passada, na Avenida Paulista. “As ameaças são coisas do tipo ‘Cuidado, eu vou te matar’, ‘Você já tá jurado de morte’, ‘Abre teu olho’. Então você vê que são atitudes extremamente homofóbicas e preconceituosas, elas não têm outros motivos”, diz. Sobre a agressão ao vivo, ele conta que ocorreu na saída de seu trabalho, na sede da TV Gazeta, na avenida Paulista. “Eu estava com um amigo meu na Paulista e um cara passou, me esbarrou e começou a me xingar. E eu falei: ‘É comigo que você tá falando?’ E ele: ‘ Você acha que é com quem? Tá pensando que você e a sua turminha vai entrar em estádio? Não vai não, mano’. E eu falei: ‘Bom, vamos conversar, abaixa o tom de voz’. E aí ele continuou a gritar e eu falei: ‘Ótimo, a polícia está vindo ali, eu vou te incriminar agora em crime de homofobia e você vai sair daqui para a cadeia’. Aí na hora que ele viu que a polícia vinha vindo a pé, ele meio que saiu de canto e deu um pinote”, relata.

Felipeh Campos conta que desde pequeno frequenta estádios.  “O futebol nas décadas de 70 e 80 era uma grande festa. Mas foi crescendo de uma forma tão grande que deixou de olhar para a questão democrática. Não está escrito na porta do estádio que só é permitida a entrada de homens, né? Eu acredito que não só os gays têm que frequentar os estádios, como a mulher, as crianças, entendeu? O futebol é pra todos”, diz. “Mas é claro que o conceito da torcida é gay e o meu objetivo maior é inserir o público gay no estádio de futebol. Eles [as organizadas] monopolizaram os estádios”, diz.

De fato, a divisão do estádio do Pacaembu é um dos argumentos de Capão para rejeitar a convivência com as Gaivotas. Por determinação da Federação Paulista de Futebol, as organizadas do Corinthians têm que ocupar as arquibancadas Verde e Amarela, atrás de um dos gols, nos jogos em que o clube é mandante. Se ficasse fora desse setor, a Gaivotas estaria violando a regra. “Mas dentro desse setor, nós já temos seis torcidas: temos a Gaviões da Fiel, temos a Camisa 12, a Pavilhão 9, a Estopim da Fiel, a Coringão Chopp e a Fiel Macabra. São seis torcidas que estão ali e todas elas obtiveram a caminhada. Ninguém chegou do nada não”, argumenta Capão.

Felipeh garante que o objetivo não é “fazer represália com qualquer tipo de segmento sexual”. Porém, sobre dividir espaço com as outras organizadas, ele é enfático. “Nem que eu tiver que pedir segurança para o exército. Mas que a minha torcida vai entrar nos estádios, isso vai, com certeza. Nem que a gente tenha que chegar de carro-forte, de tanque”. Ele ressalta que a sua torcida será profissional e que todo o corpo diretivo será remunerado, diferentemente das outras organizadas.

Procurado pela Pública, Jerry Xavier, diretor da Gaviões da Fiel, disse que a torcida não se pronuncia sobre esse tema. O Corinthians também afirmou, via assessoria, que não se manifesta a respeito de torcidas.

HOMOFOBIA BATE RECORDE NO BRASIL

O Brasil, o país do futebol, vem sendo líder no ranking de mortes por homofobia. Segundo dados do relatório “Assassinatos de Homossexuais (LGBT) no Brasil”, de 2012, do Grupo Gay da Bahia, o Brasil concentra 44% do total de assassinatos por motivação homofóbica no mundo. Em 2012, foram registradas 3.084 denúncias de violações ligadas à homofobia e 310 homicídios por esse motivo. Veja o infográfico abaixo.

ESTÁDIO: A TERRA DO MACHO

“Por ser o estádio um ambiente que tem uma série de permissões nas relações masculinas – carinhos, afetos, às vezes até mesmo agressões – é necessário que esse ambiente seja considerado seguro para os homens. Para garantir essa suposta ‘segurança’, os torcedores precisam reforçar a sua masculinidade. E uma das coisas que melhor reforça a masculinidade na nossa cultura é a homofobia. Por isso ela aparece de forma tão gritante”, afirma o pedagogo e professor da UFRGS, Gustavo Andrada Bandeira, autor da tese de mestrado “‘Eu canto, bebo e brigo…alegria do meu coração’: currículo de masculinidades nos estádios de futebol”.

Para Bandeira, esse é o motivo da rejeição às torcidas gays: “Se a torcida do Corinthians, do Grêmio ou do Internacional for a primeira a levantar uma bandeira pró ações afirmativas, ela poderá ser chamada de a ‘torcida gay’, e as torcidas acham que isso é um problema”, diz.

Para Marco Antonio Bettine de Almeida, professor livre docente na Pós-graduação em Mudança Social e Participação Política da EACH-USP, a reação é “natural” num espaço que sempre foi dominado pelo masculino. “A partir do momento que as agendas de visibilidades desses grupos excluídos, que tiveram seus direitos cerceados, que são espancados, é natural, vendo a representação que o futebol tem no Brasil, começar toda essa movimentação de garantir uma representação nesse espaço eminentemente masculino, do macho, do falo”. Para ele, no entanto, há espaço para negociação entre os grupos LGBT e as organizadas. “Uma mulher no estádio é aceita, por exemplo, mas tem que representar os papéis dentro do estádio, que é torcer, xingar, participar. As torcidas gays ou não gays têm que incorporar um pouco da história desse espaço do torcer. E conhecer, minimamente, os códigos, senão vai gerar conflito. Porque o espaço é um espaço sagrado e tem uma carga cultural muito forte”.

Bandeira discorda. “Se é uma torcida gay, que ela tenha comportamentos diferentes das torcidas não gays. É sempre complicado quando a gente quer transgredir as regras de gênero sexual num ambiente muito marcado. Mas me parece que seria muito mais interessante se eles fizessem algo diferente”. Foi essa a aposta da Coligay, a primeira torcida homossexual do país, que em plena ditadura militar conquistou seu espaço dentre os torcedores do Grêmio (leia Box).

Uma inspiração para o caso brasileiro pode ser a GFSN (Gay Football Supporters Network, Rede de Torcedores de Futebol Gays, numa tradução livre). Fundada em 1989, a associação do Reino Unido tem diversas iniciativas para a inserção do público LGBT no futebol. “Estamos em contato permanente com muitos clubes para recomendar políticas anti-homofóbicas por parte deles”, afirma Simon Smith, do departamento de comunicação. “Ajudamos, por exemplo, a consolidar os Gay Gooners, a torcida LGBT do Arsenal e conseguimos o apoio formal de representantes do Liverpool e do Everton para a parada do orgulho LGBT da cidade de Liverpool. Dentro de campo, organizamos há dez anos campeonatos de futebol voltados ao público LGBT para a inclusão no esporte”, conta Smith.

A GFSN também registra com precisão britânica a ocorrência de gritos e cânticos homofóbicos nos estádios – e faz campanha permanente contra eles. “Na temporada passada, os torcedores do Brighton & Hove Albion FC sofreram com cantos homofóbicos em 72% dos jogos que disputaram. Nós documentamos isso e enviamos à FA (Football Association, a CBF inglesa), que ainda não tomou nenhuma atitude. Mas nós continuamos pressionando”, diz.

No próximo ano, a Copa do Mundo promete ser palco de discussão sobre homossexualidade –  pelo menos em São Paulo, onde mais de 40 mil pessoas são esperadas para acompanhar a transmissão dos jogos nos telões da Fan Fest, no Vale do Anhangabaú, centro da cidade. Ali, a prefeitura planeja realizar uma intervenção para discutir homofobia, com direito a exibição de vídeos em telas e distribuição de folhetos sobre o tema. Outra ação que está sendo estudada é transmitir os jogos em telões no Largo do Arouche, um “point” LGBT da cidade, para esses torcedores.

Um pouco de história: em plena ditadura, nascia a Coligay

A tentativa de formar uma torcida organizada gay não é novidade no futebol brasileiro. Foi no dia 10 de abril de 1977, quando o Grêmio foi disputar uma partida pelo Campeonato Gaúcho contra o Santa Cruz (RS), que a novidade estampava as arquibancadas do estádio Olímpico: cerca de 60 torcedores homossexuais impressionaram os demais pela festa que faziam. Era a Coligay, a primeira torcida organizada assumidamente gay do Brasil. A Coligay foi fundada por Volmar Santos, que hoje é colunista social do jornal O Nacional, de Passo Fundo (RS).

Gremista fanático, Volmar nunca deixou de frequentar o Olímpico. “Eu ia aos jogos e achava as torcidas muito quietas, sem animação nenhuma. Foi quando eu resolvi formar uma torcida organizada. Aí me veio a ideia de fazer uma torcida gay”, conta. A ideia surgiu quando ele administrava a boate Coliseu, em Porto Alegre, voltada ao público gay, que não tinha muitas opções na capital gaúcha. O nome Coligay vem do nome da boate. “Foi aí que eu mandei fazer uns kaftas, uma espécie de túnica com as cores do Grêmio, e fomos torcer no estádio. A nossa marca era nunca deixar de cantar, fazer festa, apoiar sempre o nosso time. E a cada jogo a gente inventava coisas diferentes”, relembra. A torcida ganhou fama de pé quente: em 1977, com a Coligay nas arquibancadas, o Grêmio quebrou um jejum de oito anos sem títulos estaduais.

Naquele longínquo ano de 1977, o mesmo Corinthians chegou a convidar a torcida gay a prestigiar os seus jogos – e a Coligay esteve presente na quebra do jejum de 23 anos sem títulos do Timão. “Ganhamos fama de pé quente e o Vicente Matheus [ex-presidente do Corinthians] nos convidou. Assistimos o título do Corinthians contra a Ponte Preta de dentro do Morumbi, vestidos como gremistas”, recorda.

A Coligay durou cerca de seis anos, e acabou em 1983. “A torcida era muito centrada na figura do Volmar. Quando ele teve que ir para Passo Fundo, não teve uma liderança que conseguisse dar continuidade”, conta Leo Gerchmann, repórter especial do jornal Zero Hora, autor de um livro sobre a Coligay que deve ser lançado nos próximos meses.

Segundo Léo, a torcida enfrentou muita resistência por parte do Grêmio e da sua organizada Eurico Lara. “Temendo agressões, eu até coloquei o pessoal pra fazer karatê pra nos defendermos de possíveis ataques”, diz Volmar. Assim, na ocasião em que foram de fato atacados por torcedores do Gaúcho, clube de Passo Fundo, durante o Campeonato Gaúcho de 1977, a Coligay colocou os agressores para correr. “Com o tempo o clube e a própria torcida adotaram a Coligay. Alguns conselheiros gremistas até deram apoio financeiro à torcida. Acho uma página bonita da história do Grêmio, de aceitação da diferença”, diz Gerchmann. “Houve outras experiências de torcidas gays, coisas efêmeras no Cruzeiro, Fluminense e até no Internacional, que teve a Inter Flowers. E dois anos depois da Coligay, teve a Fla-Gay fundada pelo carnavalesco Clóvis Bornay, apesar dele ser vascaíno”.

O blog Copa Pública é uma experiência de jornalismo cidadão que mostra como a população brasileira tem sido afetada pelos preparativos para a Copa de 2014 – e como está se organizando para não ficar de fora.

Mudanças climáticas impulsionam tragédias naturais (O Globo)

JC e-mail 4855, de 13 de novembro de 2013

Condições meteorológicas extremas mataram 530 mil e causaram prejuízos de US$ 2,5 trilhões nos últimos 20 anos

Nos últimos 20 anos as condições meteorológicas extremas mataram 530 mil pessoas no mundo, causando prejuízos econômicos que chegam a US$ 2,5 trilhões, de acordo com o Germanwatch, instituição financiada pelo governo alemão. Este ano, somente o supertufão Haiyan, a 24ª tempestade tropical que assolou as Filipinas em 2013, pode ter matado 10 mil pessoas, embora o presidente Benigno Aquino agora negue a informação. Apesar dos números crescentes de fenômenos naturais extremos, muitos especialistas ainda temem traçar uma ligação direta com as mudanças no clima. A pergunta que muitos se fazem é até quando essa negativa vai continuar emperrando uma negociação mais contundente sobre as reduções das emissões de Gases de Efeito Estufa (GEE), ainda apontados como principal motivo das alterações climáticas.

Em 2012, os países mais afetados por desastres naturais foram o Paquistão, o Haiti e justamente as Filipinas, divulgou ontem a Organização das Nações Unidas.

– A tragédia humana causada pelo desdobramento do Haiyan só será capturada em relatórios futuros – afirmou Soenke Kreft, coautor do documento divulgado nos bastidores da 19ª Conferência do Clima (COP-19), que acontece desde a última segunda-feira na Polônia.

Durante a abertura do evento, o delegado filipino Naderev Sano anunciou greve de fome até o final da conferência, e ontem foi seguido por 30 ativistas num ato tido como o mais importante do segundo dia de debates.

– Vamos fazer um jejum em solidariedade à delegação filipina, com as vítimas do tufão, e até que se concretizem ações políticas reais nesta COP-19 – disse Angeli Apparedi, coordenadora da iniciativa que uniu ONGs de todo o mundo para a causa filipina.

Sano lembrou a urgência de medidas concretas contra o aquecimento global para evitar tragédias como a do Haiyan e pediu para que os países desenvolvidos reduzissem as emissões e aumentassem seu comprometimento com o Fundo Verde do Clima, que deveria repassar US$ 100 bilhões aos países em desenvolvimento para a mitigação das emissões e adaptações aos impactos das mudanças climáticas em 2020. Até 30 de julho deste ano, o fundo, que foi criado em 2010, tinha apenas US$ 9 milhões.

Os desastres e o clima
Apesar do receio do mundo científico em afirmar que essas tragédias estão ligadas às mudanças climáticas, alguns efeitos causados pelo aumento das temperaturas do planeta já são apontados como a principal causa da maior intensidade dos ciclones tropicais.

– Uma coisa é bastante concreta – afirmou Will Steffen, diretor-executivo do “Australian National Climate Change Institute” à Reuters. – A mudança climática está causando o aquecimento das águas da superfície, o que, por sua vez, aumenta a energia deste tipo de tempestade.

Ontem, a Organização Meteorológica Mundial (OMM) divulgou que a média mundial de temperatura entre janeiro e setembro deste ano foi meio ponto superior à registrada entre 1961 e 1990, o que faz de 2013 o ano mais quente da História. Além do aquecimento das águas, o aumento do nível do mar também é outro potencializador do tufões, dizem os especialistas. O relatório da OMM apontou que o nível dos mares e oceanos aumenta em média 3,2 milímetros por ano desde 1993.

– Não podemos afirmar que um fenômeno específico está ligado ou não às mudanças climáticas, pois eles naturalmente sempre aconteceram – diz André Ferretti, coordenador de estratégias de conservação da Fundação Grupo Boticário e também do Observatório do Clima, que acompanha as negociações na Polônia. – Mas já é possível dizer que eles estão mais fortes e frequentes por causa das alterações do clima. Infelizmente isso não deve pressionar os governos para um acordo na COP-19.

Resistência a metas globais atrasam acordo
Um encontro que nasce errado, parte de um raciocínio antigo e é encerrado sem conclusões. Este quadro se encaixa em todos os painéis dedicados ao debate sobre as mudanças climáticas realizados nos últimos anos. Para especialistas, a fórmula pode se repetir nesta Convenção do Clima (COP-19).

Os países em desenvolvimento chegaram à Polônia insistindo em uma tese nascida há mais de 15 anos: “Responsabilidades Comuns, Porém Diferenciadas” no combate às mudanças climáticas. Segundo ela, só nações desenvolvidas devem submeter-se a metas para redução das emissões de CO2.

– É um raciocínio muito simplório – ataca Bernardo Baeta Neves Strassburg, diretor-executivo do Instituto Internacional para Sustentabilidade (IIS) e professor do Departamento de Geografia e Meio Ambiente da PUC-Rio. – Desde que este argumento passou a ser usado, Brasil, Índia e China tornaram-se potências mundiais e, por isso, deveriam ter metas obrigatórias para diminuir suas emissões.

Brasil em posição ambígua
Entre os países emergentes, o Brasil seria o mais disposto a aceitar um acordo que limite a emissão de CO2, mas o governo estaria esperando a decisão da China, maior emissora mundial de gases-estufa, que negocia metas mais modestas.

Para Osvaldo Stella, diretor do Programa de Mudanças Climáticas do Instituto de Pesquisa Ambiental da Amazônia (Ipam), o Brasil perdeu força nas conferências internacionais.

– Temos uma posição ambígua – critica. – Estamos entre as maiores economias do mundo, mas nossos problemas estruturais são idênticos aos dos países pobres. Essa contradição dificulta nossa habilidade em negociar.

Strassburg e Stella criticam o modelo do painel da COP, em que as decisões devem ser aceitas por unanimidade.

– É claro que o debate precisa ser democrático, mas questões tão importantes para a Humanidade não podem esbarrar no bloqueio de um determinado tema – ressalta Stella.

Ambos concordam que esta conferência, assim como a COP-20 – que será realizada no ano que vem, no Peru – são fundamentais para que, em 2015, os governantes enfim assinem um acordo que limite as emissões de CO2.

No início da semana, o Painel Intergovernamental de Mudanças Climáticas (IPCC) divulgou algumas adaptações em seu último relatório, concluído em setembro. As mudanças, segundo os cientistas, não são significativas, e foram descobertas após a revisão do documento.

(Maria Clara Serra e Renato Grandelle/O Globo)
http://oglobo.globo.com/ciencia/mudancas-climaticas-impulsionam-tragedias-naturais-10763216#ixzz2kX73SZ00

Sobre a exploração de xisto no Brasil

JC e-mail 4855, de 13 de novembro de 2013

Cientistas querem adiar exploração de xisto

Ambientalistas e pesquisadores temem os estragos ambientais. Posicionamento da SBPC e da ABC foi registrado em carta

A exploração do gás de xisto nas bacias hidrográficas brasileiras, principalmente na região Amazônica, segue na contramão de países europeus, como França e Alemanha, e algumas regiões dos Estados Unidos, como o estado de Nova York, que vêm proibindo essa atividade, temendo estragos ambientais, mesmo diante de sua viabilidade econômica. Os danos são causados porque, para extrair o gás, os vários tipos de rochas metamórficas, chamadas xisto, são destruídas pelo bombeamento hidráulico ou por uma série de aditivos químicos.

Enquanto a Agência Nacional de Petróleo (ANP) mantém sua decisão de lançar em 28 e 29 de novembro os leilões de blocos de gás de xisto, autoridades de Nova York, um dos pioneiros na exploração desse produto, desde 2007, começam a rever suas políticas internas. Mais radical, a França ratificou, recentemente, a proibição da fratura hidráulica da rocha de xisto, antes mesmo de iniciar a extração desse produto, segundo especialistas.

Cientificamente batizado de gás de “folhelho”, o gás de xisto é conhecido também como “gás não convencional” ou natural. Embora tenha a mesma origem e aplicação do gás convencional, o de xisto se difere no seu processo de extração. Isto é, o produto não consegue sair da rocha naturalmente, ao contrário do gás convencional ou natural, que migra naturalmente das camadas rochosas. Para extrair o gás do xisto, ou seja, finalizar o processo de produção, são usados mecanismos artificiais, como fraturamento da rocha pelo bombeamento hidráulico ou por vários aditivos químicos.

Ao confirmar os leilões, a ANP afirma, via assessoria de imprensa, que a iniciativa cumpre a Resolução CNPE Nº 6 (de 23 de junho deste ano), publicada no Diário Oficial da União. Serão ofertados 240 blocos exploratórios terrestres com potencial para gás natural em sete bacias sedimentares, localizados nos estados do Amazonas, Acre, Tocantins, Alagoas, Sergipe, Piauí, Mato Grosso, Goiás, Bahia, Maranhão, Paraná, São Paulo, totalizando 168.348,42 Km².

Destino

O gás de xisto a ser extraído dessas bacias terá o mesmo destino do petróleo, ou seja, será comercializado como fonte de energia. No Brasil, o gás de xisto pode suprir principalmente o Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina e Paraná, onde a demanda é crescente por gás natural, produto que esses estados importam da Bolívia.

Apesar do potencial econômico, o químico Jailson Bitencourt de Andrade, conselheiro da Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência (SBPC), reforça seu posicionamento sobre a importância de adiar os leilões da ANP e ampliar as pesquisas sobre os impactos negativos da extração do gás de xisto, a fim de evitar as agressões ao meio ambiente. “É preciso dar uma atenção grande a isso”, alerta o pesquisador, também membro da Sociedade Brasileira de Química (SBQ) e da Academia Brasileira de Ciências (ABC). “Mesmo nos Estados Unidos, onde há uma boa cadeia de logística, capaz de reduzir o custo de exploração do gás de xisto, e mesmo que sua relação custo-benefício seja altíssima, alguns estados já estão revendo suas políticas e criando barreiras para a exploração desse produto.”

O posicionamento da SBPC e da ABC

Em carta (disponível em http://www.sbpcnet.org.br/site/artigos-e-manifestos/detalhe.php?p=2011), divulgada em agosto, a SBPC e ABC expõem a preocupação com a decisão da ANP de incluir o gás de xisto, obtido por fraturamento da rocha, na próxima licitação. Um dos motivos é o fato de a tecnologia de extração desse gás ser embasada em processos “invasivos da camada geológica portadora do gás, por meio da técnica de fratura hidráulica, com a injeção de água e substâncias químicas, podendo ocasionar vazamentos e contaminação de aquíferos de água doce que ocorrem acima do xisto”.

Diante de tal cenário, Andrade volta a defender a necessidade de o Brasil investir mais em conhecimento científico nas bacias que devem ser exploradas, “até mesmo para ter uma noção da atual situação das rochas para poder comparar possíveis impactos dessas bacias no futuro”. Nesse caso, ele adiantou que o governo, por intermédio do Ministério de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (MCTI) e da Agência Brasileira da Inovação (Finep), está formando uma rede de pesquisa para estudar os impactos do gás de xisto.

Defensor de estudar todas alternativas de produção de gás para substituir o petróleo futuramente, o pesquisador Hernani Aquini Fernandes Chaves, vice-coordenador do Instituto Nacional de Óleo e Gás (INOG), frisa, em contrapartida, que, apesar de eventuais estragos das rochas de xisto, o uso desse gás “é ambientalmente mais correto” do que o próprio petróleo. “Ele tem menos emissão de gás”, garante. “Precisamos conhecer todas as possibilidades de produção, porque, além de irrigar a economia, o petróleo é um bem finito que acaba um dia. O país é grande. Por isso tem de ver as possibilidades de levar o progresso a todas às áreas.” Ele se refere ao interior do Maranhão, uma das regiões mais pobres do Brasil e com potencial para exploração de gás de xisto.

Sem querer comparar o potencial de produção de gás de xisto dos EUA ao brasileiro, Chaves considera “muito otimista” as estimativas da Agência Internacional de Energia dos EUA feitas para o Brasil, de reservas da ordem de 7,35 trilhões de m³. Segundo Chaves, o INOG ainda não fez estimativas para produção de gás de xisto no território nacional. As bacias produtoras de gás de xisto, disse, ainda não foram comprovadas. Em fase experimental, porém, o gás de xisto já é produzido pela Petrobras na planta de São Mateus do Sul.

Ao falar sobre os danos ambientais provocados pela extração do gás de xisto, Chaves reconhece esse ser “um ponto controverso”. Por ora, ele esclarece que na Europa, sobretudo França e Alemanha, não é permitida a extração do gás de xisto pelo fato de o processo de exploração consumir muita água e prejudicar os aquíferos. Além disso, em Nova York, onde a produção foi iniciada, a exploração também passou a ser questionada. “Os ambientalistas não estão felizes com a produção desse gás”, reconhece. “Na França, por exemplo, não deixaram furar as rochas, mesmo sabendo das estimativas de produção de gás de xisto.”

Esclarecimentos da ANP

Segundo o comunicado da assessoria de imprensa da ANP, as áreas ofertadas nas rodadas de licitações promovidas pela ANP são previamente analisadas quanto à viabilidade ambiental pelo Instituto Brasileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Naturais Renováveis (Ibama) e pelos órgãos ambientais estaduais competentes. “O objetivo desse trabalho conjunto é eventualmente excluir áreas por restrições ambientais em função de sobreposição com unidades de conservação ou outras áreas sensíveis, onde não é possível ou recomendável a ocorrência de atividades de exploração e produção (E&P) de petróleo e gás natural”.

Para todos os blocos ofertados na 12ª rodada de leilões, segundo o comunicado, houve a “devida manifestação positiva do órgão estadual ambiental” competente. “A ANP, apesar de não regular as questões ambientais, está atenta aos fatos relativos a esse tema, no que tange à produção de petróleo e gás natural no Brasil. Nesse sentido, as melhores práticas utilizadas na indústria de petróleo e gás natural em todo o mundo são constantemente acompanhadas e adotadas pela ANP”, cita o documento.

A ANP acrescenta: “Como o processo regulatório é dinâmico, a ANP tomará as medidas necessárias para, sempre que pertinente, adequar suas normas às questões que se apresentarem nos próximos anos para garantir a segurança nas operações.”

(Viviane Monteiro / Jornal da Ciência)

* * *

JC e-mail 4856, de 14 de novembro de 2013

Seminário promove debate sobre os impactos ambientais da exploração do gás de xisto

Com a participação de Jailson de Andrade, conselheiro da SBPC, o encontro discutiu também a necessidade dessa fonte de energia para o setor energético brasileiro

O Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas (Ibase), o Greenpeace, o ISA, a Fase e o CTI promoveram ontem (13) em São Paulo um seminário, aberto ao público, sobre os impactos socioambientais da exploração do gás de xisto no Brasil. Com a participação de Jailson de Andrade, conselheiro da SBPC, o encontro promoveu o debate sobre questões ambientais envolvidas nesse tipo de exploração mineral e discutiu sua viabilidade. Foi discutida também a necessidade dessa fonte de energia para o setor energético brasileiro, com enfoque nas bacias do Acre, Mato Grosso e no aquífero Guarani. O pesquisador do Ibase Carlos Bittencourt alertou que é preciso prorrogar o leilão para que se possa fazer os estudos necessários antes de autorizar a exploração.

O processo licitatório para a exploração de áreas de gás natural convencionais e não convencionais deve acontece no final deste mês. A Agência Nacional do Petróleo (ANP) vai colocar à disposição 240 blocos exploratórios terrestres distribuídos em 12 estados do país. O xisto, gás não convencional utilizado por usinas hidrelétricas e indústrias é uma fonte de energia que, apesar de conhecida, permaneceu inexplorada durante muitos anos, por falta de tecnologia capaz de tornar viável a sua extração.

Ricardo Baitelo (Greenpeace), Bianca Dieile (FAPP-BG), Conrado Octavio (CTI) e Angel Matsés (Comunidad Nativa Matsés) e a moderação é de Padre Nelito (CNBB). O apoio para o seminário é da Ajuda da Igreja Norueguesa.

(Com informações do Ibase)

Mais sobre os beagles e o Instituto Royal

JC e-mail 4855, de 13 de novembro de 2013

SBCAL/COBEA lamenta fechamento do Instituto Royal em manifesto

Assinado pela diretoria, texto destaca a preocupação da comunidade científica com o bem-estar dos animais

A diretoria da Sociedade Brasileira de Ciência em Animais de Laboratório (SBCAL) e do Colégio Brasileiro de Experimentação Animal (Cobea) divulgou um manifesto lamentando a fechamento definitivo do Instituto Royal e repudiando a invasão e roubo de cães. O texto destaca a preocupação da associação com o bem-estar dos animais usados em laboratório.

Veja o documento na íntegra:

Manifesto da Sociedade Brasileira de Ciência em Animais de Laboratório
A SBCAL lamenta profundamente a invasão e o roubo dos cães ocorridos no Instituto Royal. Este Instituto era uma unidade experimental de referência em nosso País, tanto por sua credibilidade quanto por sua ética no cuidado com os animais.

O Instituto Royal contribuiu de forma significativa para a produção de novos medicamentos para a indústria farmacêutica nacional. É importante deixar claro que a invasão foi realizada por ativistas contrários ao uso científico de animais. A denúncia de maus tratos foi um pretexto criado para incentivar a invasão e o roubo dos animais. Não houve provas de maus tratos.

O Instituto Royal sempre teve preocupação com o bem-estar de todos seus animais, pois esta é uma obrigação ética que temos com eles além de ser fundamental para a obtenção de resultados fidedignos. A certificação dos medicamentos que estavam sendo testados no instituto Royal, para sua posterior produção no Brasil foi interrompida. Com isso muitas doenças como o câncer continuarão dependente da importação destes medicamentos, que são caros e nem sempre ao alcance das parcelas mais necessitadas da nossa sociedade.

A SBCAL é a favor do diálogo e repudia qualquer forma de violência contra os animais, contra pessoas e contra o patrimônio de qualquer entidade. A ciência brasileira se encontra ameaçada com este movimento que quer impor a sua verdade por meio da violência e não pelo diálogo.

Nós apoiamos o desenvolvimento da ciência com o uso de animais desde que pautada em critérios éticos e com cuidado e manejo que preservem, ao máximo, o bem estar destas espécies. Entendemos que a sociedade tem se preocupado com os animais usados em pesquisa cientifica e podemos assegurar que esta é, também, uma preocupação da SBCAL.

Enquanto não houver métodos substitutivos ao uso de animais, temos que cuidar deles da melhor forma possível respeitando seu comportamento e suas necessidades. Está é uma atitude ética em relação aos animais e aos seres humanos que neles depositam a esperança do desenvolvimento de tratamentos para as enfermidades humanas e animais.

A SBCAL fica a disposição para esclarecer qualquer dúvida quanto a questões relacionadas ao manejo e bem-estar de animais usados na pesquisa científica.

Atenciosamente,
DIRETORIA SBCAL/COBEA 2012-2014

* * *

JC e-mail 4856, de 14 de novembro de 2013

Instituto dos beagles sofre novo ataque

Grupo de encapuzados entrou nas instalações, amarrou vigias e soltou roedores de laboratório em São Roque (SP)

O Instituto Royal, em São Roque (a 66 Km de São Paulo), foi novamente atacado na madrugada de ontem. Cerca de 300 roedores que ainda restavam no local foram levados ou soltos na região.

A ação acontece menos de um mês após a primeira invasão, em 18 de outubro, quando 178 cães da raça beagle foram resgatados por cerca de cem ativistas.

Na semana passada, a direção do Royal anunciou o encerramento de suas atividade na unidade paulista.

A alegação foi a falta de segurança e os prejuízos “irreparáveis”, após o vandalismo que prejudicou o andamento de pesquisas diversas, inclusive com medicamentos.

O ataque de ontem começou por volta das 3h, segundo a polícia. Pelo menos 40 pessoas encapuzadas, algumas delas com foices, facas e alicates, renderam e amararam três seguranças que estavam na instalação.

Em nota, o laboratório informou que materiais que restavam no local, como cadeiras, prateleiras e microscópios, foram destruídos.

Veículos do instituto e de um dos seguranças também foram danificados.

Os vigias declararam em boletim de ocorrência que foram agredidos e passaram por exame de corpo de delito. A carteira de um deles foi levada pelos vândalos.

A delegacia de São Roque investiga o caso e já requisitou as imagens de câmeras de segurança do prédio.

PICHAÇÃO
Em paredes do instituto foram pichadas as frases: “Assassinos. A mão de Deus vai cair sobre vocês” e “Aliança de Libertação Animal”.

Ativistas acusam o laboratório de maus-tratos contra os animais, o que a instituição sempre negou.

Um grupo intitulado “Coletivo Armageddon Black” compartilhou fotos que seriam do momento da invasão ao Royal em sua página em uma rede social.

RATOS
Nas imagens postadas, homens e mulheres encapuzados carregam caixas cheias de ratos brancos e posam com uma faca, um machado e um martelo nas mãos.

O instituto afirma que aguardava definição de órgãos competentes para encaminhar os animais que restavam no local para uma destinação correta.

Ativistas chegaram a declarar em páginas da internet que queriam ficar com os bichos e que iriam buscá-los.

“Lamentamos que a onda de violência física e moral contra os animais e os profissionais que prestam serviço ao instituto, apoiada sistematicamente por políticos e celebridades, ainda persista”, informou nota da instituição divulgada ontem.

(Jairo Marques/ Folha de S.Paulo)
http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/cotidiano/138883-instituto-dos-beagles-sofre-novo-ataque.shtml

Matéria do Estadão sobre o ataque:
Após render vigias, grupo invade Royal de novo e leva roedores
http://www.estadao.com.br/noticias/impresso,apos-render-vigias-grupo-invade-royal-de-novo-e-leva-roedores-,1096460,0.htm

The Original “Occupy”: Novel Was Written 100 Years Before Zuccotti Park (Truthout)

Sunday, 10 November 2013 00:00By John de GraafTruthout

Occupy.

Zuccotti Park. (Photo: Dan Nguyen / Flickr)

Affluenza author John de Graaf investigates the origins of the slogan “Bread and Roses” and discovers a little-known American classic and a history that should repeat itself.

I still remember how inspired I was when I first took home folksinger Judy Collins’ 1976 album, Bread and Roses, and played the title song. It was a stirring anthem, a triumphal march almost, the words of an old poem set to music by another folksinger, Mimi Farina.

As we go marching, marching
In the beauty of the day
A million darkened kitchens
A thousand mill lofts grey
Are touched with all the radiance
That a sudden sun discloses
For the people hear us singing
Bread and roses, bread and roses

As we go marching, marching
We battle too for men
For they are women’s children
And we mother them again
Our lives shall not be sweated
From birth until life closes
Hearts starve as well as bodies
Give us bread, but give us roses

As we go marching, marching
Unnumbered women dead
Go crying through our singing
Their ancient call for bread
Small art and love and beauty
Their drudging spirits knew
Yes, it is bread we fight for
But we fight for roses too.

As we go marching, marching
We bring the greater days
The rising of the women
Means the rising of the race
No more the drudge and idler
Ten that toil where one reposes
But a sharing of life’s glories
Bread and roses, bread and roses

For me, the message of Bread and Roses was that money is never enough. We need the non-material things of life – the “art and love and beauty,” friends and nature – and the time to appreciate them, smelling the roses, if you will. Hearts starve as well as bodies.

The Lawrence Textile Strike

I loved the traditional story [see, for example, Meredith Tax’s The Rising of the Women] connected with the poem, how it was written to honor the women of Lawrence, Massachusetts, who walked out of their textile mills on a wintry day in 1912, demanding higher pay and shorter hours. Thousands of mill workers, most of them immigrants speaking a babble of more than 20 languages, filled the streets of Lawrence in January and February of that winter, facing bayonet-carrying national guardsmen, trigger-hungry local police and even a contingent of Harvard students, given extra credit to come to Lawrence as strikebreakers.

One of the strikers, a young woman named Annie Lo Pizzo, was killed by a policeman’s bullets. Many were jailed and beaten for protesting. They sent their children away from Lawrence for safety’s sake. The odds against them were overwhelming, but they persisted, aided by labor organizers sent to Lawrence by the Industrial Workers of the World and eventually by an outpouring of national public concern over their treatment and living conditions. In March, the mill owners capitulated, granting the essence of the strikers’ demands.

It was an inspiring story, made even more so by the reports that some of the women carried a banner as they marched, inscribed with the words WE WANT BREAD, AND ROSES, TOO. As poor as they were, they knew that they did not live by bread alone. Hearts starve as well as bodies.

So the poem inspiring Collins’ song, I was told, honored these women and those banners they bore. It sounded so plausible, so natural. Hearing the song, and thinking about the noble women of Lawrence moved me deeply. I believed it, talked about it, wrote about it. It was a great story – art honoring courage and struggle.

There was just one problem. It couldn’t possibly have been true.

The main difficulty with the idea that the poem was written to honor the Lawrence strikers came in the fact that it was published in a New York magazine called The American Monthly in December 1911, a month before the Lawrence strike began. Then too, there was that reference to “a million darkened kitchens.” Lawrence only had about 80,000 residents at the time of the strike.

James Oppenheim’s Novels

Was the poem just a work of imagination, or was it based on a real event? No one seemed to know. I found the question on the Internet; plenty of people had pointed out that the poem was published before the strike. But there was no answer. Cryptically, the poet himself, James Oppenheim, referred to “bread and roses” as “a slogan of the women of the West.”

But which women? And where in the West? A couple of people weighing in on the web thought the reference was to the Women’s Trade Union League, founded in Chicago in 1903. But there seems to be no reference at all anywhere else to the slogan before Oppenheim’s 1911 verse. And there is no reference to it in the annals of the Lawrence strike. Not until about 1915 does the anecdote emerge about the “bread and roses” banner the strikers allegedly carried.

Just what really lay behind this story about phalanxes of marching women? I started by looking into the life of the author. Who was this James Oppenheim, and what had he done? What had he experienced that might have provided the basis for his poem? The surprising answer to my search came in a novel published precisely 100 years before “Occupy” protesters camped out in New York’s Zuccotti Park. And, luckily, since my research skills leave much to be desired, the answer actually came rather easily.

Born in St. Paul in 1882, Oppenheim was the son of the first Jewish member of the Minnesota Legislature. But his family moved to New York City in his childhood. He attended Columbia University at the turn of the century and soon after became a teacher and settlement house worker in Greenwich Village, where he came to sympathize with the plight of poor industrial workers.

Between 1909 and 1911, he wrote three novels whose themes all resonate in the present day. His first, Dr. Rast, is a collection of stories about a Jewish physician with a mission to provide health care for the poor, who often died because they could not pay for treatment. Remarkably, it was written almost exactly 100 before the passage of President Obama’s national health insurance plan. His second, Wild Oats(1910), took on venereal disease and the sexual double-standard for men and women.

But it was the title of the third novel, published in the fall of 1911, that caught my attention. It was called The Nine-Tenths. Hadn’t I been hearing a similar term being used widely since “Occupy” protesters took over Zuccotti Park, near Wall Street in September 2011. Did the “Nine-Tenths” refer to roughly the same segment of America’s population that Occupy sought to represent exactly 100 years later?

The novel is readily obtained; free online versions are available, because its copyright ran out long ago. I ordered a print-on-demand copy, which arrived in two days. Unable to put the volume down once I started reading, I nearly inhaled its words.The Nine-Tenths, published by Harper Brothers, is the most compelling of Oppenheim’s novels. The reviews of the day acclaimed the book as a powerful portrait of the lives of the poor, despite some complaints about Oppenheim’s penchant for the sentimental.

Sentimental, yet Powerful

Indeed, Oppenheim writes with great passion, sometimes-overwrought emotion and an idealism that no longer plays well in our detached and cynical times. His characters wear their feelings on their sleeves, as a recent National Public Radio story (“Mining Books to Map Emotions Through a Century”) points out was far more common 100 years ago:

We think of modern culture – and often ourselves – as more emotionally open than people in the past. We live in a world of reality television and blogs and Facebook – it feels like feelings are everywhere, displayed to a degree that they never were before. But according to this research, that’s not so.

Generally speaking, the usage of these commonly known emotion words has been in decline over the 20th century. … We used words that expressed our emotions less in the year 2000 than we did 100 years earlier – words about sadness and joy and anger and disgust and surprise.

Although sentimental, Oppenheim’s novel does not oversimplify its characters and their emotions or the reality they seek to change. The Nine-Tenths is a fictionalization of two actual events, but with their chronological order reversed, an artistic device employed with great skill by Oppenheim. The first of these events was the Triangle Shirtwaist Fire, a well-known disaster that resulted in the deaths of 146 young women on March 24, 1911.

Oppenheim must have written The Nine-Tenths in great haste, although that is not apparent to the reader. Indeed, the book was published only six months after the Triangle Fire actually occurred, surely unusual even today, and surely more so in an era of hand-set type.

The Transformation of Joe Blaine

In the novel, The Triangle Fire becomes “The East Eighty-First Street Fire.” It starts with a carelessly tossed cigarette in a print shop and results in the death of dozens of very young women, who work making hats one floor higher in the same building. When the fire occurs, the print shop owner (I envision him looking and sounding exactly like Jimmy Stewart in It’s a Wonderful Life), a humble chap named Joe Blaine, is on a tryst with Myra, a teacher he has fallen in love with. In an instant, a moment of joy turns for Joe into one of horror.

Overcome with grief and guilt – because the fire began in his shop – Joe attends a memorial for the dead girls. Here, Oppenheim uses the exact words from a famous speech given by labor organizer Rose Schneiderman at the actual Triangle Fire memorial:

I would be a traitor to these poor burned bodies if I came here to talk good fellowship. We have tried you good people of the public and we have found you wanting. … This is not the first time girls have been burned alive in the city. Every week I must learn of the untimely death of one of my sister workers. Every year thousands of us are maimed. The life of men and women is so cheap and property is so sacred. … 

Oppenheim changes her name to Sally Heffer, but the character, who appears throughout the novel, is clearly Schneiderman. It seems that Oppenheim wants to Americanize the Russian-born Schneiderman, a Jew like himself, to give his novel wider appeal at a time when anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic sentiments were still strong.

Triangle was a life-changing event for many, including Frances Perkins, later FDR’s secretary of labor but then a New York social worker, who was actually having tea across Washington Park Square from the factory when the fire broke out. As Kirstin Downey explains in her powerful biography of Perkins,The Woman Behind the New Deal, she rushed to the site only to watch helplessly as women plunged to their deaths.

In The Nine-Tenths, Heffer’s speech rocks Joe Blaine’s world. He has been tried and found wanting. The souls of the deceased call out for justice and solidarity through action, not charity. Joe knows that the only way to expiate his guilt is to join their fight.

From now on I belong to those dead girls – yes, and to their fellow workers.

A Newspaper in Greenwich Village

He sells his shop, bids adieu to a broken-hearted Myra during a tension-filled winter walk in Central Park, and moves, together with his mother, from his Upper East Side home to a flat in the Village, where he begins to immerse himself in the lives of working-class immigrants. He uses the money he has made from selling the printery, a heady $20,000, big cash in those times, to start a newspaper for the workers – the 90 percent of society slowly being ground up in the wheels of the industrial system.

Blaine calls his paper The Nine-Tenths. He signs up Sally Heffer and other workers to write its content and drum up an audience. While there are men and women on the team, it is the women who lead it; indeed, “the rising of the women,” is Joe’s new dream, as clearly it was for Oppenheim.

Sally was of the new breed; she represented the new emancipation; the exodus of woman from the home to the battle-fields of the world; the willingness to fight in the open, shoulder to shoulder with men; the advance of a sex that now demanded a broader, freer life, a new health, a home built up on comradeship and economic freedom. In all of these things she contrasted sharply with Myra, and Joe always thought of the two together.

The Nine-Tenths seems an honest appraisal of the social strata of those times. Ninety-nine percent is a great exaggeration today, when the upper-middle classes live as royalty did then. The use of the term “99%” seems more strategic than accurate, designed to isolate the biggest winners in new war of all against all, although the gap between rich and poor is even wider now than it was in 1911.

In one of the paper’s first issues, Joe writes a powerful editorial laying out the misery of the poor working women whose cause he has chosen to champion. He describes their sacrifices, the agony of seeing their children grow sick and die, of seeing their husbands show up daily to compete with other men for a bare minimum of jobs and, failing to maintain their incomes and their dignity, turn to the anesthesia of the barroom or domestic violence and crime.

Possibly then the husband will come home and beat his wife, drag her about the floor, blacken her eyes, break a rib. … Very often he ceases to be a wage-earner and loafs about saloons. From then on the woman wrestles with world of trouble – unimaginable difficulties. Truly, running a state may be easier than running a family. And yet the woman toils on. … She keeps her head; she takes charge; she toils late into the night; she goes without food, without sleep. Somehow she manages. … 

He tells of how the mothers take in the laundry of the rich to survive, how the poor immigrant girls prematurely lose their beauty and laughter, how they are left only with love and, eventually, nothing at all.

It is a powerful section of the novel; reading the book takes one fully into the homes, factories and streets of industrial New York at the beginning of the last century. There is little black and white here; the laborers, particularly the men, have their own foibles. Some are bought off and turn traitor to their co-workers, while among the comfortable, there are those who come to the workers’ aid. A group of workers, egged on by their boss, turns angry mob, violently attacking Blaine and trashing his home and office.

The Uprising of the Thirty Thousand

The conversations Joe has with Sally and others are much the same as those we still must have: How do you reach people? How do you maintain democratic principles? How do win allies among the businesspeople? How do you avoid violence? What are the repercussions of courage?

In time, Joe’s Nine-Tenths newspaper has thousands of readers. Its stories embolden the women. They begin to walk away from their factories in protest. They rally at Cooper Union and vote for a general strike, raising the roof with their vows of solidarity, shouted in Yiddish. At this point, Oppenheim describes the other historical event on which the novel is based.

In the fall and winter of 1909 and 1910, in what was deemed “The Uprising of the Thirty Thousand,” masses of factory workers shut down their machines and took to the streets, supported by the Women’s Trade Union League. In this, they were joined by prominent women of the upper class, including banking magnate J.P. Morgan’s daughter, Anne. Their demands center on safe working conditions, shorter hours and an increase in pay. The fictional Nine-Tenths is the organ of solidarity that holds them together and publicizes their cause when the mainstream press will not.

Here, in the Uprising of the Thirty Thousand, we find the real events that inspiredBread and Roses, the women marching, the “million darkened kitchens” that actually existed in New York, then a city of 5 million people. Here in the novel is the meaning of that phrase from the poem, “Our lives shall not be sweated. … ” Sweating (in the “sweat shops”) was a practice of speeding up the line to increase production. Here also are the “ten that toil where one reposes,” the nine-tenths for which Joe Blaine published his paper.

And here, too, is the mass protest of the original Occupy.

In the midst of this, Joe’s girlfriend, Myra, returns home from a retreat in the country and is swept into the maelstrom of the strike. Originally unsympathetic to Joe (reminding him that the Bible says the poor will always be with us), she watches helplessly as Rhona, a teenage picket, is roughed up by police, taken to jail and sent to the “work-house” without reason.

After a few months, in the novel as in reality, the Uprising of the Thirty Thousand peters out, as many employers give in to the women’s key demands and, in places where they do not, the women slowly return to work. The most prominent of the real holdouts was the Triangle Shirtwaist Company, which refused to improve safety conditions. A year later, its belligerence produced tragedy.

Joe Blaine’s Vision – Time for Life

After the strike, a reunited Joe and Myra get married and go on a honeymoon. On their return to New York, it is full spring. Oppenheim describes the city reborn, in language reminiscent of Walt Whitman:

Over the city the spring cast its subtle spell. The skies had a more fleeting blue and softer clouds and more golden sun. Here and there on a window-sill a new red geranium plant was set out to touch the stone walls with the green earth’s glory. The salt breath of the sea, wandering up the dusty avenues, called the children of men to new adventures – hinted of far countries across the world, of men going down to the sea in ships, of traffic and merchandise in fairer climes, of dripping forest gloom and glittering peaks, of liquid-lisping brooks and the green scenery of the open earth.

There is a wild magic to Oppenheim’s words that stirs all but the most cynical and hardened of heart.

Restlessness seized the hearts of men and the works of men. From the almshouses and the jails emerged the vagrants, stopped overnight to meet their cronies in dives and saloons, and next day took the freight to the blooming West, or tramped by foot the dust of the roads that leave the city and go ribboning over the shoulder and horizon of the world. Windows were flung open, and the fresh sweet air came in to make the babies laugh and the women wistful and the men lazy. Factories droned with machines that seemed to grate against their iron fate. And of a night, now, the parks, the byways, and the waterside were the haunts of young lovers – stealing out together, arms round each other’s waists – the future of the world in their trembling hands.

From the green leaves, blossoms and buds of the new spring, Oppenheim draws lessons about the resilience of the human spirit.

Anything was possible. Did not earth set an example, showing how out of a hard dead crust and a forlorn and dry breast she could pour her new oceans of million-glorious life? If the dead tree could blossom and put forth green leaves, what dead soul need despair?

There is no mention of “bread and roses” in the novel at all, and no mention in the files of history about any of the women of the uprising using the term. Clearly, the idea that the women were “singing Bread and Roses,” came only from Oppenheim’s imagination; he put the words in their mouths. But while he refrains from using the phrase in his novel, there can be little doubt what he meant by it in the poem.

Bread, here, is a reference to higher pay, to money and the material needs of life. But Oppenheim understood that even as poor as these women were, they did not live on bread alone. They needed the non-material joys of life – art, beauty, nature, play, learning, friendship and love – and for all of these things, they needed time. The needed shorter hours of labor, time to smell the roses.

As they look upon the city from a ship in the East River, Joe tells Myra his vision for the future of New York, “the city of five million comrades.”

“They toil all day with one another; they create all of beauty and use that men may need; they exchange these things with each other; they go home at night to gardens and simple houses, they find happy women there and sunburnt, laughing children. Their evenings are given over to the best play – play with others, play with masses, or play at home. They have time for study, time for art, yet time for one another. Each loosens in himself and gives to the world his sublime possibilities. A city of toiling comrades, of sparkling homes, of wondrous art, and joyous festival. That is the city I see before me!” He paused. “And to the coming of that city I dedicate my life”

Oppenheim’s vision of the good life, while still infused by the gender bias of his day, is an enlightened one of modest homes, modest comfort and, most of all, time to appreciate the things that are not things, but are the best things in life.

A Novel Pregnant With Possibility

As I read The Nine-Tenths, I thought about how a novel like this one could be the basis of an entire semester’s course in a university. It starts with an original source rather than textbook commentary. It raises so many questions about values, takes readers into long-ago lives as nonfiction never can, and stirs heart as well as head.

For today’s students, mostly passive in the face of constantly rising costs, diminishing employment prospects, a society that seems to value only wealth and profit, art and media that wallows in hatred and ever-more-graphic and senseless violence, the story of Joe Blaine and his transformation contains enough subject matter to stir a hundred theses and even a hundred new outbreaks of Occupy.

It wasn’t surprising that the edition of The Nine-Tenths I now possess was the last one, a reissuing of the book in 1968, the high-water mark of student protests in the post-World War II era. That was a time when the idealism of Joe Blaine and the underlying optimism of the novel still held sway, just before the leading activists turned despairingly from the novel’s belief in nonviolent protest to the bombs of the Weather Underground.

The first recorded reference to the use of the phrase “bread and roses” in an actual historical event comes nearly a year after Oppenheim’s poem was published, when Rose Schneiderman used the term in a women’s suffrage rally – “The worker must have bread, but she must have roses, too.” On this the Wikipedia entry for Rose Schneiderman, has the events backward, suggesting that her 1912 speech inspired the poem!

But I think it more than likely that the story of the banners in Lawrence is true, despite the lack of documented evidence. The Lawrence strike came in January 1912, barely a month after Oppenheim’s poem was published in a popular magazine. And while it was undoubtedly still fresh in people’s minds. Many of the IWW leaders at Lawrence lived in New York City, including the fabled orator Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. They were active in the broader labor and cultural circles of their day. It seems almost impossible that they were unaware of the poem Bread and Roses and highly unlikely that they wouldn’t have talked about it, at least privately, with the strikers. So I suspect there is truth to the anecdotal reports about the banners that surfaced a few years after the strike. But we will probably never know for sure.

What we do know for sure is that there was a “nine-tenths” 100 years before the 99%, and an original Occupy in lower Manhattan 100 years before Zuccotti Park.

In those turbulent days that began the 20th century, masses of people, led by liberals, socialists, and anarchists and joined even by a contingent of the ten percent, were challenging the privilege, greed and rampant inequality of the Gilded Age. They took to the streets as the Occupy protesters did. But they also took to the ballot box, armed with a political program of concrete demands for radical reform. They were not scornful of leadership as the Occupy protesters were, nor unwilling to draft a blueprint for change. Like the Occupy protesters, they mourned the power of the wealthy and the corporations and the lack of democracy. They had no Citizens United to challenge, but an even greater battle for influence; remember that women could not even vote then.

From the Uprising to Political Action

In August 1912, many of them came together to form the Progressive Party and to present a program they called A Contract with the People, calling for:

  • A National Health Service.

  • Social insurance to provide for the elderly, the unemployed and the disabled.

  • A federalsecurities commission.

  • Relief for small farmers.

  • Compensation for workplace injuries.

  • The vote for women.

  • Direct election of senators.

  • Recall, referendum and initiative.

  • Strict limits on political campaign contributions.

The issues that animated the original occupiers were much the same as those that challenge us today. Almost all of them were won in the quarter century following the founding of the Progressive Party, many in next few years, others in the early days of the New Deal. They reduced the gap between rich and poor, vastly increased the size of the middle class, and offered “bread, and roses, too.”

But in the past three decades many of these important gains that came at the cost of the original occupiers’ blood and tears, have been eroded by the forces of greed that carry out the bidding of the 1%. Occupy has risen up against the new priorities of dog eat dog. But unlike its predecessors of a century ago, today’s Occupy seems to me inchoate and without clear plans or focused vision. In the past three decades, our modern Nine-Tenths have lost both bread and roses. They have been quick to notice the loss of bread, although sadly unable to prevent it. But they seem to have forgotten the roses, whose watering seems most urgent.

The philosopher George Santayana once observed that failing to remember the past dooms us to repeat it. But the reverse is also true; sometimes it’s important to remember history so we can repeat it. This is surely one of those times.

Copyright, Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.

Ainda o debate sobre a experimentação animal

JC e-mail 4853, de 11 de novembro de 2013

SBPC e FeSBE defendem o fim da experimentação animal em testes cosméticos

Manifesto das duas instituições foi divulgado na última sexta-feira

A SBPC e a Federação de Sociedades de Biologia Experimental (FeSBE) divulgaram nesta sexta-feira (08/11) manifesto, em que defendem que o uso de animais em pesquisas é essencial para descobertas científicas, com benefícios inquestionáveis para os humanos e outros seres vivos. Vacinas, medicamentos, desenvolvimento de próteses e cirurgias, terapias gênica e com células tronco são apenas alguns exemplos dos benefícios obtidos com o uso de animais em pesquisas.

Apesar de ser impossível substituir por completo o uso de animais para pesquisa e testes de medicamentos e vacinas, os pesquisadores brasileiros e do exterior têm empenhado esforços para reduzir seu número em estudos, fazendo o planejamento racional dos experimentos e substituindo-os por métodos validados sempre que possível. O uso de testes alternativos é uma recomendação explícita da Lei Arouca (Lei11794 de 2008, que regulamenta o uso de animais para fins científicos e didáticos no Brasil).

Em contrapartida, o uso de animais para testes cosméticos é menos essencial e metodologias alternativas validadas podem substituí-los para esse fim.

Desta forma, a SBPC e a FeSBE informam ser favoráveis à proibição dos testes cosméticos com animais no Brasil.

Veja na íntegra do manifesto: http://sbpcnet.org.br/site/arquivos/SBPC_FeSBE.pdf

(Jornal da Ciência)

* * *

Presidente da SBPC é contra PL que proíbe estudos com animais

Helena Nader encaminhou carta ao governador de São Paulo e a deputados estaduais em que faz um alerta sobre as consequências de projeto de lei estadual

A presidente da SBPC, Helena Nader, encaminhou nesta sexta-feira (08/11), uma carta ao governador de São Paulo, Geraldo Alckmin, e aos deputados Samuel Moreira, presidente da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de SP, e Rogério Nogueira, autor do Projeto de Lei de nº 780/2013 – que proíbe o uso de animais em pesquisas científicas, fazendo um alerta sobre o impacto negativo dessa legislação no desenvolvimento científico do Estado de São Paulo, além do efeito negativo que pode ser estendido para o restante do país.

No documento, Helena afirma que o PL 780/2013 pode inviabilizar a pesquisa científica em várias áreas do conhecimento em pleno desenvolvimento nas diferentes Instituições de pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo.

Veja a carta na íntegra: http://sbpcnet.org.br/site/arquivos/oficio_135_deputado.pdf

(Jornal da Ciência)

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Impasse nas pesquisas

Após invasão de defensores dos animais, Instituto Royal anuncia fechamento e cientistas não têm onde testar novos medicamentos no País

O fechamento do Instituto Royal, em São Roque (SP), anunciado na semana passada, deixou a comunidade científica preocupada. O laboratório, que fazia testes de medicamentos em animais, decidiu encerrar suas atividades alegando “irreparáveis perdas” após a invasão de ativistas que retiraram de lá 178 beagles. A decisão traz o impasse: onde serão feitas as etapas mais avançadas das pesquisas com animais para desenvolver remédios a partir de agora? Segundo a Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da Ciência (SBPC), não há outro instituto com capacitação para fazer os mesmos testes. Por isso, a professora Helena Nader, presidente da entidade, articula uma reunião de emergência com pesquisadores e representantes dos ministérios da Saúde e da Ciência e Tecnologia para estudar a criação de uma nova instituição nos moldes do Royal.

O Royal afirma ter sido peça fundamental para o desenvolvimento da ciência por ser o único instituto do País com o certificado de Boas Práticas de Laboratório (BPL), concedido pelo Instituto Nacional de Metrologia, Qualidade e Tecnologia (Inmetro). Há outros laboratórios, como o Tecam, também em São Roque, que possuem a mesma certificação. Mas, segundo a SBPC, nenhum outro biotério realiza pesquisas com cães como fazia o Royal. Os cachorros são a última etapa da aplicação das substâncias antes dos humanos. Diante da situação, a única opção no momento é fazer os experimentos no Exterior, uma vez que o Brasil está atrás de outros países em relação às pesquisas. Mas a ideia não agrada à comunidade científica. “Descobertas de moléculas e quebra de patente são interesses nacionais. São informações que precisam ficar aqui”, diz Marcelo Morales, secretário da SBPC e secretário-geral da Federação de Sociedades de Biologia Experimental (Fesbe).

Enquanto isso, o Conselho Nacional de Controle de Experimentação Animal (Concea), principal órgão de regulamentação de pesquisas com animais, tenta colocar ordem na casa. Das 375 instituições credenciadas na entidade, 178 estão irregulares por não entregarem os relatórios anuais – algumas nem sequer enviaram a documentação de 2011 – e 14 por motivos específicos.

(Camila Brandalise/Isto É)

http://www.istoe.com.br/reportagens/333840_IMPASSE+NAS+PESQUISAS

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A ciência em perigo

É duro ouvir pessoas sem conhecimento científico opinando e, com base nisso, sermos acusados de maus-tratos que nunca existiram, informa Folha de domingo

As últimas três semanas legaram uma grave lição ao país: a de que a pesquisa científica está sujeita aos humores de grupos que, caso entendam que assim devem agir, invadem e depredam laboratórios sob os olhares complacentes do poder público.

Não é possível enxergar de outra maneira a cadeia de eventos que levou ao encerramento das atividades do Instituto Royal em São Roque, única instituição brasileira preparada para desenvolver uma atividade-chave para a sociedade, a pesquisa de segurança de medicamentos.

É o caso clássico em que a vítima se torna réu. Por outro lado, seu agressor, apoiado em acusações vazias, posa de herói. É como se acusassem você, leitor, de maus-tratos com seus animais domésticos, invadissem e depredassem sua casa e os levassem embora, sem nenhuma prova concreta ou amparo legal. Como você se sentiria a respeito?

Todos os responsáveis na esfera pública –do prefeito de São Roque (SP) ao ministro da Ciência e Tecnologia, passando pelo coordenador do Conselho Nacional de Experimentação Animal– atestaram a lisura e a correção do Royal, bem como a importância do nosso trabalho. Todas as sociedades científicas relevantes manifestaram seu apoio.

Enquanto isso, assistimos a um desfile de políticos e futuros candidatos em busca de fama, sem se preocupar com a verdade. Também pudemos observar autoridades que têm a obrigação de proteger a sociedade assistirem placidamente à atuação criminosa de um grupo de indivíduos, sem esboçar reação.

Se pensarmos friamente, podemos encontrar as raízes desse mal em nossos próprios corações. Quem aceita passivamente que vândalos agridam um coronel da polícia, por exemplo, também não vê nada de errado em uma ação como a que foi perpetrada contra o Royal. O distanciamento acaba gerando aceitação. Novamente, cabe uma pergunta ao leitor: e se isso ocorresse na empresa em que você trabalha?

Nossa equipe era formada por 85 profissionais que investiram anos em estudo e pesquisa. São biólogos, biomédicos e médicos veterinários cuja capacidade é resultado de seus esforços pessoais.

Para todos nós, é muito duro ouvir pessoas sem um mínimo de conhecimento científico e capacidade técnica opinando sobre pesquisas e teses de mestrado que um leigo não conseguiria entender completamente e, com base nisso, sermos acusados de maus-tratos que nunca existiram.

Além disso, precisamos conviver com nossos dados pessoais sendo divulgados na internet, além de ameaças, públicas e anônimas, à nossa integridade física.

Ainda pior do que isso, porém, é saber que todos esses 85 profissionais estão agora na rua e que não haverá nenhum grupo de “ativistas” para defender suas famílias.

A dúvida que ronda a comunidade científica é sobre aonde isso vai parar. Recentemente, um reconhecido instituto brasileiro iniciou testes em macacos para uma vacina anti-HIV, que pode salvar milhões de vidas ao redor do mundo. Haverá uma invasão à entidade?

Em algum momento, um novo laboratório deverá ser criado ou certificado para dar conta da pesquisa de segurança de medicamentos no Brasil –e certamente utilizará animais. É possível fazer isso sem riscos?

São dúvidas incômodas que demonstram o completo absurdo da situação. A única certeza por enquanto é que hoje, no Brasil, é preciso ter coragem para ser cientista.

Aberto, o Royal era alvo de invasões e palco de interesses políticos. Fechado, é um dos muitos sinais aparentes de que algo, definitivamente, não vai bem neste país.

Silvia Ortiz, 51, doutora em ciência de animais de laboratório pela Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) e pelo Instituto Pasteur de Paris, é gerente-geral do Instituto Royal

João Antonio Pêgas Henriques, 67, doutor em ciências naturais pela Université Paris SUD e membro titular da Academia Brasileira de Ciências, é diretor-científico do Instituto Royal

(Folha de S.Paulo)

http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/opiniao/138315-a-ciencia-em-perigo.shtml

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A ética animal

Alfaces realmente não choram. Humanos e porcos, sim. Tirar uma cenoura da terra e sangrar uma galinha não são a mesma coisa, publica Folha de domingo

Eventualmente, quando lemos um artigo, podemos ficar em dúvida se o autor realmente acredita naquilo que escreveu ou se é despreocupadamente panfletário. No segundo caso, podemos concluir que consiste em pilhéria, afronta desrespeitosa que causa polêmica, mas não pela razão devida.

Em “A ética das baratas” (“Ilustrada, 16/9), o senhor Luiz Felipe Pondé se refere à corrente filosófica denominada ética animal como “seita verde”, “mania adolescente”.

Qualificou aqueles que a defendem como “pragas”, “ridículos”, “adoradores de barata”, “hippies velhos que fazem bijuteria vagabunda em praças vazias” e “pessoas com problemas psicológicos”. Nunca tínhamos lido nada assim. Objeções sim, claro, mas nada nesses termos.

Segundo Pondé, Peter Singer, da Universidade Princeton, Tom Regan, da Universidade da Carolina do Norte, Laurence Tribe, de Harvard, CassSunstein, da Universidade de Chicago, Andrew Linzey, de Oxford, além de tantos outros, inclusive dos autores deste arrazoado, são “ridículos”, “hippies velhos”, “pragas”…

Singer, ao contrário do afirmado por Pondé, nunca sustentou, sem qualquer mais, que “bicho é gente”. O que Singer afirma é que pelo menos alguns animais são suficientemente semelhantes a nós a ponto de merecer uma consideração moral também semelhante, adotando o critério da senciência ou consciência, com ênfase na capacidade de sofrer.

Pondé, que não leu e/ou entendeu Singer, faz, então, uma leitura da natureza para dizer que ela “mata sem pena fracos pobres e oprimidos”. O que isso tem que ver? Concluímos que devemos agir assim com animais e seres humanos? Embora a natureza não possa ser reduzida a isso, qual moralidade se pode extrair de fatos naturais?

Ora, milhões de seres humanos são fracos, pobres e oprimidos. Os juízos de valor sobre a correção ou o erro de determinadas condutas são pertinentes somente aos agentes morais. Por isso, carece de qualquer sentido avaliar eticamente a conduta do leão de atacar a zebra. Essa interdição, porém, não nos impede de analisar a nossa conduta diante de outros humanos e animais.

Pondé pergunta: “Como assim não se deve matar nenhuma forma de vida’?” Quem proclama isso, senhor Pondé? Certamente não é a ética animal. Nem a ética da vida. O que se afirma é que não se deve matar sempre que se possa evitar isso. O que significa que não é irrelevante matar uma barata ou que se está autorizado a matar uma vaca para satisfazer o paladar.

A ciência nos informa que alfaces não sofrem –este é um estado atrelado a fisiologia que elas não têm. Alfaces realmente não choram, senhor Pondé. Humanos e porcos, sim. Tirar uma cenoura da terra e sangrar uma galinha não são a mesma coisa. Podar um galho de árvore ou cortar a pata de um cão também não. É o senso comum mais elementar.

Ridicularizar é recurso para desqualificar: como muitas vezes feito, desprestigia a serenidade da argumentação acadêmica para angariar os risos da plateia por meio de artifícios sofistas. Todavia, como alertou santo Agostinho, uma coisa é rir de um problema, outra é resolvê-lo. E nós, senhor Pondé, não estamos sorrindo.

Fábio Corrêa Souza de Oliveira, 38, é professor de direito dos animais na Universidade Federal do RJ

Daniel Braga Lourenço, 38, é professor de ética ecológica na Universidade Federal Rural do RJ

Carlos Naconecy, 51, é pesquisador do Centro de Ética Animal da Universidade Oxford (Inglaterra)

(Folha de S.Paulo)

http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/opiniao/138308-a-etica-animal.shtml

A internet e o “orgasmo democrático” (Outras Palavras)

06/11/2013 – 10h05

por Marcos Nunes Carreiro, do Outras Palavras

rede A internet e o “orgasmo democrático”

A emergente participação em rede não produzirá novas ideologias unitárias ou revoluções, mas poderá destruir o velho jogo da governança representativa.

Muito se fala de como as redes sociais vêm modificando o pensamento social e ampliando a capacidade de reflexão, sobretudo dos jovens, em razão da participação fundamental da internet nas manifestações e protestos que tomaram o Brasil nos últimos meses. As mani­festações já viraram pauta nas escolas e com certeza serão conhecidas das próximas gerações. Mas, afinal, qual é o papel político-social das redes sociais e da internet?

Há quem diga que o momento atual do Brasil é de orgasmo democrático, ao ver milhares de pessoas saindo às ruas em razão da situação político-econômica do país. E é realmente instigante acompanhar a efervescência da sociedade, até para quem não tem ânimo de participar. Todavia, há discordância quanto ao termo “orgasmo democrático”. O professor da Faculdade de Comu­nicação da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), Magno Medeiros, por exemplo, diz que orgasmo é um fenômeno fugaz e de satisfação imediata, ao contrário do que vive o Brasil atualmente.

Para ele, o que ocorre, na verdade, é a erupção de uma dor crônica, sedimentada há várias décadas em torno da insatisfação em relação aos direitos de cidadania. “Direitos básicos, como ter um transporte urbano decente, como ter o direito de ser bem tratado na rede pública de saúde, como ter uma educação de qualidade e de acesso democrático a todos. O Brasil experimentou, nos últimos anos, avanços consideráveis no campo da redução das desigualdades sociais e da minimização dos bolsões de pobreza, mas os setores sociais pobres e miseráveis, que emergiram para a classe C, querem mais do que apenas consumir bens básicos como geladeira, fogão, computador, celular, etc. Eles querem ser tratados com dignidade”, diz.

Ideologia social

O autor da expressão que titula a matéria é o italiano Massimo Di Felice, doutor em Ciências da Comunicação pela Universidade de São Paulo (USP) e PHD em sociologia pela Universidade Paris Descartes V, Sorbonne. Di Felice é professor da Escola de Comu­nica­ção e Artes da USP, onde fundou o Centro de Pesquisa Atopos e coordena as pesquisas “Redes digitais e sustentabilidade” e “Net-ativismo: ações colaborativas em redes digitais”.

O termo “orgasmo democrático” surgiu quando o professor foi questionado sobre como, antes, o que reunia milhares de pessoas eram ideologias políticas, e hoje já não é assim. Seria então possível afirmar que vivemos a época de um processo de criação democrática de ideologia social? Segundo Di Felice, a razão política ocidental moderna europeia, positivista e portadora de uma concepção unitária da história, criou as democracias nacionais representativas, que se articulavam pelo agenciamento da conflitualidade através dos partidos políticos e dos sindicatos. E a estrutura comunicativa dessas instituições, correspondente aos fluxos comunicativos da mídia analógica – imprensa, TV e jornais –, é centralizada e vertical, além de maniqueísta, isto é, divide e organiza o mundo em mocinhos e vilões, direita e esquerda, revolucionários e reacionários etc.

Contudo, as redes digitais criaram outros tipos de fluxo comunicativo, descentralizados, que permitem o acesso às informações e a participação de todos na construção de significados. “A razão política moderna é fálica e cristã, busca dominar o mundo, rotula pensamentos enquanto os simplifica, necessita de inimigos e promete a salvação. Já a lógica virtual é plural, se alimenta do presente e não possui ideologia, além de viver o presente ato impulsivo”, analisa.

Ele diz ser normal que a sociedade queira identificar e julgar os movimentos, rotulando-os por exemplo de “fascistas”, pois, segundo ele, a razão ordenadora odeia o novo e o que não compreende. “Porém, julgar os diversos não-movimentos que nasceram pelas redes (espontâneos e não unitários) é como julgar a emoção e a conectividade orgiástica (‘orghia’ em grego significa “sentir com”). A democracia do Brasil está passando de sua dimensão pública televisiva, eleitoral e representativa, para a dimensão digital-conectiva. O país está experimentando um orgasmo democrático. A lógica é, como diria Michel Maffesoli, dionisíaca e não ideológica.”

Segundo Di Felice, do ponto de vista sociopolítico, as arquiteturas informativas digitais e as redes sociais estão trazendo, no mundo inteiro, alterações qualitativas que podem ser classificadas em dez pontos: 1. A possibilidade técnica do acesso de todos a todas as informações; 2. O debate coletivo em rede sobre a questões de interesse público; 3. O fim do monopólio do controle e do agenciamento das informações por parte dos monopólios econômicos e políticos das empresas de comunicação; 4. O fim dos pontos de vista centrais e das ideologias políticas modernas (seja de esquerda ou direita) que tinham a pretensão de controlar e agenciar a conflitualidade social; 5. O fim dos partidos políticos e da cultura representativa de massa que ordenavam e controlavam a participação dos cidadãos, limitando-a ao voto a cada quatro anos.

A partir do sexto ponto, o professor classifica aquilo que trata da evolução sistêmica: 6. O advento de uma lógica social conectiva que se expressa na capacidade que as redes sociais digitais têm de reunir, em tempo real, uma grande quantidade de setores diversos e heterogêneos da população em torno de temáticas de interesse comum; 7. A passagem de um tipo de imaginário político baseado na representação identitária e dialética (esquerda-direita; progressistas-reacionários, etc.) para uma lógica experiencial, conectiva e tecno-colaborativa, que se articula não mais através das ideologias, mas através da experiência entre indivíduos, informações e territórios; 8. O advento de um novo tipo de gestão pública e de democracia; 9. A transformação da relação entre político e cidadão e do papel dos eleitos, que passam a ser considerados não mais como representantes do poder absoluto, mas porta-vozes e meros executores da vontade popular que os vigia a cada decisão; 10. A passagem de um imaginário político, baseado em uma esfera pública na qual a participação dos cidadãos era apenas opinativa, para formas de deliberação coletiva e práticas de decisão colaborativas que se articulam autonomamente nas redes. Acompanhe a entrevista:

Massimo Di Felice 350x200 A internet e o “orgasmo democrático”

Massimo Di Felice

Os protestos são organizados nas redes, mas nota-se que há líderes surgindo nas ruas. Como o senhor vê isso?

Os movimentos nascem nas redes, atuam em ruas, mas não em ruas comuns. Eles atuam em “ruas conectadas” e reproduzindo em tempo real, nas redes, os acontecimentos das manifestações. Através da computação móvel, debatem e buscam soluções continuamente, expressando uma original forma de relação tecno-humana e inaugurando o advento de uma dimensão meta-geográfica e atópica (do greco a-topos: lugar indescritível, lugar estranho, fora do comum). Embora o sociólogo espanhol Manuel Castells defenda que os movimentos sociais contemporâneos nascem nas redes e que somente depois, nas ruas, ganham maior visibilidade, não me parece ser esta a sua descrição mais apropriada. Ao contrário: o que está acontecendo em todas as ruas, em diversos países do mundo, é o advento de uma dimensão imersiva e informativa do conflito, que se exprime numa espacialidade plural, conectiva e informativa. Os manifestantes habitam espaços estendidos, decidem suas estratégias e seus movimentos nas ruas através da interação contínua nas “social networks” e da troca instantânea de informações. Não somente se deslocam conectados, mas a manifestação é tal e acontece de fato somente se é postada na rede, tornando-se novamente digital, isto é, informação. Não é mais possível pensar em espaços físicos versus espaços informativos. Os conflitos são informativos. Jogos de trocas entre corpos e circuitos informativos, experimentações do surgimento de uma carne informatizada, que experimenta as suas múltiplas dimensões: a informativa digital e a sangrenta material, golpeada e machucada. Ambas são reais e nenhuma é separada da outra, mas cada uma ganha a sua “veracidade” no seu agenciamento com a outra.

Todos esses dias de junho, em São Paulo, e em muitas outras capitais, jogamos games coletivos – todos fomos conectados a circuitos de informações, espaços e curtos-circuitos que alteravam nossos movimentos segundo as imagens e as interações dos demais membros do jogo. Todos experimentamos a nossa plural e interativa condição habitativa. O sangue dos manifestantes, golpeados pelos policiais, não caía apenas no chão das ruas, mas se derramava em espacialidades informativas. A polícia, através da computação móvel e das conexões instantâneas, tornou-se mídia, cúmplice de um ato informativo, e os manifestantes experimentaram o prazer de transformar seus corpos em informação. Transformar a polícia em mídia foi uma das grandes contribuições destes movimentos, que não possuem líderes nem direção única. Todas as tentativas oportunistas de direcionar e organizar os conjuntos de movimentos serão desmascaradas. Estamos falando da sociedade civil conectada e não deste ou daquele movimento social. Os atores destes movimentos, portanto, não são apenas os humanos, menos ainda alguns líderes. Não estamos falando de movimentos tradicionais que aconteciam nos espaços urbanos e industriais. Estamos, de fato, já em outro mundo.

Fora das redes, ainda há muita gente sem entender o que as manifestações significam, ou como elas surgiram. No ambiente virtual, há maior entendimento sobre o tema?

As manifestações do Brasil são expressões de uma transformação qualitativa que desde o advento da internet altera a forma de participação e o significado da ação social. O Centro de Pesquisa Atopos, da Universidade de São Paulo, está finalizando uma pesquisa internacional sobre o tema, com o apoio da Fapesp (Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo).

A pesquisa analisou as principais formas de net- ativismo em quatro países (Brasil, França, Itália e Portugal). Os resultados são interessantes e mostram claramente alguns elementos comuns que, mesmo em contextos diferentes, se reproduzem e aparecem como caraterísticas parecidas. Isso sublinha, mais uma vez, a importância das redes de conectividade e as caraterísticas tecno-informativas dessas expressões de conflitualidade que surgem na origem, na organização e nas formas de atuação destes movimentos. Em síntese, as principais caraterísticas comuns a todos eles são as seguintes: 1. O net-ativismo se coloca fora da tradição política moderna, pois expressa um novo tipo de conflitualidade que não tem como objetivo a disputa pelo poder. Todos os movimentos que marcam as diversas formas de conflitualidade contemporânea (os Zapatistas, os Indignados, Occupy Wall Street, Anonymous, M15 etc.) não têm como objetivo tornar-se partidos políticos e concorrer nas eleições. São todos explicitamente apartidários e contra a classe política. Reúnem-se todos contra a corrupção, os abusos e a incapacidade dessas mesmas classes políticas e de seus representantes; 2. São movimentos e ações que não estão organizados de forma tradicional, isto é, não são homogêneos, compostos por pessoas que se reconhecem na mesma ideologia ou em torno do mesmo projeto político. Ao contrário: são formas de protesto compostas por diversos atores e nos quais, como numa arquitetura reticular, as contraposições não são dialéticas e não inviabilizam a ação; 3. Possuem uma forma organizativa informal e, sobretudo, sem líderes e sem hierarquias; 4. O anonimato é um valor, não somente porque permite a defesa perante ações repressivas, mas porque é a forma através da qual é defendida a não-identidade, coletiva ou individual, de seus membros e das ações. Na tradição das ações net-ativistas, a ausência de identidade e a não visibilidade é o meio através do qual a conflitualidade não se institucionaliza, tornando-se, assim, irreconhecível, não identificável e capaz de conservar a sua própria eficácia conflitiva; 5. São movimentos ou ações temporários e, portanto, não duradouros, cujas finalidades e ambições máximas são o próprio desaparecimento.

Estes e outros elementos que encontramos em todas as ações net-ativistas são parte, já, de uma tradição que possui textos e reflexões que vão desde o cyberpunk até as contribuições de Hakim Bey, a guerrilha midiática de Luther Blisset, até a conflitualidade informativa zapatista. Os Anonymous e os Indignados e as diversas formas de conflitualidade digital contemporâneas são, na sua especificidade, a continuação disso. Não há uniformidade, nem pertença de nenhum tipo, mas inspiração.

A questão informativa é a grande façanha da tecnologia?

Na teoria da opinião pública, estamos assistindo a uma grande passagem do líder de opinião para o empreendedor cognitivo. O líder de opinião ganhava seu poder de persuasão através do poder midiático que lhe permitia, de forma privilegiada, através da TV ou das páginas de um jornal, alcançar grande parte da população de um país. Esta figura, geralmente um comentarista, um cientista político, um profissional da comunicação, um político ou uma personalidade pública, é hoje substituído no interior das novas dinâmicas dos fluxos informativos por outro tipo de informante e de mediador. Este é aquele que, por ter vivenciado ou por ter sido o próprio protagonista de um acontecimento, distribui, através das mídias digitais, diretamente, sem mediações, o acontecimento.

É o caso dos manifestantes que postaram tudo o que aconteceu nas ruas durante as manifestações. Nenhum comentarista ou líder de opinião conseguiu competir e disputar com eles outra versão dos acontecimentos. Eles, os manifestantes, fizeram a cobertura do evento com seus celulares, suas câmeras baratas, a partir do próprio lugar dos acontecimentos, ao vivo. A maioria das informações que circulavam foi produzida por eles. Isso foi possível porque existe uma tecnologia que permite que isso seja possível. Isto é, também um fato político que quebra em pedaços décadas de estudos sociológicos sobre a relação entre mídia e política, entre mídia e poder. A grande transformação que as redes digitais produzem é a interatividade. As pessoas conectadas buscam suas informações, as ordenam, obtêm mais fontes e elementos para avaliá-las. Digamos que, tendencialmente, a população é mais consciente, pois tem acesso direto a uma quantidade infinita de informações sobre qualquer tipo de assunto, tornando-se eles mesmos editores e criadores de conteúdo. Da mesma maneira, pelos mesmos dinamismos informativos, eles se tornam políticos, administradores e transformadores de suas cidades ou de suas localidades.

O senhor é europeu, mas vive há muitos anos na América Latina. Como difere o processo de expressão massiva entre os dois continentes?

Absolutamente não se distingue. Os movimentos possuem todos eles as mesmas características. Em cada país temos situações específicas e atores diferentes, mas que atuam de maneira análoga: através das redes digitais. Possuem a mesma específica forma de organização coletiva: não institucionalizada e sem hierarquia. Expressam as mesmas reivindicações: contra a corrupção dos partidos políticos, por maior transparência e eficiência, melhor qualidade dos serviços públicos. Desconfiam todos de seus representantes e querem decidir diretamente sobre os assuntos que lhes interessam.

Quais as consequências dessa posição que as manifestações assumem?

A rede é o “Além do Homem” do filósofo alemão Friedrich Nietzsche. Não é fácil, no seu interior, construir éticas coletivas, nem majoritárias, pois o seu dinamismo é emergente e sua forma, temporária. A participação em rede não irá produzir novas ideologias unitárias, menos ainda revoluções, pois sua razão não é abstrata e universal, mas particular e conectiva, mutante e incoerente. Apenas poderá destruir o velho jogo vampiresco da governança representativa e partidária, pois esta não é mais representativa e gera um sistema baseado na corrupção, em que a corrupção não é exceção, mas regra e norma do jogo.

As ideologias políticas que prometiam a igualdade e a salvação do mundo fracassaram, não apenas em seu intento socioeconômico igualitário, mas naquele mais importante: de produzir um novo imaginário social e cultural que nos tornasse parte de uma sociedade mais justa, na qual pudéssemos nos tornar melhores do que somos. A não-ética coletiva das redes não será um decálogo de normas e uma visão de mundo organizada e proferida pela boca das vanguardas, ou dos líderes iluminados, sempre prontos a surfar uma nova onda, mas será muito mais humildemente particular. Não mudará o mundo, mas resolverá através da conectividade problemas concretos e específicos, que têm a ver com a qualidade do ar, o direito à informação, o preço do transporte público, a qualidade do atendimento nos hospitais, a qualidade da educação. Isto é: tudo aquilo que partido nenhum jamais conseguiu fazer.

Para certa esquerda, está em marcha o acirramento de um fascismo nas manifestações, cujo sintoma é a rejeição de partidos nas passeatas. Uma ala da direita, com o apoio da imprensa, também contesta as manifestações como sendo “armação” da esquerda.

É visível para todos o oportunismo e o desespero de uma cultura política da modernidade que se descobriu, de repente, obsoleta e fora da história. Nenhum partido de esquerda consegue hoje representar os anseios e as utopias sequer de uma parte significativa da população. Eles se encontram na singular e cômica situação do menino escoteiro que, para cumprir sua boa ação, tenta convencer a velhinha a atravessar a rua para poder ajudá-la. Só que a velhinha não quer cruzar a rua, mas deseja ir em outra direção. A lógica dialética, eurocêntrica e cristã, baseada na contraposição entre o bem e o mal, marca toda a cultura política da esquerda – que hoje se configura como uma religião laica, não mais racional nem propositiva, mas histérica.

O advento dos movimentos e das manifestações expressou com clareza o desaparecimento do papel de vanguarda, e a incapacidade histórica de análise e de abertura à diversidade e ao livre debate dos partidos. Como na lógica da salvação religiosa, o bom e o justo existem e justificam a sua função somente enquanto existe o mal. A caça às bruxas é uma exigência, a última tentativa de justificar sua função, e uma necessidade ainda de sua presença em defesa dos mais “fracos” e “necessitados”. Não excluo que, em casos não representativos, tenhamos tido a presença de grupos de alguns poucos e isolados indivíduos de direita. Mas a reação e a caça às bruxas que foi gerada é de natureza histérica e a-racional, a última tentativa de voltar no tempo e na história – um passado ameaçador em que havia necessidade de uma ordem, de uma ideologia e de uma vanguarda que representasse o confortador papel da figura paterna.

* Massimo Di Felice estará presente esta semana no I Congresso Internacional de Net-Ativismo, na USP, ao lado de outros pesquisadores renomados: Pierre Lévy, Michel Maffesoli, José Bragança de Miranda e Alberto Abruzzese. 

** Publicado originalmente no site Outras Palavras.

Eduardo Kohn’s How Forests Think: Toward an Anthropology Beyond the Human (somatosphere)

September 23, 2013

By Frédéric Keck

This article is part of the series: 

Editor’s note: As part of our new series, Second Opinion (not to be confused with the SMA’s similarly titled newsletter) we ask two contributors to review the same book, respond to the same question, or comment on the same set of issues.  For our first pair of Second Opinion posts, we invited two reviews of Eduardo Kohn’s new book, How Forests Think. The second review will appear within the next few weeks.

How Forests Think: Toward an Anthropology Beyond the Human

 By Eduardo Kohn

University of California Press, 2013

$29.95, £19.95; Paperback, 228 pages.

There is a long genealogy of anthropologists who have borrowed their titles from the translation of Lucien Lévy-Bruhl’s La mentalité primitive — How Natives Think.  Running from Marshall Sahlins’ How “Natives” Think to Maurice Bloch’s How We Think They Think, these transformations run parallel to those of the discipline itself. By entitling his book How Forests Think, Eduardo Kohn indicates that he doesn’t study the way the people he worked with in Ecuador thought about forests, but the way forests actually think. By making a claim about the relation between life and thought, this book takes part in the ontological turn (Candea 2010) that decenters anthropologists’ longstanding focus on cultural representations to ask how representations emerge within forms of life. Following Philippe Descola and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo Kohn shows that Amazonian ethnography challenges our conceptions of life and thought in a way that raises the ontological question of what there is. As the ecological crisis leads to a proliferation of new entities that both blur the opposition between nature and culture and ask for political recognition – “pets, weeds, pests, commensals, new pathogens, ‘wild’ animals, or technoscientific ‘mutants,’” (9) this kind of ethnography cautiously scrutinizes the continuities and discontinuities between humans and nonhumans. The book is ethnographic in a classical sense, and yet its chapters follow a theoretical progression, while powerful images plunge into an “enchanted” world – a term Kohn takes up deliberately – entangling humans and nonhumans in puzzling ways.

The main thesis of the book is about semiosis, the life of signs. If we are troubled by the idea that forests think, it is because we conceive thinking as a conventional relation to the world. Following 19th century American philosopher Charles Saunders Peirce, Kohn argues that all signs are not conventional symbols, and that there are other ways to learn the meaning of signs than to relate them to each other in a cultural context. When a hunter describes the fall of a palm tree under the weight of a monkey as pu’oh, the meaning of this sign is felt with evidence, without knowledge of Quichua (the language spoken by Kohn’s informants), because it relates hunters, monkeys and trees in a complex ecosystem. Kohn asks for “decolonizing thought” and “provincializing language” by looking at relations between signs that are not symbolic. Hence the program of an “anthropology beyond the human” that places human symbols in the forms of life from which they emerge. Without romanticizing tropical nature, Kohn argues that most of our problems are ill-shaped, or filled with anxiety – as in a wonderful description of the bus trip that led him to Avila – if we don’t place them in a larger semiotic field.

Following Terrence Deacon’s interpretation of Peirce (2012), Kohn is less interested in the classifications of signs into indices, icons and symbols than in the process through which they emerge one from the other. A sign refers to something absent that exists in futuro, just as the crashing of the palm tree under the weight of a monkey refers to a coming danger for the monkey, and a possible catch for the hunter. Habits fix the meaning of signs by producing similarity, and are considered as “interpretants” of signs. Using the example of the walking-stick insect, Kohn argues that what appears to look similar is actually the product of a selection from beings that looked different. Signs thus refer to the past as a memory of beings who have disappeared. Since this relation to the past and future is what, for Peirce, constitutes selves, all living beings, and not only humans, can be considered as selves.

The strangeness of Kohn’s text come from the way it interlaces these theoretical analyses of signs with an account of the life of the Runa people, considered not as a cultural context but as “amplifying” certain ontological properties of life itself. “Living beings are loci of selfhood,” Kohn writes. “I make this claim empirically. It grows out of my attention to Runa relations with nonhuman beings as these reveal themselves ethnographically. These relations amplify certain properties of the world, and this amplification can infect and affect our thinking about the world,” (94). This is an original intervention in the ontological reappraisal of animism. Kohn neither contrasts animism to naturalism as two inverse ontologies in the mode of Descola, nor does he engage in the paradoxes of perspectivism like Viveiros.  Instead, he considers living beings as selves in relation to past and future relations, and social life as an amplification of this process of self-formation.

Thus, puma designates both predators like jaguars and shamans who can see the way that jaguars see. Runa people need to learn how jaguars see in order not to be eaten by them. The soul, as what exceeds the limits of the body, is “an effect of intersubjective semiotic interpretance,” (107). What Kohn calls “soul blindness” is an inattention to the effects of the souls of other living beings. The problem is how to live with runa puma: jaguars who act like humans, and kill to revenge other killings, who are dreaded but also considered to be mature selves.

Dreams, analyzed in Chapter 4, are common ways of communication with souls and remediating “soul blindness.” Runa people give hallucinatory drugs to dogs so that they will dream, and their barks during dreaming are interpreted literally—in the same way as their daytime barks–while human dreams of hunting are interpreted metaphorically. Rather than doing a symbolic analysis of dreams, Kohn places them in the semiotic life they express, between humans, dogs and jaguars. Dreams are ways of communicating between species without abolishing them, constituting a “trans-species pidgin.”

In Chapter 5, Kohn makes an important distinction between form and sign. “Whereas semiosis is in and of the living world beyond the human, form emerges from and is part and parcel of the nonliving one as well,” (174). The question he asks is that of the efficacy of form, the constraint it exerts on living beings. Taking the example of the distribution of rubber trees in the Amazonian forest, which depends on the ecology of parasites as well as on the network of rivers, he argues that shamanistic hunting and the colonial extraction of rubber were both constrained by the same form. Forms have a causality that is not moral but that can be called hierarchical: signs emerge from forms, and symbols from signs, in a hierarchy between levels of emergence that cannot be inversed. This is a powerful interpretation of the insertion of colonial extraction in forms that historically precede it: if power brings with it moral categories, this insertion cannot be thought of as an imposition from above, but rather as a fall-out or an incidental movement.

Kohn links this morphodynamic analysis of colonialism to Lévi-Strauss’s analysis of “la pensée sauvage” – a form of thought emerging from relations between signs rather than being imposed upon them. Through forms and signs, Runa people have “frozen” history in such a way that they can interpret events through their dreams. The dream of Oswaldo, who saw a policeman with hair on his shirt, is ambivalent: does it mean he will be caught by the white man, or that he will be successful in hunting peccaries? The final chapter of the book analyses the reversals in relation between the Runa and White missionaries or policemen, as well as the pronouns by which Runa people refer to themselves as subjects, such as amu. “Amu is a particular colonially inflected way of being a self in an ecology of selves filled with a growing array of future-making habits, many of which are not human. In the process, amu renders visible how a living future gives life some of its special properties and how this involves a dynamic that implicates (but is not reducible to) the past. In doing so, amu, and the spirit realm upon which it draws its power, amplifies something general about life—namely, life’s quality of being in futuro,” (208). The question for Runa people is how they can access the realm of the White masters, that is also the heaven of saints: what is generally called the “super-natural.”  To live is to survive, Kohn argues, that is to live beyond life, in the many absences that constitute life as a semiotic process.

The strength of this book is to propose a rigorous demonstration while never leaving empirical analysis. Starting on the level of signs in their triadic mode of existence, Kohn finds form on one side and history on the other, and describes their constraints and ambivalent relationships. This is not a dualism between nature and culture that would be solved through the concept of life – and Kohn tries to avoid an all-encompassing anthropology of life – but a logical tension that is amplified by humans, almost in the way that genetic material is amplified inside and outside the laboratory (Rabinow 1996). Kohn’s anthropology “beyond the human” – but not of the “post-human” – grounds itself in the life of signs where humans emerge to amplify them. The ambition of this ontological claim, its clarity and its theoretical productivity will not doubt be amplified by other ethnographic inquiries on life.

Frédéric Keck is a researcher at the Laboratoire d’anthropologie sociale (CNRS) in Paris. He has published works on the history of philosophy and social anthropology in France (Comte, Lévy-Bruhl, Lévi-Strauss) and translated Paul Rabinow’s French DNA into French. He now works on the management of animal diseases transmitted to humans, or zoonoses (Un monde grippé, Flammarion, 2010, Des hommes malades des animaux, L’Herne, 2012)

References:

Candea, Matei
 (2010) Debate: Ontology Is Just Another Word for Culture.Critique of Anthropology 30 (2): 172-179

Deacon, Terrence (2012) Incomplete Nature: How Mind Emerged from Matter. New York: Norton.

Descola, Philippe (2005) Par-delà nature et culture. Paris: Gallimard.

Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo (1998) Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, n.s., 4, 469-488.

Rabinow, Paul (1996) Making PCR, A Story of Biotechnology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.