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Anthropologist, professor at the Federal University of São Paulo

Summer Field School in Ethnographic Methods in New York City

5th CIFAS Field School in Ethnographic Research Methods

June 16 to 27, 2014

The Comitas Institute for Anthropological Study (CIFAS) is pleased to announce the 5th CIFAS Field School in Ethnographic Research Methods, in New York City

The goal of the Field School is to offer training in the foundations and practice of ethnographic methods. The faculty works closely with participants to identify the required field methods needed to address their academic or professional needs. The Field School is suitable for graduate and undergraduate students in social sciences and other fields of study that use qualitative approaches (such as education, communication, cultural studies, health, social work, human ecology, development studies, consumer behavior, among others), applied social scientists, professionals, and researchers who have an interest in learning more about ethnographic methods and their applications.

The total work load of the course is 30 hours. Students interested in earning credits for the course may have additional assignments in order to totalize 45 hours of activities (what is equivalent to 3 credits).

Course venue: classes will take place at the Institute for Latin American Studies at Columbia University, in the Upper West Side of New York City.

See pictures of the previous editions of the CIFAS Summer Field School here.

Coordinators:

Renzo Taddei (Assistant Professor, Federal University of São Paulo/Affiliated Researcher, Columbia University). CV: http://bit.ly/1dn7RuJ.

Lambros Comitas (Gardner Cowles Professor of Anthropology and Education at Teachers College, Columbia University). CV: http://bit.ly/ZUHbMn

Registration and other costs: Places are limited. The tuition fee is US$900. The tuition fee does not cover accommodation, meals or transportation. Registration should be completed online here.

Accommodations: International House offers housing for participants for the discount price of US$ 60 per night (provided there are rooms available). Rooms and other facilities can be checked out on their website, on the virtual tour option (the blue button that says “take a tour”): http://www.ihouse-nyc.org/s/707/start.aspx?sid=707&gid=1&pgid=254.

Other information:

Insurance: Participants are required to have travel insurance that covers medical and repatriation costs (for international students). Proof of purchase of travel insurance must be presented at the first day of activities.

For more information, please write to Renzo Taddei at taddei@iri.columbia.edu, or visit http://www.cifas.us/page/5th-cifas-field-school-ethnographic-research-methods.

Program:

Session Topic
June 16
  • Foundations of ethnographic research
June 17
  • Theory and practice: social theories in the field
June 18
  • Research design & data collection techniques
June 19
  • Planning the logistics of field research
June 20
  • Field trip & individual, one-on-one discussion of research projects
    Weekend
June 23
  • Ethnography in specific fields of activity (applied social sciences, public policy design, business & management, and others)
June 24
  • Principles of organization and indexation of field data
June 25
  • Analyzing field data
June 26
  • Qualitative analysis software packages: basic principles
June 27
  • Field trip & wrap up session

Viveiros de Castro: A escravidão venceu no Brasil. Nunca foi abolida (Público)

16 de março de 2014

ALEXANDRA LUCAS COELHO (no Rio de Janeiro)

Fome, secas, epidemias, matanças: a Terra aproxima-se do apocalipse. Talvez daqui a 50 anos nem faça sentido falar em Brasil, como Estado-nação. Entretanto, há que resistir ao avanço do capitalismo. As redes sociais são uma nova hipótese de insurreição. Presente, passado e futuro, segundo um dos maiores pensadores brasileiros

Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, 62 anos, é o mais reconhecido e discutido antropólogo do Brasil. Acha que “a ditadura brasileira não acabou”, evoluiu para uma “democracia consentida”. Vê nas redes sociais, onde tem milhares de seguidores, a hipótese de uma nova espécie de guerrilha, ou resistência. Não perdoa a Lula da Silva ter optado pela via capitalista e acha que Dilma Rousseff tem uma relação “quase patológica” com a Amazônia e os índios. Não votará nela “nem sob pelotão de fuzilamento”.

O antropólogo Eduardo Viveiros de Castro é autor de uma obra influente, que inclui “A Inconstância da Alma Selvagem” e “Araweté — O Povo do Ipixuna” DÉBORAH DANOWSKI

Professor do Museu Nacional, no Rio de Janeiro, autor de uma obra influente (destaque para A Inconstância da Alma Selvagem ou Araweté — O Povo do Ipixuna, este último editado em Portugal pela Assírio & Alvim), Viveiros de Castro é o criador do perspectivismo ameríndio, segundo a qual a humanidade é um ponto de vista: a onça vê-se como humana e vê o homem como animal; o porco vê-se como humano e vê a onça como animal. Humano é sempre quem olha.

Nesta longa entrevista, feita há um mês no seu apartamento da Baía de Botafogo — antes ainda da greve dos garis (homens e mulheres do lixo), um exemplo de revolta bem sucedida — Viveiros foi da Copa do Mundo ao fim do mundo. Acredita que estamos à beira do apocalipse.

Vê sinais de uma revolta nas ruas brasileiras? Aquilo que aconteceu em 2013 foi um levantamento mas não uma revolta generalizada. Acha que isso pode acontecer antes da Copa, ou durante?

É muito difícil separar o que você imagina que vai acontecer daquilo que você deseja que vá acontecer.

Vamos separar. O que desejaria que acontecesse?

Revolta popular durante a Copa.

E isso significa o quê, exactamente?

Manifestação. Não estou imaginando a queda da Bastilha nem a explosão de nada, mas gostaria que a população carioca o deixasse muito claro. Embora a Copa vá acontecer em várias cidades, creio que o Rio se tornou o epicentro do problema da Copa, em parte porque o jogo final será no Maracanã.

Mesmo nas manifestações, o Rio foi a cidade mais forte.

São Paulo também teve manifestações muito importantes, mais conectadas com o Movimento Passe Livre [MPL, estudantes que em Junho de 2013 iniciaram os protestos contra o aumento dos transportes]. Voltando ao que eu desejaria: que a população carioca manifestasse a sua insatisfação em relação à forma como a cidade está sendo transformada numa espécie de empresa, numa vitrine turística, colonizada pelo grande capital, com a construção de grandes hotéis, oferecendo oportunidades às grandes empreiteiras, um balcão de negócios, sob a desculpa de que a Copa iria trazer dinheiro, visibilidade, para o Brasil.

O problema é que vai trazer má visibilidade. Vai ser uma péssima propaganda para o Brasil. Primeiro, porque, se estou bem entendendo, vários compromissos contratuais com a FIFA não estão sendo honrados, atrasos muito grandes, etc. Segundo, porque essa ideia de que os brasileiros estão achando uma maravilha que a Copa se realize no Brasil pode ser desmentida de maneira escandalosa se os turistas, tão cobiçados, chegarem aqui e baterem de frente com povo nas ruas, brigando com a polícia, uma polícia despreparada, brutal, violenta, assassina. Tenho a impressão de que não vai fazer muito bem à imagem do Brasil.

Outra coisa importante é que a Copa foi vendida à opinião pública como algo que ia ser praticamente financiado pela iniciativa privada, que o dinheiro do povo, do contribuinte, ia ser pouco gasto. O que está se vendo é o contrário, o governo brasileiro investindo maciçamente, gastando dinheiro para essas reformas de estádios, dinheiro dos impostos. Então, nós estamos pagando para que a FIFA lucre. Porque quem lucra com as copas é a FIFA.

Desejaria que essa revolta impedisse mesmo a Copa?

Impedir a Copa é impossível, não adianta nem desejar. Não sei também se seria bom, poderia produzir alguma complicação diplomática, ou uma repressão muito violenta dentro do país. Existe uma campanha: Não Vai Ter Copa. O nome completo é: Sem Respeito aos Direitos Não Vai Ter Copa. No sentido desiderativo: não deveria haver, desejamos que não haja.

O que se está dizendo é que os direitos de várias camadas da população estão sendo brutalmente desrespeitados, com remoções forçadas de comunidades, desapropriando sem indemnização, modificando aspectos fundamentais da paisagem carioca sem nenhuma consulta. Isso tudo está irritando a população.

Mas não é só isso: a insatisfação com a Copa foi catalisada por várias outras que vieram surgindo nos últimos anos, que envolvem categorias sociais diversas, e não estão sendo organizadas nem controladas pelos partidos. Essas manifestações têm de tudo, uma quantidade imensa de pautas [reivindicações]. Tem gente que quer só fazer bagunça, tem gente de direita, infiltrados da polícia, neonazistas, anarquistas. Um conjunto complexo de fenómenos com uma combinação de causas. Uma coisa importante é que são transversais: tem gente pobre e de classe média misturada na rua. É a primeira vez que isso acontece. O que talvez tenha em comum é que são todos jovens. Da classe média alta à [favela da] Rocinha.

Mas agora não são muito expressivas em termos de números. E não são as favelas que estão em massa na rua.

As famosas massas ainda não desceram, e provavelmente não vão descer durante a Copa. Nem sei se vão descer em alguma momento, se existe isso no Brasil. Mas acho que vai haver uma quantidade de pequenas manifestações. Por exemplo, a Aldeia Maracanã [pequena comunidade de índios pressionada a sair, por causa das obras do estádio] produziu uma confusão muito grande, se você pensar no tamanho da população envolvida. Os moradores daquela casa eram 14 pessoas e não obstante mobilizaram destacamentos do Bope [tropa de elite], bombas, etc. Quem está, em grande parte, criando a movimentação popular é o estado, com a sua reacção desproporcional. O Movimento Passe Livre ganhou aquela explosão em São Paulo por causa da brutalidade da reacção policial. O Brasil nunca teve esse tipo de confronto entre a polícia e jovens manifestantes. A polícia não sabe como reagir, não tem um método, então reage de maneira brutal. Os próprios manifestantes não têm experiência de organização. O que estão chamando de black bloc não é a mesma coisa que black bloc na Dinamarca, na Alemanha ou nos Estados Unidos.

Mais volátil.

Ideologicamente pouco consistente. Sabemos que o black bloc europeu é essencialmente uma táctica de protecção contra a polícia. Noutros países, como os Estados Unidos, tem uma certa táctica de agressão a símbolos do capitalismo. Aqui no Rio está uma coisa meio misturada, ainda não se consolidou uma identidade, um perfil táctico claro para o que se chama de black bloc. E eles estão sendo demonizados. Acho até que, no caso do Brasil, o facto de que sejam black coloca uma pequena ponta de racismo nessa indignação. Não duvido de que no imaginário da classe média por trás da máscara negra esteja também um rosto negro. Pobres, bandidos, etc.

Mas isso está acontecendo ao mesmo tempo que a polícia continua invadindo as favelas, matando 10, 12, 15 jovens por semana. Até recentemente esse comportamento clássico do estado diante da população muito pobre, isto é, mandar a polícia entrar e arrebentar, era algo que a classe média tomava como… [sinal de longínquo].

Porque se passava lá nos morros.

Quando a violência começou a atingir a classe média — ainda que uma bala de borracha não seja uma bala de fuzil, porque o que eles usam na favela é bala de verdade e o que eles usam na rua é bala de borracha, ainda assim você pode matar com bala de borracha, pode cegar, etc —, à medida que a polícia começou a atacar tanto a rua quanto o morro houve um aumento da percepção da classe média em relação à violência da polícia nas favelas, o que é novidade. A imprensa fez uma imensa campanha para santificar a polícia com a coisa das UPP [Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora, programa para acabar com o poder armado paralelo nas favelas, instalando a polícia lá dentro], mas todo o mundo está percebendo que essas UPP são no mínimo ambíguas. Basta ver o caso do [ajudante de pedreiro] Amarildo, que foi sequestrado, torturado e morto pela polícia [em Junho de 2013, na Rocinha], e sumiu da imprensa.

Vinte e cinco policiais foram indiciados.

Quero ver o que vai acontecer. Quem deu visibilidade à morte do Amarildo não foi a grande imprensa. Foram as redes sociais, os movimentos sociais. Essa morte é absolutamente banal, acontece toda a semana nas favelas, mas calhou de acontecer na altura das manifestações, então foi capturada pelos manifestantes, o que produziu uma solidariedade entre o morro e a rua que foi inédita.

Num país como este, em que a desigualdade, a violência, continuam, porque é que as massas não saem?

Quem dera que eu soubesse a resposta. Essa é a pergunta que a esquerda faz desde que existe no Brasil. Acho que há várias razões. O Brasil é um país muito diferente de todos os outros da América Latina, por exemplo da Argentina. Basta comparar a história para ver a diferença em termos de participação política, mobilização popular. Tenho impressão de que isso se deve em larga medida à herança da escravidão no Brasil. O Brasil é um país muito mais racista do que os Estados Unidos. Claro que é um racismo diferente. O racismo americano é protestante. Mas no Brasil há um racismo político muito forte, não só ideológico como o americano, interpessoal. O Brasil é um país escravocrata, continua sendo. O imaginário profundo é escravocrata. Você vê o caso do menino [mulato] amarrado no poste [no bairro do Flamengo, por uma milícia de classe média que o suspeitava assaltante] e que respondeu de uma maneira absolutamente trágica quando foi pego: mas meu senhor, eu não estava fazendo nada. Só essa expressão, “meu senhor”… O trágico foi essa expressão. Continuamos num mundo de senhores. Porque o outro era branco.

Como um DNA, algo que não acabou.

Não acabou, pois é. É o mito de que no Brasil todas as coisas se resolvem sem violência. Sem violência, entenda-se, sem revolta popular. Com muita violência mas sem revolta. A violência é a da polícia, do estado, do exército, mas não é a violência no sentido clássico, francês, revolucionário.

E toda a vez que acontecem coisas como essas manifestações de Junho, por exemplo, há aquela sensação: dessa vez o morro vai descer. O morro não desceu. Em parte porque já não é mais o morro, boa parte do morro é de classe média. Evidentemente, houve um crescimento económico. As favelas da minha infância, nos anos 50, eram completamente diferente, como essas vilas da Amazônia, feitas de lona preta. Hoje são casas de alvenaria, feitas de tijolos. Ainda assim a miséria continua. Quero dizer apenas que a distância entre a classe média e o morro diminuiu do ponto de vista económico.

Ao fazer ascender esses milhões da miséria, o PT neutralizou a revolução?

Em parte pode ser isso. Houve uma espécie de opção política forçada do PT, segundo a qual a única maneira de melhorar a renda dos pobres é não mexer na renda dos ricos. Ou seja, vamos ter que tirar o dinheiro de outro lugar. E de onde é que eles estão tirando? Do chão, literalmente. Destruindo o meio ambiente para poder vender soja, carne, para a China. Não está havendo redistribuição de renda, o que está havendo é aumento da renda produzida pela queima dos móveis da casa para aquecer a população, digamos. Está um pouquinho mais quente, não estamos morrendo de frio, mas estamos destruindo o Brasil central, devastando a Amazônia. Tudo foi feito para não botar a mão no bolso dos ricos. E não provocar os militares.

A ditadura brasileira não acabou. Nós vivemos numa democracia consentida pelos militares. Compare com a Argentina: porque é que no Brasil não houve julgamento dos militares envolvidos na tortura?  Porque os militares não deixam. Vamos ver o que vai acontecer agora, no dia 1 de Abril.

Com o aniversário do golpe militar.

Já existe uma campanha aí, subterrânea, para que no dia 31 de Março apaguem-se as luzes, toquem-se buzinas, para comemorar o 50º aniversário do golpe. Ou seja, existe uma campanha da direita para mostrar que a população ainda apoia a direita. Não sei que sucesso vai ter, mas não duvido que haja uma manifestação, oculta, pessoas que vão apagar as luzes das suas casas ou piscar as luzes à meia-noite, alguma coisa assim.

Mas nenhuma possibilidade de viragem à direita.

Não creio.

O actual regime não é uma democracia?

O Brasil é uma democracia formal, claro, mas consentida pelo status quo. A abertura foi permitida pelos militares. A Lei da Amnistia foi imposta tal qual pelo governo militar. Eles não foram destronados, presos, criminalizados. Simplesmente foram amnistiados. E boa parte do projecto de desenvolvimento nacional gestado durante a ditadura militar está sendo aplicado com a maior eficiência.

Pela esquerda.

Pela chamada esquerda, pela coalisão que está no poder, na qual a esquerda é uma parte mínima, porque tem os grandes proprietários de terra, os grandes empresários.

Está cumprindo um ideário que vem da ditadura?

O PT é um partido operário do século XIX. Eles têm um modelo que é indústria, crescimento, como se o Brasil fosse os Estados Unidos do século XXI. Com grande consumo de energia. Uma concepção antiga, fora de sintonia com o mundo actual. Agora está começando a mudar um pouco, mas a falta de sensibilidade do governo para o facto de que o Brasil é um país que está localizado no planeta Terra, e não no céu, é muito grande. Eles não percebem. Acham que o Brasil é um mundo em si mesmo.

Ou seja, que não vai ser afectado pelo aquecimento global, etc.

É, que todas essas coisas são com os outros. Um pouco como acontece nos Estados Unidos, em países muito grandes.

A única visão global que o Brasil tem é de se tornar uma potência geopolítica. O Brasil, hoje, é um actor maior, de primeira linha, em Moçambique, em Angola, nos países latino-americanos. Está disputando com a China pedaços de Moçambique. A Odebrecht está construindo hidroeléctricas [barragens] em Angola e assim por diante. O Brasil se imagina como potência que vai oprimir. Agora é a vez de sermos opressores, deixarmos de ser os oprimidos. Agora os brasileiros da vez vão ser os haitianos, os bolivianos, os paraguaios, que trabalham nas “sweetshops” de São Paulo, nas terras em que plantamos soja e etc. O PT nunca foi um partido de esquerda. É um partido que procurava transformar a classe operária numa classe operária americana.

E nunca o Brasil foi um país tão capitalista.

Minha mulher me contou que, conversando com um desconhecido, operador da bolsa de valores, isto em 2007, 2008, ele dizia: se eu soubesse que ia ser tão bom para nós jamais teria votado contra o Lula.

Onde está a esquerda? Qual é a sua opção de voto? Ou a opção deixou de ser votar?

Tanto a esquerda como a direita são posições políticas que você encontra dentro da classe média. A classe dominante é de direita de maneira genética, a grande burguesia, o grande capital. E os pobres, a classe trabalhadora… se eu fosse fazer um juízo de valor um pouco irresponsável diria que 60 a 70 por cento do Brasil estaria muito feliz com um governo autoritário, que desse dinheiro para comprar geladeira, televisão, carro, etc. Uma população que tem uma profunda desconfiança em relação a esses jovens quebradores de coisas na rua, que seria a favor da pena de morte, que é violentamente homofóbica.

Iapii-hi, índia Araweté, prepara doce de milho (fotografia de 1982) EDUARDO VIVEIROS DE CASTRO

Depois do garoto do Flamengo ter sido amarrado por aquela milícia, ouvi trabalhadores negros pobres dizerem: tem mais é que botar bandido na cadeia, fizeram foi pouco com ele.

Ou seja, é um país conservador, reaccionário, em que os pobres colaboram com a sua opressão. Não todos, mas existe isso. A escravidão venceu no Brasil, ela nunca foi abolida. Sou muito pessimista em relação ao Brasil, digo francamente. Em relação ao passado e ao futuro. Em relação ao passado no sentido de que é um país que jamais se libertou do ethos, do imaginário profundo da escravidão, em que o sonho de todo o escravo é ser senhor de escravos, o sonho de todo o oprimido é ser o opressor. Daí essa reacção: tem mais é que botar esses caras na cadeia. Em vez de se solidarizar. E podia ser o filho dele facilmente. E às vezes é o filho dele.

Oswald de Andrade, o poeta, dizia: “O Brasil nunca declarou a sua independência.” Em certo sentido é verdade, porque quem declarou a independência do Brasil foi Portugal, um rei português. Eu diria: e tão pouco aboliu a escravidão. Porque quem aboliu a escravidão foi a própria classe escravocrata. Não foi nenhuma revolta popular, nenhuma guerra civil.

E em relação ao futuro sou pessimista porque… talvez ainda tenha um pouco de esperança, mas acho que o Brasil já perdeu a oportunidade de inventar uma nova forma de civilização. Um país que teria todas as condições para isso: ecológicas, geográficas.

Uma espécie de terceira via do mundo?

É, outra civilização. Porque civilização não é necessariamente transformar um país tropical numa cópia de segunda classe dos Estados Unidos ou da Europa, ou seja, de um país do hemisfério norte que tem características geográficas e culturais completamente diferentes.

Lembremos que houve um projecto explícito no Brasil, e que deu certo, que está dando certo, por isso é que sou pessimista, que é o projecto iniciado com Pedro II, em parte inspirado pelo célebre teórico racista Gobineau, que era uma grande admiração de D. Pedro: o Brasil só teria saída mediante o braqueamento da população, porque a escravidão tinha trazido uma tara, uma raça inferior.

Havia que lavar o sangue.

É uma ideia antiga, que já vem dos cristãos-novos que vieram de Portugal, que tinham de limpar o sangue. A gente sabe que quase toda a população portuguesa que se instalou no Brasil é de cristãos-novos, Diria que 70 por cento desses brancos orgulhosos de serem brasileiros são judeus, marranos, convertidos a ferro e fogo pela Inquisição. Então, havia essa ideia de que o Brasil era um país racialmente inferior porque era composto de negros, índios, portugueses com essa origem um pouco duvidosa. E já Portugal em si não é…

A Holanda.

Exacto. Não é a coisa mais branca que podemos encontrar na Europa. A Península Ibérica é um pouco africana, foi dominada 800 anos pelos árabes. Então o Brasil só ia melhorar com branqueamento. Isso foi uma política de estado que durou décadas e trouxe para o Brasil milhões de imigrantes alemães, italianos, mais tarde japoneses. Com o propósito explícito de branquear, não só geneticamente, mas culturalmente e economicamente. E eles foram para o Sul, de São Paulo até ao Rio Grande. Mas, esse que é o ponto curioso, a partir do governo militar para cá essa população branca invadiu o Brasil, a Amazônia. A colonização da Amazônia a partir da década de 70 foi feita pelos gaúchos, muitos deles pobres, que foram expulsos, alemães pobres, italianos pobres, cujas pequenas propriedades fundiárias foram absorvidas pelos grandes proprietários, também gaúchos, também brancos, e que foram estimulados pelo governo, com subsídios, promessas mirabolantes, a irem para a Amazônia. Hoje, tem um cinturão de cidades no sul da Amazônia com nomes como Porto dos Gaúchos, Querência, que é um lugar onde se guarda o gado, típico do Rio Grande do Sul. Os gaúchos [de origem europeia] chegaram numa região temperada, subtropical [sul do Brasil] em que você podia mais ou menos copiar um tipo de estrutura agrícola, de produção alimentar do país de origem. Só que na Amazônia isso é uma abominação. É um preconceito muito difundido essa ideia de que pessoal do Norte não sabe trabalhar, é preguiçoso. Você ouve muito isto no Paraná, no Rio Grande do Sul. Quem sabe trabalhar é o colono alemão, italiano.

Hoje o Brasil foi branqueado. Essa cultura country aí é uma mistura de cultura europeia com cultura americana, de grande carrão, 4×4, pick ups, rodeos, chapéus americanos, botas. Existe um projecto de transformar o Brasil num país culturalmente do hemisfério norte, seja Estados Unidos, seja essa Europa mais reaccionária. Porque estamos falando de colonos alemães que vieram do campesinato reaccionário, bávaro, pomerano, e dos camponeses italianos, que eram entusiastas do nazismo e do fascismo na II Guerra. Continuam sendo. O que tem de grupo de extrema-direita no sul do Brasil é muito. O foco da direita fascista, nazista é o Paraná e o Rio Grande do Sul. Então o Brasil é um país dividido entre um sul branco e o resto não branco, português, negro no litoral, índio no interior.

O censo da população dá por uma unha uma maioria não-branca.

O agronegócio é na verdade o modelo gaúcho, desenvolvido no pampa, nos campos do Rio Grande. Plantação extensa de monocultura, de soja, de arroz, de cana. Então o Brasil está perdendo a oportunidade de se constituir como um novo modelo de civilização propriamente tropical, com uma nova relação entre as raças, que fosse efectivamente multinacional. Um país que se constituiu em cima do genocídio indígena, da escravidão, da monocultura. Que continua fazendo o que fez desde que foi criado, exportando produtos agrícolas. Que continua a alimentar os países industrializados. Primeiro a Europa, depois os Estados Unidos, agora a China. Continua sendo o celeiro do capitalismo.

E o matadouro.

O segundo maior rebanho bovino do mundo, depois da Austrália. Um país que se está destruindo a si mesmo para se transformar numa caricatura dos países que lhe servem de modelo cultural. Em vez de, ao contrário, saber utilizar a sua situação geográfica altamente privilegiada, a sua situação demográfica, uma população imensa, para construir um novo estilo de civilização.

O senhor está descrevendo a derrota do “Manifesto Antropófago” de Oswald de Andrade [visão de um Brasil que se torna forte por comer, absorver o outro]

É, acho que sim. Bom, nenhuma derrota é definitiva. O meu pessimismo nem passa tanto pelo facto de que o Brasil não tem jeito, porque acho que ainda poderia haver uma revolução antropofágica no Brasil. Mas hoje isso é uma questão que já não teria mais sentido colocar pelo simples facto de que estamos numa situação planetária em que a catástrofe já se iniciou. O mundo está entrando, num sentido físico, termodinâmico, num outro regime ambiental que vai produzir catástrofes humanas jamais vistas, no meu entender: fome, epidemias, secas, mudança de regime hidrológico, tudo. Nessas circunstâncias, é possível que cheguemos a um momento em que noções como Brasil, Estados Unidos, países, comecem a perder a sua nitidez. Pode ser que daqui a 50 anos a palavra Brasil não tenha mais nenhum sentido. Que tenhamos que falar em Terra.

É um pré-apocalipse?

Dira que sim. Isabelle Stengers, filósofa belga, diz que a palavra crise não é adequada porque supõe que você pode superá-la, quando o que estamos vivendo é uma situação que não tem um voltar atrás. Vamos ter que conviver com ela para sempre. Um novo regime do mundo, de climas, de águas, não haverá mais peixes, os estoques estão acabando no mundo, a quantidade de refugiados que vão invadir a Europa vai ser brutal nas próximas décadas. Se a temperatura subir quatro graus, que é o que todos os climatologistas estão imaginando, isso vai produzir uma mudança total no que é viver na Terra. E a quantidade de africanos que vai invadir a Europa vai ser um pouco maior do que aqueles pobres que morrem afogados ali em Lampedusa. E como os países ricos vão reagir? É uma questão interessante. Vai ser com armas atómicas? Vão bombardear quem? O meu pessimismo passa mais por aí.

No Brasil as crises são estritamente políticas. Faz reforma política? Vai ter revolta da população? Será que há Copa? Tudo isso é verdade, fundamental, mas a gente não pode perder de vista o cenário mais amplo.

Não vê ninguém no Brasil, politicamente, que tenha uma visão ampla? O senhor votou na Marina Silva [nas últimas presidenciais].

Votei na Marina em 2010, com certeza. Não tenho certeza nenhuma de que votaria nela em 2014, talvez não.

Eduardo Campos [candidato pernambucano que fez uma aliança com Marina]?

De forma nenhuma. A Dilma, nem sob pelotão de fuzilamento voto nela. Esses idiotas do PSDB nem pensar. Então talvez eu não vote. Talvez vote nulo.

Qual é a missão, o papel, a hipótese para alguém como o senhor? Virar uma espécie de guerrilheiro nas redes sociais?

É. Eu diria que a revolução antropofágica do Oswald de Andrade só é possível sob o modo da guerrilha. Estamos falando de uma coisa que foi pensada em 1928…

Mas que foi revivendo, anos 60, agora.

O Oswald, um homem da classe dominante, pensava no Brasil como uma coisa sobre a qual você podia pôr e dispôr. Nesse sentido, ele pertence à geração dos teóricos do Brasil, que eram todos da elite dominante paulistana ou pernambucana: Gilberto Freyre, Caio Prado Júnior, Eduardo Prado. Os modernistas eram uma teoria do Brasil, de como o Brasil deve ser organizado, governado.

Talvez os muitos povos brasileiros que compõem esse país só tenham chance de ganhar uma certa emancipação cultural, política, metafísica, no contexto do declínio geral do planeta. Nessas condições é possível que haja esperança para os negros, os índios, os quilombolas [descendentes de escravos], os gays, os pobres desse planeta favela. Não esqueçamos que o mundo tem três bilhões e meio de habitantes vivendo em cidade, metade da população mundial. Desses, no mínimo um bilhão vive em favelas. Ou seja, um sétimo da população mundial vive em favelas. O Brasil deve ter uma proporção maior que a Alemanha, Estados Unidos. Diria que deve andar na casa dos 30 milhões. [A população de] um bom país europeu.

Seria uma guerrilha nas redes sociais? Admite o uso de violência ou uma guerrilha virtual apenas?

Nem uma coisa nem outra. A existência da Internet mudou as condições da guerra, em geral, sim. O maior acto de guerra recente, no bom sentido, de que me consigo lembrar foi o Edward Snowden. Não mais os Estados Unidos espionando a Rússia, nem a Rússia espionando os Estados Unidos, mas o vazamento de informações secretas dos estados. Isso é muito significativo. Um jornalista morando aqui no Rio de Janeiro, que trabalha para um jornal inglês, que recebeu informações de um analista americano, que estava escondido em Hong Kong: isso só é possível com Internet. As redes sociais mudaram completamente as condições de resistência ao capitalismo.

Uma nova forma de guerrilha?

Que não é nececessariamente violenta, embora exista o problema do hacker, do bombardeio de sistema electrónico. Mas o que penso não é bem por aí. Quando penso em guerrilha, é no sentido de combates locais, ponto a ponto. Não estou falando de quebrar a porta do banco ou bater na polícia. Falo em combates em que você seja capaz de conectar combates locais através do mundo inteiro.

Existem formas novas de resistência e aliança entre as minorias étnicas, culturais, económicas do planeta que passam pela conectividade universal da rede, que é frágil, ao contrário do que se imagina, com pontos fracos, nós, gargalos, em que os Estados Unidos têm um poder muito grande. Mas eu diria que é muito difícil controlá-la até porque essa rede é indispensável para o capitalismo. Difícil o capitalismo danificá-la demais, senão vai perder seu principal instrumento hoje. Ainda que haja várias tentativas, no Brasil inclusive, de vigilância.

É possível que a gente passe para um estado de vigilância à la George Orwell. Tudo isso é possível. Mas acho também que a situação actual permite o desenvolvimento de uma guerrilha de informação, muito mais que de acção física, porque a informação hoje é uma mercadoria fundamental, estamos na economia do conhecimento, então a guerra é uma guerra também pela informação. É por aí que tenho alguma esperança, muito mais que numa saída nas ruas, com ancinhos, forcados, machetes.

Parar de imaginar uma luta de classes e imaginar uma guerrilha de classes. Classe definida, agora, não só de maneira classicamente económica mas no contexto da nova economia, que mudou a composição de classes. Vários intelectuais hoje pertencem à classe dominada, operária. Então, vejo mais uma guerrilha do que uma guerra, com a vantagem de que as guerras em geral terminam na constituição de um novo poder totalitário, um novo terror. O “Manifesto Antropófago” pode acabar se realizando mais por esse lado. O sonho clássico da revolução, como transformação de um estado A em estado B é um sonho pouco interessante.

Não há desfecho.

Não há desfecho. Prefiro falar em insurreição do que em revolução, hoje. Um estado de insurreição permanente como resistência. A palavra talvez seja mais resistência, insurreição, do que revolução e guerra. Guerrilha é sempre de resistência. O modelo da resistência francesa [na ocupação alemã], criar redes subterrâneas de comunicação. Estamos nessa posição, somos um planeta invadido por alienígenas, digamos, que é o grande capital, a TV Globo, o agronegócio, a hegemonia norte-americana sobre os sistemas de entretenimento; como é que você cria uma rede de resistência a esses “alemães”?

Sou um activista das redes, de facto. Mas não convoco para manifestações, não pertenço a nenhuma organização, estou um pouco velho para sair na rua.

Está com 62 anos.

É, mas para sair na rua como black bloc [sorriso]… Posso ir atrás do black bloc, na frente não dá.

Começou tarde a ser um activista/guerrilheiro. Porquê?

É uma questão interessante. A minha relação com o activismo na ditadura não foi receio físico. Não que eu não tivesse medo de enfrentar a repressão. Vi vários amigos presos, torturados, todo o mundo tinha medo. Mas não foi por isso que não entrei na luta contra a ditadura. Foi porque não acreditava nela, em tomar o poder para instituir uma nova ordem não muito diferente. Eu achava que era uma briga entre duas fracções da classe média alta para saber quem ia mandar no país. E eu não tinha a menor simpatia pela ideia de mandar no país. Tinha uma desconfiança, que infelizmente se confirmou, quando a gente vê que uma das pessoas que fez a luta armada está mandando no país. E ela está fazendo coisas muito parecidas com o que os militares queriam fazer, pelo menos na Amazônia. O projecto da Dilma na Amazônia é idêntico ao do Médici [terceiro presidente da ditadura, no período 1969-74].

O senhor se configura como um anarquista?

Talvez…

Fora do estado.

Digamos que sim. Mas não sou um anarquista daqueles que acham que a sociedade actual pode prescindir do estado. Acho isso um sonho um pouco infantil.

Acha que não pode prescindir do estado mas que é importante cultivar…

Uma oposição, sim. A ideia de uma abolição do estado nas presentes condições é fantasia. Existem algumas contradições que não podemos evitar. Por exemplo, o maior inimigo dos índios brasileiros, num certo plano, é o estado, que representa uma sociedade que os invadiu, exterminou, escravizou, expropriou de suas terras. Ao mesmo tempo, o estado brasileiro é a única protecção que os índios têm contra a sociedade brasileira. Se não fosse o estado, os fazendeiros já teriam aniquilado todos os índios. Mas é uma quimioterapia, como se o Brasil fosse o câncer e o estado fosse aquele remédio. Faz um mal horrível mas você tem de tomar, é o único jeito de ter esperança de se curar. Portanto, não posso ir contra o estado.

Tenho simpatia pela tese do [antropólogo francês Pierre] Clastres, “A Sociedade Contra o Estado”, um tipo de sociedade como ele entendia que era o caso de várias sociedades indígenas, mas não imagino que isso possa ser transferido para as nossas dimensões demográficas. Isto dito, não sei por quanto tempo vamos ter essas dimensões no planeta, estados-nação com milhões de habitantes. Precisamos guardar os anti-corpos contra o estado porque podemos precisar deles no futuro.

Defende que toda a lógica do que o Brasil poderia ser, oferecer, passaria por se tornar mais índio. Não os índios tornarem-se brasileiros mas o Brasil tornar-se índio, o que significaria uma outra forma de vida, não para produzir, não para consumir. Que significa isso na guerrilha das cidades e das redes? Como os índios podem estar presentes aí? O que podem dar à tal insurreição contínua?

Vou juntar isso com o final da pergunta anterior. Fui-me tornando mais activo nas redes porque apareceram, antes não existiam, e em função da minha enorme decepção com o final da ditadura, o facto de que continuamos reféns do grande capital, dos grandes clãs, dos capitães hereditários que continuam mandando no Brasil, José Sarney, Fernando Collor, Renan Calheiros. Essa aliança entre o mais arcaico, que é Sarney, e o mais moderno do capitalismo, que são esses agronegociantes de alta tecnologia do Mato Grosso do Sul, todos eles combinados para manter a tranquilidade política: não deixemos as massas virem atrapalhar.

Então, a minha decepção com a trajectória depois da ditadura; a minha decepção maior ainda com a trajectória do PT, a partir da eleição do Lula, na qual ele escreveu uma carta aos brasileiros dizendo que não ia tocar no bolso dos ricos; a minha decepção ainda maior com a performance do governo Dilma em relação ao meio ambiente, à Amazônia, aos índios, a total incapacidade política da presidente para ter o mínimo de diálogo, por mais fictício que seja com as populações indígenas, ao contrário, ela demonstra um desprezo, um ódio mesmo, que me parece quase patológico; tudo isso me levou ao activismo.

Todo o mundo tem uma imagem do Brasil como país preguiçoso, relaxado, laid back, onde tudo é mais devagar. E existe uma grande ambiguidade nossa em relação a essa imagem. Por um lado achamos interessante a imagem de um país easy going, por outro lado temos uma grande vergonha disso, nos queremos transformar num país performante, que vai para a frente, produtivo. A gente quer ao mesmo tempo ser sambista e grande potência mundial. Eu acho que devia continuar sendo sambista. Que a gente devia saber explorar as virtudes do não-produtivismo. A ética protestante, que nos deu o espírito do capitalismo, para falar como Weber, nunca esteve inscrita no DNA do Brasil, graças a vocês portugueses, que também não a tinham [risos]. Tiveram durante século e meio, mas depois… Então, por um milagre histórico fomos preservados dessa maldição que é a ética produtivista do capitalismo. Fomos capturados pelo capitalismo porque nos invadiu, domou. O capitalismo foi possível porque a Europa invadiu a América. Se não fosse a America, a Europa não teria deixado de ser o que era na Idade Média, um fundo de quintal. Na Idade Média, as sociedades desenvolvidas eram o Islã, a India e a China. Os europeus eram um bando de bárbaros, sujos, mal vestidos, católicos. Mas por acaso os portugueses e os espanhóis deram de cara com o novo mundo e o capitalismo tornou-se possível. Porque foi o ouro do Novo Mundo, milhares de toneladas, e tudo o que saiu da América, novas plantas, novos recursos alimentares, que permitiu a expansão do capitalismo e  depois a revolução industrial. Se não tivesse havido invasão da América, destruição da América não teria havido Europa moderna. Hoje, no mundo, as principais plantas que servem de alimentação mundial são de origem ameríndia: o milho, que se planta em toda a parte, a batata, que permitu a revolução industrial inglesa, a mandioca, da qual toda a África do Oeste hoje vive. Só que a América já era, não tem mais Novo Mundo para descobrir, a terra fechou, arredondou, além de que o pólo dinâmico do capitalismo foi para a China.

Voltando aos índios.

O Brasil tem muito poucos índios comparado com os países andinos ou mezo-americanos. Estão na casa de um milhão, num país de 200 milhões. Mas têm um poder simbólico muito grande, até porque têm uma base muito grande, 12 por cento do território brasileiro. Está tudo invadido [por obras ou fazendeiros] mas oficialmente é terra indígena. Além de que têm um poder de sedução no imaginário ocidental. A Amazônia tem um poder simbólico imenso. Embora, ao contrário do que os brasileiros pensam, não seja só brasileira, a maior parte da Amazônia está no Brasil. E é um objecto transcendente, uma espécie de última chance, último lugar da terra. O que dá ao Brasil um poder simbólico que ele não sabe usar, ao contrário, a Amazônia tem servido para atacar o Brasil por não saber cuidar da Amazônia. E sabe uma coisa? Não sabe mesmo. E não está sabendo se valer da Amazônia como um trunfo mundial. Nem como um lugar onde poderia se desenvolver uma civilização menos estúpida, do ponto de vista tecnológico e social. Os índios aí servem como exemplo. Estão na Amazônia há pelo menos 15 mil anos. Boa parte da floresta amazónica foi criada pela actividade indígena. Boa parte do solo foi criado com cinza de fogueira, detritos humanos. A Amazônia é essa floresta luxuriante em parte por causa da acção humana, dos índios.

Perante isto, o modelo sulino, gaúcho, europeu, de ocupação da Amazônia, é um plano liso que você possa encher de fertilizante, para poder plantar plantas transgénicas, resistentes a herbicidas, para produzir soja para vender para China, para em seguida pegar esse dinheiro e dar Bolsa Família. Não seria mais simples fazer com que essas pessoas não precisassem de Bolsa Família dando para elas terra para plantar, fazendo a célebre reforma agrária que jamais foi feita no Brasil?

Estamos exportando terra, solo e água na forma de carne, de soja. Um quilo de carne precisa de 15 mil litros de água para ser produzido, um quilo de soja, 7500 litros. Essa água toda, que poderia estar sendo usada para plantar comida para nós, está sendo usada para produzir soja para alimentar gado europeu, ou em tofu e miso na China.

O Brasil destruiu mais de metade da sua cobertura vegetal, a Mata Atlântica, que era igual à Amazônia do ponto de vista ambiental, para plantar cana e café durante a colonização. E ficámos mais ricos? Agora estão devastando a Amazônia para produzir soja e gado. Estamos ficando mais ricos? Os pobres estão melhores porque está caindo mais migalha da mesa dos ricos, não porque vieram sentar na mesa.

Meninos a pescar no rio Xingu (1982) EDUARDO VIVEIROS DE CASTRO

Isso também afectou os índios, não? Em São Gabriel da Cachoeira, o município mais indígena do Brasil [estado do Amazonas], um dos grandes problemas é o alcoolismo. Impressionante ver o estado em que muitos índios vivem em São Gabriel. É um resultado desse erro de tentar converter o índio em brasileiro nesse modelo que está a descrever?

O alcoolismo é uma praga da população indígena das três Américas. Tem a ver com várias coisas. Uma delas é genética, mesmo. Os índios têm, por razões de evolução, muito menos resistência ao metabolismo do açúcar no organismo. Por isso que eles têm essa tendência à obesidade e à diabetes. Segundo, os índios sempre tiveram álcool, na América do Norte menos, mas todos os índios da Amazônia preparavam bebidas fermentadas, etc. É a mesma coisa com o tabaco, só que ao contrário. O tabaco é indígena. Os índios fumavam, mas não tinham câncer, ou a taxa devia ser muito pequena, assim como o alcoolismo existe entre nós mas é muito menos violento. Porquê? Os índios, para fazerem o tabaco deles e a bebida deles, tinham que produzir à mão. Tabaco tinham de plantar, de enrolar, de fazer um charuto, levava cinco dias para fumar, eram objectos custosos. A cerveja que faziam levava semanas. Aí, chega de repente a cachaça, seis meses de trabalho indígena concentrado numa garrafa que custa dois reais. A mesma coisa com a gente: quando você pega num maço de cigarro que tem concentrado seis meses de trabalho indígena, você fuma um atrás do outro. Você morre de câncer aqui e os índios morrem de cirrose lá.

O capitalismo apresenta aos índios uma coisa que eles nunca tiveram: o infinito mercantil. Os objectos não acabam nunca. Você tem uma quantidade infinita de cachaça. É como se chegassem aqui marcianos que nos dessem soro da vida eterna. Os índios não entendem e consomem, consomem, consomem. Eles produziam pouco para ter tempo livre. O que acontece agora é que continuam produzindo pouco mas os produtos chegam em quantidade infinita. E eles não têm estrutura social, política, institucional. Vai levar séculos para que desenvolvam resistências. Todo o ser humano gosta de se drogar, alterar a consciência, desde o café até ao LSD, então nos índios o álcool entrou destruindo tudo. É certamente a coisa mais destrutiva em todos os índios das Américas.

Não há sociedades perfeitas. É preciso distinguir entre modelo e exemplo. Os índios são um exemplo, não um modelo. Jamais poderemos viver como os índios, por todas as razões. Não só porque não podemos como não é desejável. Ninguém está querendo parar de usar computador ou usar antibiótico, ou coisa parecida. Mas eles podem ser um exemplo na relação entre trabalho e lazer. Basicamente trabalham três horas por dia. O tempo de trabalho médio dos povos primitivos é de três, quatro horas no máximo. Só precisam para caçar, comer, plantar mandioca. Nós precisamos de oito, 12, 16. O que eles fazem o resto do tempo? Inventam histórias, dançam. O que é melhor ou pior? Sempre achei estranho esse modelo americano, trabalha 12 horas por dia, 11 meses e meio por ano, para tirar 15 dias de férias. A quem isso beneficia?

A única vantagem indiscutível que a civilização moderna produziu em relação às civilizações indígenas foram os avanços na medicina. Se você fosse viver o resto da vida no mato o que levaria? Penicilina. Foi de facto um avanço. Mesmo assim nossos avanços sempre avançam demais. Hoje preferimos manter uma pessoa de 90 anos sofrendo horrivelmente, tem de viver, tem de viver, a família vai à falência. Ou seja, não sabemos mais morrer. Todo o mundo antes do século XX sabia morrer.

Negative effects of joining a gang last long after gang membership ends (Science Daily)

Date: March 13, 2014

Source: University of Washington

Summary: Joining a gang in adolescence has significant consequences in adulthood beyond criminal behavior, even after a person leaves the gang. Former gang members are more likely to be in poor health, receiving government assistance and struggling with drug abuse than someone who never joined a gang.

Imagine two children, both with the exact same risk factors for joining a gang. As teenagers, one joins a gang, the other doesn’t. Even though the first teen eventually leaves the gang, years later he or she is not only at significantly higher risk of being incarcerated and receiving illegal income, but is also less likely to have finished high school and more likely to be in poor health, receiving government assistance or struggling with drug abuse.

University of Washington researchers have found that joining a gang in adolescence has significant consequences in adulthood beyond criminal behavior, even after a person leaves the gang. The research is published in the American Journal of Public Health.

“It turns out that, like violence, gang membership is as much a public health problem as a criminal justice problem,” said Karl Hill, study co-author and research associate professor in the School of Social Work. “Joining a gang in the teens had enduring consequences on health and well-being.”

The Seattle Social Development Project, which was founded by study co-author J. David Hawkins, followed 808 fifth-grade students from 18 elementary schools serving high-crime neighborhoods in Seattle, beginning in 1985. More than half of the students came from low-income families. Participants were interviewed every year until the age of 18, then every three years until the age of 33.

According to lead author Amanda Gilman, a doctoral candidate in the School of Social Work, joining a gang served as a turning point, creating consequences that cascaded into other areas of life for years afterward.

“Very few of them reported still being in a gang at age 27. The vast majority had left a long time ago, but the consequences stuck with them long-term,” Gilman said. Researchers used 23 risk factors to calculate a child’s propensity for joining a gang, and then compared 173 youth who had joined a gang with 173 who did not but showed a similar propensity for doing so, so that the only difference between the two groups was gang membership. The average age of joining a gang was just under 15 years old. No one in this study reported joining a gang after the age of 19, and the majority (60 percent) were in a gang for three years or less.

The 23 variables used to match the groups included individual factors such as antisocial beliefs, alcohol and marijuana use, violent behavior and hyperactivity; family factors such as poverty, family structure, sibling behavior and parent pro-violent attitudes; school factors such as academic aspiration and achievement; neighborhood factors such as the availability of marijuana and neighborhood kids in trouble; and whether the child associated with friends who engaged in problem behaviors. Researchers measured three areas of adult functioning at age 33: illegal behavior, education and occupational attainment, and physical and mental health. Those who joined a gang in adolescence were nearly three times more likely between ages 27 and 33 to report committing a crime, more than three times more likely to receive income from illegal sources, and more than twice as likely to have been incarcerated in the previous year.

Former gang members also were nearly three times more likely to have drug-abuse issues, were almost twice as likely to say they were in poor health, and twice as likely to be receiving public assistance. They were also half as likely to graduate from high school.

Gilman hopes the study will motivate schools and communities to develop and implement research-based strategies to prevent children from joining gangs, in the hopes of not only reducing crime, but increasing graduation rates and reducing physical and mental health costs.

Hill said everyone can be involved in gang prevention in their own way, by reducing the 23 variables shown to be risk factors. “If you’re a parent, manage your family well. If you’re a community member, be involved in kids’ lives. If you’re a teacher, engage your kids and recognize good work. We can’t solve all of the risks kids are exposed to alone, but we can if we work together,” he said.

Journal Reference:

  1. Amanda B. Gilman, Karl G. Hill, J. David Hawkins. Long-Term Consequences of Adolescent Gang Membership for Adult FunctioningAmerican Journal of Public Health, 2014; e1 DOI: 10.2105/AJPH.2013.301821

Discurso sobre o sonho pode ajudar no diagnóstico de doenças mentais (Fapesp)

Pesquisadores brasileiros desenvolvem técnica de análise matemática de relatos sobre sonhos, capaz de auxiliar na identificação de sintomas de esquizofrenia e bipolaridade (imagem: divulgação)

17/03/2014

Por Elton Alisson

Agência FAPESP – A pista dada por Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) no livro “A intepretação dos sonhos, de 1899, de que “os sonhos são a estrada real para o inconsciente”, chave para a Psicanálise, também pode ser útil na Psiquiatria, no diagnóstico clínico de transtornos mentais, como a esquizofrenia e a bipolaridade, entre outras.

A constatação é de um grupo de pesquisadores do Instituto do Cérebro da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), em colaboração com colegas do Departamento de Física da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE) e do Centro de Pesquisa, Inovação e Difusão em Neuromatemática (Neuromat) – um dos CEPIDs da FAPESP.

Eles desenvolveram uma técnica de análise matemática de relatos de sonhos que poderá, no futuro, auxiliar no diagnóstico de psicoses.

A técnica foi descrita em um artigo publicado em janeiro na Scientific Reports, revista de acesso aberto do grupo Nature.

“A ideia é que a técnica, relativamente simples e barata, seja utilizada como ferramenta para auxiliar os psiquiatras no diagnóstico clínico de pacientes com transtornos mentais de forma mais precisa”, disse Mauro Copelli, professor da UFPE e um dos autores do estudo, à Agência FAPESP.

De acordo com Copelli – que realizou mestrado e doutorado parcialmente com Bolsa da FAPESP –, apesar dos esforços seculares para aumentar a precisão da classificação dos transtornos mentais, o atual método de diagnóstico de psicoses tem sido duramente criticado.

Isso porque ele ainda peca pela falta de objetividade e pelo fato de a maioria dos transtornos mentais não contar com biomarcadores (indicadores biométricos) capazes de auxiliar os psiquiatras a diagnosticá-los com maior exatidão.

Além disso, pacientes com esquizofrenia ou transtorno bipolar muitas vezes apresentam sintomas psicóticos comuns, como alucinações, delírios, hiperatividade e comportamento agressivo – o que pode comprometer a precisão do diagnóstico.

“O diagnóstico dos sintomas psicóticos é altamente subjetivo”, afirmou Copelli. “Por isso mesmo, a última versão do Manual Diagnóstico e Estatístico de Transtornos Mentais [publicado pela Associação Americana de Psiquiatria em 2013] foi muito atacada”, avaliou.

A fim de desenvolver um método quantitativo para avaliar sintomas psiquiátricos, os pesquisadores gravaram, com o consentimento dos envolvidos, os relatos dos sonhos de 60 pacientes voluntários, atendidos no ambulatório de psiquiatria de um hospital público em Natal (RN).

Alguns dos pacientes já tinham recebido o diagnóstico de esquizofrenia, outros de bipolaridade e os demais, que formaram o grupo de controle, não apresentavam sintomas de transtornos mentais.

Os relatos dos sonhos dos pacientes, feitos à psiquiatra Natália Bezerra Mota, doutoranda na URFN e primeira autora do estudo, foram transcritos.

As frases dos discursos dos pacientes foram transformadas por um software desenvolvido por pesquisadores do Instituto do Cérebro em grafos – estruturas matemáticas similares a diagramas nas quais cada palavra dita pelo paciente foi representada por um ponto ou nó, como o feito em uma linha de crochê.

Ao analisar os grafos dos relatos dos sonhos dos três grupos de pacientes os pesquisadores observaram que há diferenças muito claras entre eles.

O tamanho, em termos de quantidade de arestas ou links, e a conectividade (relação) entre os nós dos grafos dos pacientes diagnosticados com esquizofrenia, bipolaridade ou sem transtornos mentais apresentaram variações, afirmaram os pesquisadores.

“Os pacientes com esquizofrenia, por exemplo, fazem relatos que, quando representados por grafos, possuem menos ligações do que os demais grupos de pacientes”, disse Mota.

Diferenças de discursos

Segundo os pesquisadores, a diferenciação de pacientes a partir da análise dos grafos de relatos dos sonhos foi possível porque suas características de fala também são bastante diversificadas.

Os pacientes esquizofrênicos costumam falar de forma lacônica e com pouca digressão (desvio de assunto) – o que explica por que a conectividade e a quantidade de arestas dos grafos de seus relatos são menores em comparação às dos bipolares.

Por sua vez, pacientes com transtorno bipolar tendem a apresentar um sintoma oposto ao da digressão, chamado logorreia ou verborragia, falando atabalhoadamente frases sem sentido – chamado na Psiquiatria de “fuga de ideias”.

“Encontramos uma correlação importante dessas medidas feitas por meio das análises dos grafos com os sintomas negativos e cognitivos medidos por escalas psicométricas utilizadas na prática clínica da Psiquiatria”, afirmou Mota.

Ao transformar essas características marcantes de fala dos pacientes em grafos é possível dar origem a um classificador computacional capaz de auxiliar os psiquiatras no diagnóstico de transtornos mentais, indicou Copelli.

“Todas as ocorrências no discurso dos pacientes com transtornos mentais que no grafo têm um significado aparentemente geométrico podem ser quantificadas matematicamente e ajudar a classificar se um paciente é esquizofrênico ou bipolar, com uma taxa de sucesso comparável ou até mesmo melhor do que as escalas psiquiátricas subjetivas utilizadas para essa finalidade”, avaliou.

O objetivo dos pesquisadores é avaliar um maior número de pacientes e calibrar o algoritmo (sequência de comandos) do software desenvolvido para transformar os relatos dos sonhos em grafos que possam ser usados em larga escala na prática clínica de Psiquiatria.

Apesar de utilizada inicialmente para o diagnóstico de psicoses, a técnica poderá ser expandida para diversas outras finalidades, contou Mota.

“Ela poderá ser utilizada, por exemplo, para buscar mais informações sobre estrutura de linguagem aplicadas à análise de relatos de pessoas não apenas com sintomas psicóticos, mas também em diferentes situações de declínio cognitivo, como demência, ou em ascensão, como durante o aprendizado e o desenvolvimento da fala e escrita”, indicou a pesquisadora.

Papel dos sonhos

Os pesquisadores também desenvolveram e analisaram, durante o estudo, os grafos de relatos sobre atividades realizadas pelos pacientes voluntários na véspera do sonho.

Os grafos desses relatos do dia a dia, chamados de “relatos de vigília”, não foram tão indicativos do tipo de transtorno mental sofrido pelo paciente como outros, disse Copelli.

“Conseguimos distinguir esquizofrênicos dos demais grupos usando a análise dos grafos dos relatos de vigília, mas não conseguimos distinguir bem os bipolares do grupo de controle dessa forma”, contou.

Os pesquisadores ainda não sabem por que os grafos dos discursos sobre o sonho são mais informativos sobre psicose do que os grafos da vigília.

Algumas hipóteses esmiuçadas na pesquisa de doutorado de Mota estão relacionadas a mecanismos fisiológicos de formação de memória.

“Acreditamos que, por serem memórias mais transitórias, os sonhos podem ser mais demandantes cognitivamente e ter maior impacto afetivo do que as memórias relacionadas ao cotidiano, e isso pode tornar seus relatos mais complexos”, contou a pesquisadora.

“Outra hipótese é que o sonho está relacionado a um evento vivenciado exclusivamente por uma pessoa, sem ser compartilhado com outras, e por isso talvez seja mais complexo de ser explicado do que uma atividade relacionada ao cotidiano”, disse.

Para testar essas hipóteses, os pesquisadores pretendem ampliar a coleta de dados aplicando questionários em pacientes com registro de primeiro surto psicótico, com o objetivo de esclarecer se outros tipos de relatos, como de memórias antigas, podem se equiparar ao sonho em termos de informação psiquiátrica. Eles também querem verificar se podem usar o método para identificar sinais ou grupo de sintomas (pródromo) e acompanhar efeitos de medicações.

“Pretendemos investigar em laboratório, com eletroencefalografia de alta densidade e diversas técnicas de mensuração de distâncias semânticas e análise de estrutura de grafos, de que forma os estímulos recebidos imediatamente antes de dormir influenciam os relatos de sonhos produzidos ao despertar”, disse Sidarta Ribeiro, pesquisador do Instituto do Cérebro da UFRN.

“Estamos particularmente interessados nos efeitos distintos de imagens com valor afetivo”, afirmou Ribeiro, que também é pesquisador associado do Neuromat.

O artigo Graph analysis of dream reports is especially informative about psychosis (doi: 10.1038/srep03691), de Mota e outros, pode ser lido na revista Scientific Reports emwww.nature.com/srep/2014/140115/srep03691/full/srep03691.html.

Luciana Vanni Gatti: Na trilha do carbono (Fapesp)

MARCOS PIVETTA e RICARDO ZORZETTO | Edição 217 – Março de 2014

© LÉO RAMOS

022-027_Entrevista_217

Emoldurado por um nascer do sol no município acreano de Senador Guiomard, um castanheiro-do-pará ocupou o primeiro plano da capa de 6 de fevereiro da revista científica inglesa Nature, uma das mais prestigiadas do mundo. A árvore tropical simbolizava a Amazônia, tema central de um artigo que teve como autor principal Luciana Vanni Gatti, 53 anos, coordenadora do Laboratório de Química Atmosférica do Instituto de Pesquisas Energéticas e Nucleares (Ipen). Luciana e os coautores do trabalho calcularam o chamado balanço de carbono da floresta amazônica  que é uma comparação entre a quantidade de carbono na forma de dióxido de carbono (CO2) emitida e a absorvida pela bacia Amazônica – em dois anos consecutivos que apresentaram temperaturas acima da média dos últimos 30 anos, mas uma variação significativa no regime de chuvas.

O ano de 2010 foi marcado por uma estiagem extrema e o de 2011 por chuvas acima da média. “Vimos que a Amazônia se comportou como uma fonte de carbono no ano seco quando também levamos em conta as queimadas”, diz Luciana, que dividiu a coautoria do artigo com Emanuel Gloor, da Universidade de Leeds, na Inglaterra, e John Miller, da Universidade do Colorado, em Boulder, nos Estados Unidos. “Mas, no ano úmido, seu balanço de carbono foi próximo a neutro, a quantidade emitida e a absorvida foram mais ou menos equivalentes.” Os dados do estudo sobre gases atmosféricos foram obtidos por uma iniciativa comandada desde 2010 pela brasileira, cujos esforços de pesquisa fazem parte do Amazonica (Amazon Integrated Carbon Analysis), um grande projeto internacional coordenado por Gloor. A cada duas semanas, pequenos aviões alçam voo de quatro localidades amazônicas (Santarém, Alta Floresta, Rio Branco e Tabatinga) e coletam amostras de ar ao longo de um perfil vertical descendente, entre 4,4 quilômetros de altitude e 200 ou 300 metros do solo. As amostras são enviadas para o laboratório de Luciana no Ipen onde são quantificados gases de efeito estufa, entre outros. No trabalho foram estudados o CO2, o monóxido de carbono (CO) e o hexafluoreto de enxofre (SF6).

Os resultados foram interpretados como preocupantes, pois sugerem que a capacidade de a Amazônia absorver da atmosfera o CO2, principal gás de efeito estufa, parece estar associada à quantidade de chuvas. Em anos secos, como 2010, ocorrem mais incêndios em áreas com floresta e também nas já desmatadas, que liberam grandes quantidades de CO, e o estresse hídrico aparentemente reduz os níveis de fotossíntese das plantas e as fazem retirar menos CO2 da atmosfera. Nesta entrevista, Luciana fala dos resultados e das implicações de seu estudo e conta um pouco de sua carreira.

Você esperava que o trabalho parasse na capa daNature?
Mais pela importância do tema do que pela qualidade do trabalho, esperava que saísse sim, mas não imaginava que fosse capa. Vou a muitos congressos e encontro gente do mundo inteiro falando da Amazônia. Essas pessoas não têm ideia do que é a região. Nunca vieram aqui e ficam fazendo modelagem, extrapolando dado local como se fosse representativo de toda a região. Vejo resultados muito variados de modelagem, mostrando a Amazônia como sendo desde grande absorvedora até grande emissora de CO2. A Amazônia faz diferença no balanço global de carbono. Por isso, descobrir qual é o seu peso nesse balanço é tremendamente importante. Hoje do que mais se fala? De mudança climática. O planeta está ficando hostil ao ser humano. Mas inicialmente pretendíamos publicar na Science.

Por quê?
Era meu objetivo porque o [Simon] Lewis [pesquisador da Universidade de Leeds] publicou na Science em 2010 um paper com conclusões que queríamos contestar. Ele disse que a Amazônia tinha emitido naquele ano o equivalente à queima de combustíveis fósseis de todo os Estados Unidos. Era um trabalho feito com modelagem e tinha chegado a um resultado muito exagerado. Queria publicar na Science para responder ao Lewis. Chegamos a submeter para a revista uma versão de nosso artigo, na época apenas com os dados de 2010, um ano muito seco. Era um trabalho que determinava o balanço de carbono naquele ano. A Science disse que era um estudo relevante, mas que tinha um escopo técnico demais, fora de sua linha editorial. Nem mandaram o artigo para ser analisado por referees e sugeriram que o enviássemos para uma revista mais especializada. Mas, quando analisamos os dados de 2011, encontramos uma situação completamente diferente daquela de 2010. O entendimento de por que os efeitos sobre o balanço de carbono foram tão diferentes em 2010 e 2011 foi o que fez a Nature gostar do paper. Por esse motivo, sou a favor de estudos de longa duração. Se tivesse feito uma campanha em 2010, ia achar que a Amazônia se comporta daquele jeito todos os anos.

Em editorial, a Nature disse que os resultados do artigo são uma notícia ruim. Concorda com essa avaliação?
Concordo. É uma notícia bem triste. Não esperávamos que a Amazônia pudesse apresentar um resultado tão baixo de absorção de carbono. Nunca ninguém mediu isso da forma como fizemos agora. Existem vários trabalhos que, a partir de um dado local, extrapolam uma média para a região. Mas tirar uma média é válido? Já sabemos que existe muita variação dentro da Amazônia.

Qual era o senso comum sobre o balanço de carbono na região?
Que a Amazônia absorvia em torno de meio petagrama de carbono por ano, era o que se estimava. Todo mundo acha que a Amazônia é um grande sink [sumidouro] de carbono. Mas em 2010, por causa do estresse hídrico, as plantas fizeram menos fotossíntese e aumentou sua mortalidade. Então a floresta na média absorveu apenas 0,03 petagrama de carbono. Muito pouco. Isso equivale a 30 milhões de toneladas de carbono. O valor é igual à margem de erro do estudo. Devido a queimadas propositais e a incêndios florestais, a Amazônia emitiu 0,51 petagrama de carbono (510 milhões de toneladas de carbono). Portanto, no balanço de carbono a emissão foi muito maior do que a absorção. É uma notícia horrível. Em 2011, que foi mais úmido, o balanço foi praticamente neutro [a floresta emitiu 0,30 petagrama de carbono, mas abosorveu 0,25 petagrama, oito vezes mais que no ano anterior].

A quantidade de chuvas é o fator principal para entender o balanço de carbono na Amazônia?
Não é bem isso. Nosso estudo mostra que a disponibilidade de água é um fator mais importante do que a temperatura. É questão de peso. Mas isso não quer dizer que a temperatura não seja importante. A grande diferença entre 2010 e 2011 foi a questão hídrica, só que ela também está ligada à variação de temperatura. É difícil dar uma resposta definitiva. Esse dado indica que não dá para fazer modelo de previsão climática levando em conta apenas o aumento de temperatura. É preciso colocar todas as consequências desse aumento de temperatura. Um modelo muito simplista vai ficar longe do que vai acontecer no futuro.

A seca de 2010 e as chuvas de 2011 foram anormais para a Amazônia?
Não podemos dizer que a chuva de 2011 foi extrema, porque ela não foi acima da máxima histórica. Foi um ano chuvoso, acima da média, mas não incomum. É uma questão de definição. Houve outros anos com níveis semelhantes de precipitação. A seca de 2010 foi extrema, incomum, abaixo da mínima histórica. No entanto, não posso dizer que a capacidade de absorção em 2011 equivale à média de um ano chuvoso. Em 2010, a floresta tinha sofrido muito com a seca e, no ano seguinte, a vegetação ainda poderia estar sob efeito do impacto desse estresse absurdo. A história de um ano pode estar influenciando o ano seguinte. Pode ser que, depois de um ano chuvoso, o sequestro de carbono seja maior se houver em seguida um segundo ano também chuvoso.

Os dados de um ano não devem ser analisados de forma isolada.
Exatamente! Por isso, temos que realizar estudos de longo prazo. Quando participei de campanhas e vi que havia essa variabilidade de ano para ano, desisti desse tipo de estudo. Acho vantajoso o fato de se reunir [em campanhas] muitos pesquisadores de varias áreas e os estudos de uns complementarem o de outros. Os avanços em alguns aspectos do conhecimento são muitos nesse tipo de situação, mas não no sentido de se conhecer um valor significativo que represente toda a Amazônia. Nesse aspecto existe muita variabilidade. Não dá pra estudar um mês na estação seca e outro na chuvosa e achar que esses períodos representam tudo o que ocorre no período de estiagem e no úmido e se estender o resultado para todo o ano. Esse número pode ser o dobro ou a metade do real, por exemplo. Durante nosso estudo de 10 anos em Santarém, vi essa grande variabilidade. Sou muito perfeccionista. Se sei que meu número pode estar muito errado, isso não me satisfaz.

Com dados de apenas dois anos, é seguro chegar a alguma conclusão sobre o balanço de carbono na Amazônia?
Como 2010 foi tão diferente de 2011, concluímos que nem com quatro ou cinco anos, que era nosso plano original, chegaremos a uma média conclusiva. Agora estamos à procura de recursos para financiar a continuidade desse projeto por uma década. A média de 10 anos é suficiente? Sim, estudos sobre o ciclo de carbono são mais conclusivos se forem decadais. Mas é importante entender que a Amazônia está sendo alterada, tanto pelo homem como pelo clima, que o homem também está alterando. Então o que acharmos de resultado mediano pode ser diferente do que ocorreu na década passada e na retrasada. Vamos submeter um projeto para continuar esse estudo. Mas, além de recursos para as medidas, precisamos de recursos para ter uma equipe para conduzir o projeto também. Sou a única funcionária do Ipen atuando no projeto, todos os demais são pagos pelos projetos envolvidos nesse estudo. E, sem essa equipe tão afinada, não existiria esse projeto incrível. É um esforço muito grande de muitas pessoas.

Alguns estudos sugerem que o aumento dos gases de efeito estufa pode levar algumas plantas a fazer mais fotossíntese. Isso não poderá alterar o balanço de carbono na Amazônia no longo prazo?
Não é só isso. É verdade que mais COna atmosfera estimula a planta a fazer mais fotossíntese. Mas há outros mecanismos. Em uma situação de estresse hídrico, a raiz absorve menos água. A planta diminui seu metabolismo e assim absorve menos carbono. O que sabemos ao certo é que a floresta reduz sua capacidade de absorver carbono com a diminuição da disponibilidade de água.

Como o ar coletado em quatro pontos da Amazônia pode representar a atmosfera de toda essa enorme região?
Em qualquer um dos pontos, as amostras coletadas nos voos representam uma massa de ar que passou por várias partes da Amazônia, desde a costa brasileira até o ponto de coleta e, no caso de Santarém, até de trechos do Nordeste. Se ela levou sete dias para chegar até o ponto de coleta, representa uma semana e não apenas o momento em que foi obtida. Ela guarda toda a história do caminho que percorreu dentro da Amazônia nesses sete dias, de todas as emissões e absorções que ocorreram nesse percurso. Não estamos, portanto, coletando uma amostra de ar referente a uma hora. Estamos coletando a história de uma coluna de ar que viajou todo esse caminho desde a costa brasileira. Calculamos o caminho que cada massa de ar fez até ser coletada em cada altitude amostrada.

Esse método não tem alguma limitação?
A grande limitação é só termos feito coletas até 4,4 quilômetros de altura. O que ocorre acima disso está fora da nossa área de medição. Uma nuvem convectiva pode levar o ar que estava embaixo para cima e vice-versa. Isso pode fazer com que nossa coluna de ar seja parcialmente levada para uma altitude acima do nosso limite de voo. Nesse caso, perdemos informação. Essa é a maior fonte de erro do nosso método. O ideal seria voarmos a até 8 ou 12 quilômetros de altura. Já começamos a fazer isso no inicio de 2013 no ponto de estudo próximo a Rio Branco e os resultados são muito animadores. Nessa faixa de altitude, em um ano, não observamos uma variação muito significativa que indique um erro grande. Isso é muito animador.

Os quatro pontos de coleta de amostras de ar se comportam iguais?
O ponto próximo a Santarém é diferente de tudo em termos de resultado. Vamos pensar em sua área de influência. Todo litoral tem uma densidade populacional grande. Nesse ponto da região amazônica temos a maior relação área/população. Nossos dados coletados ali sofrem influência urbana, antropogênica e de combustíveis fósseis que não aparecem tanto em outros pontos da Amazônia. Haveria influência inclusive da poluição vinda das cidades do Nordeste. Às vezes, na estação chuvosa, observamos nesse ponto emissão de carbono, enquanto nos outros três pontos que monitoramos há absorção.

O que explica essa diferença?
Podem ser as atividades antropogênicas em áreas próximas a Santarém. As Guianas estão acima do equador. Quando é a estação chuvosa no Brasil, lá é a seca. Tem também as queimadas e as atividades antrópicas nas cidades próximas de nosso litoral. Dizem para eu parar as medidas em Santarém, que não representa a Amazônia. Mas tenho uma série histórica de 14 anos. O Brasil não tem série histórica de medidas desse tipo. Se pararmos de medir em Santarém… Fico em um dilema.

Mas Santarém não representa uma parte importante da Amazônia oriental?
Na área de influência de Santarém, 40% é floresta. Se considerar a área de toda a floresta amazônica, Santarém pega uma “fatiazinha”, entre aspas porque é gigante, de 20%. Só descobrimos isso quando passamos a estudar o outro lado da Amazônia. As amostras obtidas no avião são resultantes de uma história de tudo o que aconteceu antes de o ar chegar lá. Com exceção do monóxido de carbono, que vem das queimadas de floresta, não há como saber a contribuição de cada fonte de carbono. No caso de Santarém, essa abordagem não funciona muito bem. Acreditamos que uma parte do monóxido de carbono venha de outras queimas de biomassa, talvez de combustíveis fósseis e não basicamente da queima de vegetação florestal.

Como começou seu trabalho na Amazônia?
Participei do LBA [Experimento de Grande Escala da Biosfera-Atmosfera na Amazônia] desde o início, em 1998. Fiz campanhas de campo. Há 10 anos, comecei as medidas sistemáticas em Santarém. Até então, as amostras dos perfis de ar iam para os Estados Unidos para serem analisadas em um laboratório da Noaa [National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration]. Em 2004 montei meu laboratório no Ipen e as amostras pararam de ir para os Estados Unidos. Meu laboratório é uma réplica do laboratório da Noaa, o melhor laboratório do planeta de gás de efeito estufa. Fiz tudo igualzinho e importamos uma réplica do laboratório deles. Botamos tudo dentro de caixas e trouxemos para cá. Tudo, tudo. Do mouse à estante. O sistema todinho encaixotado. Podemos medir CO2, CH4, N2O, CO, SF6 e H2. O laboratório foi pago pela Nasa e o usamos no LBA. Tudo o que aprendi nessa área foi com a equipe da Global Monitoring Division da Noaa. Passei três temporadas lá. Estamos juntos sempre, eles têm acesso ao Magic, que é esse nosso sistema de análise. Tudo é feito em parceria com eles. São 10 anos trabalhando com esses caras. Sou filha deles. Depois de 2004 conseguimos uma frequência maior de medidas em Santarém. Naquele ano, voamos na estação seca e na estação chuvosa pela primeira vez. Tentamos também realizar medições em Manaus, mas dos três anos de coletas tivemos problemas de autorização de voo em um ano e no ano seguinte com as análises de CO2. Então o dinheiro acabou. Como só tinha dados de um ano inteiro, acabei nunca publicando essas informações. Mas isso é uma falha que tenho de corrigir. Ficamos só em Santarém até 2009, quando ganhamos verba da FAPESP e da Nerc [agência do Reino Unido de financiamento de pesquisas] e passamos a fazer medições em mais três pontos.

Quando os estudos se restringiam a Santarém foi possível chegar a alguma conclusão?
Observamos que existe uma variabilidade muito grande no balanço de carbono durante a estação chuvosa na Amazônia. Publicamos esses dados num paper em 2010. Vimos que não adianta fazer um estudo de um ou dois anos. Tem de ser de muitos anos. Essa foi a primeira lição importante que aprendi com esse estudo.

Qual é o passo seguinte do trabalho na Amazônia?
Calcular o balanço de carbono em 2012 e 2013. Já temos os dados. O ano de 2012, por exemplo, está no meio do caminho entre 2010 e 2011. Choveu absurdamente na parte noroeste e no resto foi mais seco do que em 2010. Por isso gosto do dado coletado em avião, que nos possibilita calcular a resultante [das emissões e absorções de carbono]. Se eu trabalhasse apenas com uma torre de emissão e ela estivesse no lado seco, concluiria uma coisa. Se estivesse do lado chuvoso, concluiria outra. Com o tipo de dado que usamos, podemos levar tudo em consideração e ver o que predominou. Calcular tudo e tirar a média. E, na média, 2012 foi seco na bacia toda. Em número de focos de queimada, deu bem entre 2010 e 2011.

Você começou sua carreira fora da química atmosférica. Como foi o início?
Fiz iniciação científica e mestrado em eletroquímica. Mas tinha uma frustração enorme e me perguntava para que isso serviria. Houve então a primeira reunião de química ambiental no Brasil, que o Wilson Jardim [professor da Unicamp], organizou lá em Campinas em 1989. Fui lá e me apaixonei. Era aquilo que eu queria fazer da minha vida.

Você é de onde?
Sou de Birigui, mas saí da cidade com 3 anos. Morei boa parte do tempo em Cafelândia, que tinha então 11 mil habitantes. Lá todo mundo se conhece. Por isso sou assim. Falo com todo mundo. Também falo muito com as mãos. Meus alunos dizem que, se amarrarem minhas mãos, não dou aula. O pessoal da portaria no Ipen nem pede meu crachá. É coisa de interiorano. O paulistano é capaz de estar sozinho no meio de uma multidão. De Cafelândia, minha família mudou-se para Ribeirão Preto, porque meu pai não queria que os filhos saíssem de casa para estudar. Ele escolheu uma cidade com muitas faculdades e mudou a família toda para lá. Ele era representante da Mobil Oil do Brasil. Para ele, tanto fazia estar em Cafelândia ou em Ribeirão. O engraçado é que minha irmã foi para Campinas, eu fui para a Federal de São Carlos, meu irmão foi para a FEI de São Bernardo e a única que ficou em casa foi a terceira irmã. Tive problema de saúde e precisei voltar para a casa dos meus pais antes de me formar. Me transferi para a USP de Ribeirão, mas ali o curso de química tinha quase o dobro de créditos do da federal de São Carlos. Levei mais três anos e meio para fazer o que faltava, que consumiria apenas um e meio na federal. Tudo tinha pré-requisito. Mas foi muito legal porque em São Carlos estudei bem apenas durante o primeiro ano. Depois virei militante de partido semiclandestino, dirigente estudantil. Fazia mais política que estudava. Éramos proibidos de assistir às aulas. Quando chegava a época de prova, xerocava o caderno dos amigos, varava a noite estudando e de manhã, sem ter dormido, ia lá, fazia prova e passava. Mas imagine o que ficava na cabeça. Ainda bem que praticamente tive de refazer a graduação. Que profissional seria eu se não tivesse tido que fazer a graduação de novo e aprendido a estudar muito?

Como eram as aulas na USP?
Larguei o movimento estudantil, que tinha me decepcionado muito. Queria um mundo mais justo. Mas tive um namorado que era da direção nacional do partido revolucionário. Terminei com ele, que se vingou de mim usando o poder dele. Compreendi que o problema não estava no modo de produção, comunista ou socialista, mas no nível evolutivo do ser humano. Então resolvi que a única pessoa que eu podia mudar era eu mesma. Virei zen e espiritualizada e comecei a minha revolução interna. Compreendi que não podia mudar o mundo, mas podia me tornar uma pessoa melhor. Aí comecei minha carreira, praticamente do zero, porque na USP de Ribeirão Preto é muito puxado. Se não estuda, não passa. Fiz iniciação científica, ganhei bolsa da FAPESP, fui me embrenhando e me apaixonando pela química ambiental.

Como foi seu doutorado?
Foi o que deu para fazer. Quando eu comecei o doutorado com o [Antonio Aparecido] Mozeto, era para ser sobre compostos reduzidos de enxofre, já na área de gases. Naquela época, ninguém trabalhava com gás. Só tinha um no Brasil, Antonio Horácio Miguel, que trabalhava na área, mas ele tinha ido para o exterior. Eu tinha que fazer tudo. Tinha, por exemplo, que desenvolver um padrão com tubo de permeação. Tive de desenvolver o tubo, comprar o líquido para permear e tudo mais. Quando fiz tudo funcionar e coloquei o tubo dentro do cromatógrafo, o aparelho pifou. O professor tinha comprado um cromatógrafo para medir compostos de enxofre que um professor da Universidade do Colorado tinha decidido fabricar. O projeto veio todo errado. Tinha uma cruzeta de aço inoxidável, com uma chama que, quando queima, produz hidrogênio e água. A chama esquentou a cruzeta e vazou água na fotomultiplicadora e queimou o aparelho. Durou um dia. O problema é que eu estava já havia dois anos fazendo isso e precisava de um novo aparelho para desenvolver o doutorado. O Wilson Jardim então me perguntou por que eu achava que ninguém trabalhava com gás no país. “Esse negócio é difícil! O único que trabalhava foi para fora do Brasil. Larga desse tema e vai para outra coisa”, ele me disse. Mas, a essa altura, eu já tinha perdido dois anos e era a única docente da Federal de São Carlos sem doutorado. Um professor então me disse que eu ainda estava em estágio probatório e que, se eu não fizesse um doutoradozinho de um ano para comprovar o título, não iam aprovar o estágio probatório. Saí correndo atrás de um tema que dava para fazer e que eu não me envergonhasse de ter feito. Fiz análise de sedimento de fundo de lagoas próximas ao rio Mogi-Guaçu. Apliquei análises que são usadas em trabalhos com aerossóis para descobrir a origem dos sedimentos e também datá-los. Dessa forma, dá para saber a história da ocupação da bacia dos rios. Acabei o doutorado na Federal de São Carlos e entrei para a química atmosférica, que era o que eu queria, área carente entre os pesquisadores brasileiros.

Lawmakers aim to restrict US agency’s social-science programmes (Nature)

11 Mar 2014 | 20:53 GMT | Posted by Lauren Morello

Posted on behalf of Jessica Morrison. 

Conservative politicians in the US House of Representatives are renewing their push to limit the National Science Foundation’s (NSF) support for social-science research. The agency’s social, behavioural, and economic (SBE) sciences directorate would see its recommended funding cut by 42%, under a proposal introduced on 10 March by Representative Lamar Smith (Republican, Texas), the chairman of the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee.

The legislation, which would reauthorize NSF for fiscal years 2014‒15, also seeks major changes to the peer-review process by which the agency awards its grants. Smith’s plan would require the NSF to provide written justification that every grant it awards — in all fields — is in the “national interest”. That is defined broadly as research that satisfies at least one of six goals: economic competitiveness, health and welfare, scientific literacy, partnerships between academia and industry, promotion of scientific progress and national defence.

Details of Smith’s plan first surfaced about a year ago, sparking fierce criticism from social scientists and the broader US research community that seems sure to renew with the release of the new bill. Smith and his supporters argue that in a time of limited budgets, focusing on research areas that produce the clearest benefits is wise. But critics worry that the “national interest” requirement will hobble NSF’s time-tested peer review process.

“We don’t build rockets. We don’t usually have patentable goods,” says Rick Wilson, a political scientist at Rice University in Houston, Texas, and a former NSF programme director. “For a lot of these folks, it may just be that they really don’t believe that what we do has scientific merit.”

The bill recommends a budget of $7.17 billion for NSF in 2014, the current fiscal year — equal to what the agency actually received in the budget deal enacted in January — and $7.29 billion for 2015. In an unusual move, the proposal also lays out a detailed plan for distributing that cash to NSF’s seven research directorates. For example, it seeks to cap SBE funding at $150 million per year in 2014 and 2015, well below the directorate’s actual 2014 budget of $257 million.

“I don’t understand the antagonism toward the social, behavioral, and economic sciences,” says Michael Lubell, director of public affairs for the American Physical Society in Washington DC.

Lubell also finds fault with provisos that would restrict principal investigators to no more than five years of funding for a particular project, and allow researchers to include just five citations in grant proposals.

The full text of the bill can be found here. It will receive a public airing on 13 March, when a House subcommittee plans to discuss and vote on the measure.

Wolves and the Ecology of Fear (Quest)

Video Story by  for  on Mar 06, 2014

 

Does “the big bad wolf” play an important role in the modern-day food web? In this video we journey to Washington State’s Cascade Mountains, where the return of wolves could have a profound impact on a vast wilderness area. We meet up with biologist Aaron Wirsing to explore why wolves and other top predators are needed for diverse ecosystems to flourish. Using a simple video camera (a “deer-cam”) Wirsing is gaining a unique perspective on predator/prey relationships and changing the way we think about wolves.

Wolves in the Crosshairs:  Q&A with conservationist, Fred Koontz

Fred Koontz

Dr. Fred Koontz

Gray wolves are in the crosshairs of a heated conservation debate, with the federal government trying to strip all protections for them in the continental U.S. Dr. Fred Koontz, vice president of field conservation at Woodland Park Zoo, Seattle, has worked in conservation for three decades and has studied the wolf issue. We talked with Dr. Koontz about the future of wolves in the U.S. and the role they play in maintaining healthy ecosystems.

Wolves may be the most polarizing animal in North America, more so than other large carnivores like cougars or grizzly bears. Why?
The gray wolf is one of the world’s most adaptable and widely distributed mammals, ranging over much of Asia, Europe, and North America. Wolves, the size of a German shepherd, are pack-hunting predators that sometimes kill livestock. Combined with wolves’ nocturnal behavior and haunting howling, this has resulted in a long history of conflict with people, especially as human numbers have increased exponentially in recent centuries and agricultural lands expanded into wolf habitat. There are, however, very few documented cases of wolves attacking people, but the rare times it’s happened it’s been sensationalized and blown out of proportion.

How have your perceptions or understanding of wolves changed over the years?
At an early age, my mother read with much theatrical expression “Little Red Riding Hood,” which, like many children, left me fearing the “big bad wolf.” This negative image was reinforced with similar wolf-themed horror movies that I ashamedly spent far too much time watching in my youth. Only when I studied ecology and animal behavior in college and as a wildlife professional did I see a different image of the wolf. Wolves are important regulators of prey numbers and behavior, and as such, influence a web of ecological interactions that enrich biological diversity. I learned also that among many adaptive traits enabling their evolutionary success, wolves have a rich social life and extraordinary set of communication behaviors. The more I learned, the more fascinated I became in understanding how wolves and people might live together for their mutual benefit.

Gray wolves have been taken off the federal endangered species list in some states, such as Idaho, Wyoming, and Montana. And a recent federal proposal would strip all gray wolves in the continental U.S. of their federal protection. How did this come to be? What kind of politics are at play?

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Gray wolves can come in an assortment of colors, such as these all-white wolves. Photo courtesy of Ryan Hawk, Woodland Park Zoo, Seattle.

Under the Endangered Species Act, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) in 1974 first listed gray wolves as endangered in the lower 48 states. Now they propose to remove them from the ESA list. This idea follows from three decades of actions undertaken by federal, state, and local partners that resulted in population recovery and delisting in 2011 of wolves living in the western Great Lakes states and northern Rockies. With about 6,000 wolves residing in these two recovery areas, USFWS believes that the gray wolf population in general is well established and stable enough to warrant delisting. Many state wildlife officials welcome the move as they are eager to take back the management authority for animals within their political borders.

However, many conservation scientists and wolf advocates believe that more time on the endangered species list — and [under] federal protection — would allow wolves a greater opportunity to reclaim more of their former territory and grow the number of their populations. This is important because, despite wolf recovery success in the Great Lakes states and Rocky Mountains, there is still a lot of their former range not yet occupied. Expanded range and more populations, in turn, will provide greater species resiliency to unexpected environmental disruptions like climate change and emerging diseases and also improve long-term wolf survival in the U.S.

An independent review panel recently found that the federal government used uncertain science when it proposed removing the gray wolf from the endangered species list across the lower 48 states. What could that mean for the future of wolves?
This is important because under Endangered Species Act law the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service is obligated to use the best available science. The Service claimed that new genetic research indicated that wolves living in the eastern U.S. were actually a different species, and thus should not be considered as part of the original listing or part of the historic range. The expert panel said the genetic research was uncertain and based largely on one paper. The panel’s report has reopened the debate about delisting gray wolves, and I suspect it will extend the time wolves remain listed. The final decision on delisting is yet to be determined — public comment isencouraged. [Note: deadline is March 27, 2014]

In the long run, the debate about delisting wolves invites larger questions like, what constitutes full recovery of any endangered species, and does the legal framework of the ESA reflect current conservation science and principles of sustainable living? Most importantly, there needs to be agreement at the onset about the ultimate purpose of recovery — is it simply species survival or restoring ecological function? There are no easy answers.

Mule Deer Lauren Sobkoviak

Mule Deer photo courtesy of Lauren Sobkoviak.

Is it possible for wolves and humans to coexist? What needs to change for that to happen?
I think that wolves and humans ultimately will coexist by sharing land in two key places — protected areas and rural areas managed for the benefit of people and wildlife, for example, park buffer lands, multiple-use public lands, and designated wildlife corridors. For the reconciliation between wolves and humans to prove fully successful, we will first need a broader understanding of the role that apex predators play in creating healthy ecosystems and why healthy ecosystems are needed by people. In other words, there must be a broader understanding of why saving wolves is essential to sustainable living. Greater public will to save wolves will result in increased public spending needed to conduct science and carry out sound management actions. For example, we need more research on improving ranching practices to minimize wolf predation of livestock, and insurance programs that compensate ranchers for unavoidable losses. There is already good evidence from pilot efforts that such research and management programs are possible — and that they work!

Why should people care about the fate of wolves?
The fate of wolves is tied directly to the greatest challenge facing humankind this century —  sustainable living! With more than seven billion people consuming resources at an accelerating pace, this generation of world citizens must transform our societies to sustainable ones. We must, among other things, protect a wide variety of animal and plant species — scientists call this “biodiversity.” Many conservation scientists believe that apex predators (animals at the top of the food chain), like wolves, are necessary to maintain habitats rich in life. In turn, high levels of biodiversity bring many direct benefits to people — everything from providing food and fiber to protecting water supplies and enriching recreation.

Scientist 1

Biologist Aaron Wirsing for the University of Washington (right) and graduate student Justin Dellinger (left) radio collar deer with video cameras in order to better understand predator-prey dynamics. Photo courtesy of Greg Davis.

Understanding the links between apex predators and biodiversity is a growing area of research for scientists like Aaron Wirsing of the University of Washington. Since 2008, wolves have been returning to Washington and have reestablished populations in the U.S. northern Rockies. This has provided a unique research opportunity for Wirsing and other scientists. For example, deer populations in Washington have likely over-browsed plants for decades in the absence of gray wolves. One consequence of deer eating trees along streambeds is less habitat for birds, and streams that are more likely to harbor fewer cold-water fish like trout because they are filled with sediments from soil erosion and overheated because of lack of shade. With wolves back in the state, Wirsing is leading a study to document how wolves are changing mule and white-tail deer populations, which in turn affects forest landscapes.

Why do you care about wolves?
I care about wolves because as apex predators they contribute significantly to enriching biodiversity needed by people for sustainable living. I also care about wolves because I admire them! Wolves are amazing for many reasons, but I am especially fascinated by their complex social behavior and adaptable lifestyles, two traits that they share with humans. Also, one of the most important reasons I care is that wild wolves in the U.S. are a symbolic way of keeping our American heritage of wilderness alive.

Additional Resources/Links:

Murder Machines: Why Cars Will Kill 30,000 Americans This Year (Collectors Weekly)

By Hunter Oatman-Stanford — March 10th, 2014

boston fatalities

There’s an open secret in America: If you want to kill someone, do it with a car. As long as you’re sober, chances are you’ll never be charged with any crime, much less manslaughter. Over the past hundred years, as automobiles have been woven into the fabric of our daily lives, our legal system has undermined public safety, and we’ve been collectively trained to think of these deaths as unavoidable “accidents” or acts of God. Today, despite the efforts of major public-health agencies and grassroots safety campaigns, few are aware that car crashes are the number one cause of death for Americans under 35. But it wasn’t always this way.

“At some point, we decided that somebody on a bike or on foot is not traffic, but an obstruction to traffic.”

“If you look at newspapers from American cities in the 1910s and ’20s, you’ll find a lot of anger at cars and drivers, really an incredible amount,” says Peter Norton, the author of Fighting Traffic: The Dawn of the Motor Age in the American City. “My impression is that you’d find more caricatures of the Grim Reaper driving a car over innocent children than you would images of Uncle Sam.”

Though various automobiles powered by steam, gas, and electricity were produced in the late 19th century, only a handful of these cars actually made it onto the roads due to high costs and unreliable technologies. That changed in 1908, when Ford’s famous Model T standardized manufacturing methods and allowed for true mass production, making the car affordable to those without extreme wealth. By 1915, the number of registered motor vehicles was in the millions.

Top: A photo of a fatal car wreck in Somerville, Massachusetts, in 1933. Via the Boston Public Library. Above: The New York Times coverage of car violence from November 23, 1924.

Top: A photo of a fatal car wreck in Somerville, Massachusetts, in 1933. Via the Boston Public Library. Above: The New York Times coverage of car violence from November 23, 1924.

Within a decade, the number of car collisions and fatalities skyrocketed. In the first four years after World War I, more Americans died in auto accidents than had been killed during battle in Europe, but our legal system wasn’t catching on. The negative effects of this unprecedented shift in transportation were especially felt in urban areas, where road space was limited and pedestrian habits were powerfully ingrained.

For those of us who grew up with cars, it’s difficult to conceptualize American streets before automobiles were everywhere. “Imagine a busy corridor in an airport, or a crowded city park, where everybody’s moving around, and everybody’s got business to do,” says Norton. “Pedestrians favored the sidewalk because that was cleaner and you were less likely to have a vehicle bump against you, but pedestrians also went anywhere they wanted in the street, and there were no crosswalks and very few signs. It was a real free-for-all.”

A typical busy street scene on Sixth Avenue in New York City shows how pedestrians rules the roadways before automobiles arrived, circa 1903. Via Shorpy.

A typical busy street scene on Sixth Avenue in New York City shows how pedestrians ruled the roadways before automobiles arrived, circa 1903. Via Shorpy.

Roads were seen as a public space, which all citizens had an equal right to, even children at play. “Common law tended to pin responsibility on the person operating the heavier or more dangerous vehicle,” says Norton, “so there was a bias in favor of the pedestrian.” Since people on foot ruled the road, collisions weren’t a major issue: Streetcars and horse-drawn carriages yielded right of way to pedestrians and slowed to a human pace. The fastest traffic went around 10 to 12 miles per hour, and few vehicles even had the capacity to reach higher speeds.

“The real battle is for people’s minds, and this mental model of what a street is for.”

In rural areas, the car was generally welcomed as an antidote to extreme isolation, but in cities with dense neighborhoods and many alternate methods of transit, most viewed private vehicles as an unnecessary luxury. “The most popular term of derision for a motorist was a ‘joyrider,’ and that was originally directed at chauffeurs,” says Norton. “Most of the earliest cars had professional drivers who would drop their passengers somewhere, and were expected to pick them up again later. But in the meantime, they could drive around, and they got this reputation for speeding around wildly, so they were called joyriders.”

Eventually, the term spread to all types of automobile drivers, along with pejoratives like “vampire driver” or “death driver.” Political cartoons featured violent imagery of so-called “speed demons” murdering innocents as they plowed through city streets in their uncontrollable vehicles. Other editorials accused drivers of being afflicted with “motor madness” or “motor rabies,” which implied an addiction to speed at the expense of human life.

This cartoon from 1909 shows the outrage felt by many Americans that wealthy motorists could hurt others without consequence. Via the Library of Congress.

This cartoon from 1909 shows the outrage felt by many Americans that wealthy motorists could hurt others without consequence. Via the Library of Congress.

In an effort to keep traffic flowing and solve legal disputes, New York City became the first municipality in America to adopt an official traffic code in 1903, when most roadways had no signage or traffic controls whatsoever. Speed limits were gradually adopted in urban areas across the country, typically with a maximum of 10 mph that dropped to 8 mph at intersections.

By the 1910s, many cities were working to improve their most dangerous crossings. One of the first tactics was regulating left-turns, which was usually accomplished by installing a solid column or “silent policeman” at the center of busy intersections that forced vehicles to navigate around it. Cars had to pass this mid-point before turning left, preventing them from cutting corners and speeding recklessly into oncoming traffic.

Left, a patent for a Silent Policeman traffic post, and right, an ad for the Cutter Company's lighted post, both from 1918.

Left, a patent for a Silent Policeman traffic post, and right, an ad for the Cutter Company’s lighted post, both from 1918.

A variety of innovative street signals and markings were developed by other cities hoping to tame the automobile. Because they were regularly plowed over by cars, silent policemen were often replaced by domed, street-level lights called “traffic turtles” or “traffic mushrooms,” a style popularized in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Detroit reconfigured a tennis court line-marker as a street-striping device for dividing lanes. In 1914, Cleveland installed the first alternating traffic lights, which were manually operated by a police officer stationed at the intersection. Yet these innovations did little to protect pedestrians.

“What evil bastard would drive their speeding car where a kid might be playing?”

By the end of the 1920s, more than 200,000 Americans had been killed by automobiles. Most of these fatalities were pedestrians in cities, and the majority of these were children. “If a kid is hit in a street in 2014, I think our first reaction would be to ask, ‘What parent is so neglectful that they let their child play in the street?,’” says Norton.

“In 1914, it was pretty much the opposite. It was more like, ‘What evil bastard would drive their speeding car where a kid might be playing?’ That tells us how much our outlook on the public street has changed—blaming the driver was really automatic then. It didn’t help if they said something like, ‘The kid darted out into the street!,’ because the answer would’ve been, ‘That’s what kids do. By choosing to operate this dangerous machine, it’s your job to watch out for others.’ It would be like if you drove a motorcycle in a hallway today and hit somebody—you couldn’t say, ‘Oh, well, they just jumped out in front of me,’ because the response would be that you shouldn’t operate a motorcycle in a hallway.”

Left, an ad for the Milwaukee-style traffic mushroom, and right, the device in action on Milwaukee's streets, circa 1926. Via the Milwaukee Public Library.

Left, an ad for the Milwaukee-style traffic mushroom, and right, the device in action on Milwaukee streets, circa 1926. Via the Milwaukee Public Library.

In the face of this traffic fatality epidemic, there was a fierce public outcry including enormous rallies, public memorials, vehement newspaper editorials, and even a few angry mobs that attacked motorists following a collision. “Several cities installed public memorials to the children hit by cars that looked like war monuments, except that they were temporary,” says Norton. “To me, that says a lot, because you collectively memorialize people who are considered a public loss. Soldiers killed in battle are mourned by the whole community, and they were doing that for children killed in traffic, which really captures how much the street was considered a public space. People killed in it were losses to the whole community.”

As early as 1905, newspapers were printing cartoons that criticized motor-vehicle drivers.

As early as 1905, newspapers were printing cartoons that criticized motor-vehicle drivers.

As the negative press increased and cities called for lower speed limits and stricter enforcement, the burgeoning auto industry recognized a mounting public-relations disaster. The breaking point came in 1923, when 42,000 citizens of Cincinnati signed a petition for a referendum requiring any driver in the city limits to have a speed governor, a mechanical device that would inhibit the fuel supply or accelerator, to keep vehicles below 25 miles per hour. (Studies show that around five percent of pedestrians are killed when hit by vehicles traveling under 20 miles per hour, versus 80 percent for cars going 40 miles an hour or more.)

The Cincinnati referendum logically equated high vehicle speeds with increasing danger, a direct affront to the automobile industry. “Think about that for a second,” Norton says. “If you’re in the business of selling cars, and the public recognizes that anything fast is dangerous, then you’ve just lost your number-one selling point, which is that they’re faster than anything else. It’s amazing how completely the auto industry joined forces and mobilized against it.”

One auto-industry response to the Cincinnati referendum of 1923 was to conflate speed governors with negative stereotypes about China. Via the Cincinnati Post.

One auto-industry response to the Cincinnati referendum of 1923 was to conflate speed governors with negative stereotypes about China. Via the Cincinnati Post.

“Motordom,” as the collective of special interests including oil companies, auto makers, auto dealers, and auto clubs dubbed itself, launched a multi-pronged campaign to make city streets more welcoming to drivers, though not necessarily safer. Through a series of social, legal, and physical transformations, these groups reframed arguments about vehicle safety by placing blame on reckless drivers and careless pedestrians, rather than the mere presence of cars.

In 1924, recognizing the crisis on America’s streets, Herbert Hoover launched the National Conference on Street and Highway Safety from his position as Commerce Secretary (he would become President in 1929). Any organizations interested or invested in transportation planning were invited to discuss street safety and help establish standardized traffic regulations that could be implemented across the country. Since the conference’s biggest players all represented the auto industry, the group’s recommendations prioritized private motor vehicles over all other transit modes.

A woman poses with a newly installed stop sign in Los Angeles in 1925, built to the specifications recommended at the first National Conference on Street Safety. Via USC Libraries.

A woman poses with a newly installed stop sign in Los Angeles in 1925, built to the specifications recommended at the first National Conference on Street Safety. Via USC Libraries.

Norton suggests that the most important outcome of this meeting was a model municipal traffic ordinance, which was released in 1927 and provided a framework for cities writing their own street regulations. This model ordinance was the first to officially deprive pedestrians access to public streets. “Pedestrians could cross at crosswalks. They could also cross when traffic permitted, or in other words, when there was no traffic,” explains Norton. “But other than that, the streets were now for cars. That model was presented to the cities of America by the U.S. Department of Commerce, which gave it the stamp of official government recommendation, and it was very successful and widely adopted.” By the 1930s, this legislation represented the new rule of the road, making it more difficult to take legal recourse against drivers.

Meanwhile, the auto industry continued to improve its public image by encouraging licensing to give drivers legitimacy, even though most early licenses required no testing. Norton explains that in addition to the revenue it generated, the driver’s license “would exonerate the average motorist in the public eye, so that driving itself wouldn’t be considered dangerous, and you could direct blame at the reckless minority.” Working with local police and civic groups like the Boy Scouts, auto clubs pushed to socialize new pedestrian behavior, often by shaming or ostracizing people who entered the street on foot. Part of this effort was the adoption of the term “jaywalker,” which originally referred to a clueless person unaccustomed to busy city life (“jay” was slang for a hayseed or country bumpkin).

Left, a cartoon from 1923 mocks jaywalking behavior. Via the National Safety Council. Right, a 1937 WPA poster emphasizes jaywalking dangers.

Left, a cartoon from 1923 mocks jaywalking behavior. Via the National Safety Council. Right, a 1937 WPA poster emphasizes jaywalking dangers.

“Drivers first used the word ‘jaywalker’ to criticize pedestrians,” says Norton, “and eventually, it became an organized campaign by auto dealers and auto clubs to change attitudes about walking in the street wherever you wanted to. They had people dressed up like idiots with sandwich board signs that said ‘jaywalker’ or men wearing women’s dresses pretending to be jaywalkers. They even had a parade where a clown was hit by a Model T over and over again in front of the crowd. Of course, the message was that you’re stupid if you walk in the street.” Eventually, cities began adopting laws against jaywalking of their own accord.

In 1928, the American Automobile Association (AAA) took charge of safety education for children by sending free curricula to every public school in America. “Children would illustrate posters with slogans like, ‘Why I should not play in the street’ or ‘Why the street is for cars’ and so on,” explains Norton. “They took over the school safety patrols at the same time. The original patrols would go out and stop traffic for other kids to cross the street. But when AAA took over, they had kids sign pledges that said, ‘I will not cross the street except at the intersection,’ and so on. So a whole generation of kids grew up being trained that the streets were for cars only.” Other organizations like the Automobile Safety Foundation and the National Safety Council also helped to educate the public on the dangers of cars, but mostly focused on changing pedestrian habits or extreme driver behaviors, like drunk driving.

Street-safety posters produced by AAA in the late 1950s focused on changing behavior of children, rather than drivers.

Street-safety posters produced by AAA in the late 1950s focused on changing behavior of children, rather than drivers.

Once the social acceptance of private cars was ensured, automobile proponents could begin rebuilding the urban environment to accommodate cars better than other transit modes. In the 1920s, America’s extensive network of urban railways was heavily regulated, often with specific fare and route restrictions as well as requirements to serve less-profitable areas. As motor vehicles began invading streetcar routes, these companies pushed for equal oversight of private cars.

“Automobiles could drive on the tracks,” explains Norton, “so this meant that as soon as just five percent of the people in cities were going around by car, they slowed the street railways down significantly, and streetcars couldn’t make their schedules anymore. They could ring a bell and try to make drivers get off their tracks, but if the driver couldn’t move because of other traffic, they were stuck. So the streetcars would just stand in traffic like automobiles.”

GE streetcar ads from 1928, left, and the early 1940s, right, emphasize the efficiency of mass transit over private automobiles.

GE streetcar ads from 1928, left, and the early 1940s, right, emphasize the efficiency of mass transit over private automobiles.

The final blow was delivered in 1935 with the Public Utility Holding Company Act, which forced electric-utility companies to divest their streetcar businesses. Though intended to reduce corruption and regulate these growing electric utilities, this law removed the subsidies supporting many streetcar companies, and as a result, more than 100 transit companies failed over the next decade.

Even as government assistance was removed from these mass-transit systems, the growing network of city streets and highways was receiving ever more federal funding. Many struggling metro railways were purchased by a front company (operated by General Motors, Firestone Rubber, Standard Oil, and Phillips Petroleum), that ripped up their tracks to make way for fleets of buses, furthering America’s dependency on motor vehicles.

Meanwhile, traffic engineers were reworking city streets to better accommodate motor vehicles, even as they recognized cars as the least equitable and least efficient form of transportation, since automobiles were only available to the wealthy and took up 10 times the space of a transit rider. Beginning in Chicago, traffic engineers coordinated street signals to keep motor vehicles moving smoothly, while making crossing times unfriendly to pedestrians.

An aerial view from 1939 of 14th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, in Washington, D.C., shows early street markings. Via shorpy.com.

An aerial view from 1939 of 14th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, in Washington, D.C., shows early street markings. Via shorpy.com.

“Long after its victory, Motordom fought to keep control of traffic problems. Its highway engineers defined a good thoroughfare as a road with a high capacity for motor vehicles; they did not count the number of persons moved,” Norton writes in Fighting Traffic. Today our cities still reflect this: The Level of Service (LOS) measurement by which most planners use to gauge intersection efficiency is based only on motor-vehicle delays, rather than the impact to all modes of transit.

As in other American industries ranging from health care to education, those with the ability to pay for the best treatment were prioritized over all others. One 1941 traffic-control textbook read: “If people prefer to drive downtown and can afford it, then facilities must be built for them up to their ability to pay. The choice of mode of travel is their own; they cannot be forced to change on the strength of arguments of efficiency or economy.”

All the while, traffic violence continued unabated, with fatalities increasing every year. The exception was during World War II, when fuel shortages and resource conservation led to less driving, hence a drop in the motor-vehicle death rates, which spiked again following the war’s conclusion. By the time the National Interstate and Defense Highways Act was passed in 1956, the U.S. was fully dependent on personal automobiles, favoring the flexibility of cars over the ability of mass transit to carry more people with less energy in a safer manner.

In 1962, Boston formally adopted jaywalking laws to penalize pedestrians, as this photo of city officials shows.

In 1962, Boston formally adopted jaywalking laws to penalize pedestrians.

In 1966, Ralph Nader published his best-selling book, Unsafe At Any Speed, which detailed the auto industry’s efforts to suppress safety improvements in favor of profits. In the preface to his book, Naderpointed out the huge costs inflicted by private vehicle collisions, noting that “…these are not the kind of costs which fall on the builders of motor vehicles (excepting a few successful lawsuits for negligent construction of the vehicle) and thus do not pinch the proper foot. Instead, the costs fall to users of vehicles, who are in no position to dictate safer automobile designs.” Instead of directing money at prevention, like vehicle improvements, changing behaviors, and road design, money is spent on treating the symptoms of road violence. Today, the costs of fatal crashes are estimated at over $99 billion in the U.S., or around $500 for every licensed driver, according to the Center for Disease Control (CDC).

Nader suggested that the protection of our “body rights,” or physical safety, needed the same broad support given to civil rights, even in the face of an industry with so much financial power. “A great problem of contemporary life is how to control the power of economic interests which ignore the harmful effects of their applied science and technology. The automobile tragedy is one of the most serious of these man-made assaults on the human body,” Nader wrote.

Dr. David Sleet, who works in the Division of Unintentional Injury Prevention at the CDC, says Nader’s book was a game-changer. “That really started this whole wave of improvements in our highway-safety problem,” says Sleet. “The death rates from vehicle crashes per population just kept steadily increasing from the 1920s until 1966. Two acts of Congress were implemented in 1966, which initiated a national commitment to reducing injuries on the road by creating agencies within the U.S. Department of Transportation to set standards and regulate vehicles and highways. After that, the fatalities started to decline.”

Ralph Nader's book, "Unsafe at Any Speed," brought a larger awareness to America's traffic fatalities, and targeted design issues with the Corvair. A few years prior, in 1962, comedian Ernie Kovacs was killed in a Corvair wagon, seen at right wrapped around a telephone pole.

Ralph Nader’s book, “Unsafe at Any Speed,” brought a larger awareness to America’s traffic fatalities, and targeted design issues with the Corvair. A few years prior, in 1962, comedian Ernie Kovacs was killed in a Corvair wagon, seen at right wrapped around a telephone pole.

The same year Nader’s book was published, President Lyndon Johnson signed the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act and the Highway Safety Act. This legislation led to the creation of the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA), which set new safety standards for cars and highways. A full 50 years after automobiles had overtaken city streets, federal agencies finally began addressing the violence as a large-scale, public-health issue. In 1969, NHTSA director Dr. William Haddon, a public-health physician and epidemiologist, recognized that like infectious diseases, motor-vehicle deaths were the result of interactions between a host (person), an agent (motor vehicle), and their environment (roadways). As directed by Haddon, the NHTSA enforced changes to features like seat belts, brakes, and windshields that helped improve the country’s fatality rate.

Following the release of Nader’s book, grassroots organizations like Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD, 1980) formed to combat car-safety issues that national legislators were not addressing. The CDC began adapting its public-health framework to the issue of motor-vehicle injury prevention in 1985, focusing on high-risk populations like alcohol-impaired drivers, motorcyclists, and teenagers.

In the late 1970s, the NHTSA standardized crash tests, like this 90 mph test of two Volvos.

In the late 1970s, the NHTSA standardized crash tests, like this 90 mph test of two Volvos.

“I think the perennial problem for us, as a culture, is recognizing that these injuries are both predictable and preventable,” says Sleet. “The public still has not come around to thinking of motor-vehicle crashes as something other than ‘accidents.’ And as long as you believe they’re accidents or acts of fate, then you won’t do anything to prevent them. The CDC continues to stress that motor-vehicle injuries, like diseases, are preventable.”

Sleet says the CDC’s approach is similar to its efforts against smoking: The first step is understanding the magnitude of the problem or threat, the second is identifying risk factors, and the third is developing interventions that can reduce these factors. “The last stage is getting widespread adoption of these known and effective interventions,” explains Sleet. “The reason we think motor-vehicle injuries represent a winnable battle is that there are lots of effective interventions that are just not used by the general public. We’ve been fighting this battle of increasing injuries since cars were first introduced into society, and we still haven’t solved it.

“Public health is a marathon, not a sprint,” adds Sleet. “It’s taken us 50 years since the first surgeon general’s report on smoking to make significant progress against tobacco. We need to stay the course with vehicle injuries.”

Though their advocacy is limited to drunk driving, MADD is one of the few organizations to use violent imagery to promote road safety, as seen in this ad from 2007.

Though their advocacy is limited to drunk driving, MADD is one of the few organizations to use violent imagery to promote road safety, as seen in this ad from 2007.

Although organizations like the CDC have applied this public-health approach to the issue for decades now, automobiles remain a huge danger. While the annual fatality rate has dropped significantly from its 1930s high at around 30 deaths for every 100,000 persons to 11 per 100,000 in recent years, car crashes are still a top killer of all Americans. For young people, motor-vehicle collisions remain the most common cause of death. In contrast, traffic fatalities in countries like the United Kingdom, where drivers are presumed to be liable in car crashes, are about a third of U.S. rates.

In 2012, automobile collisions killed more than 34,000 Americans, but unlike our response to foreign wars, the AIDS crisis, or terrorist attacks—all of which inflict fewer fatalities than cars—there’s no widespread public protest or giant memorial to the dead. We fret about drugs and gun safety, but don’t teach children to treat cars as the loaded weapons they are.

“These losses have been privatized, but in the ’20s, they were regarded as public losses,” says Norton. After the auto industry successfully altered street norms in the 1920s, most state Departments of Transportation actually made it illegal to leave roadside markers where a loved one was killed. “In recent years, thanks to some hard work by grieving families, the rules have changed in certain states, and informal markers are now allowed,” Norton adds. “Some places are actually putting in DOT-made memorial signs with the names of victims. The era of not admitting what’s going on is not quite over, but the culture is changing.”

Ghost bikes have been installed on roadways across the country where cyclists were killed by motorists, like this bike in Boulder, Colorado, in memory of Matthew Powell in 2008.

In recent years, white Ghost Bikes have been installed on roadways across the country where cyclists were killed by motorists, like this bike in Boulder, Colorado, in memory of Matthew Powell.

“Until recently, there wasn’t any kind of concerted public message around the basic danger of driving,” says Ben Fried, editor of the New York branch of Streetsblog, a national network of journalists chronicling transportation issues. “Today’s street safety advocates look to MADD and other groups that changed social attitudes toward drunk driving in the late ’70s and early ’80s as an example of how to affect these broad views on how we drive. Before you had those organizations advocating for victims’ families, you would hear the same excuses for drunk driving that you hear today for reckless driving.”

Though drunk driving has long been recognized as dangerous, seen in this WPA poster from 1937, reckless driving has been absent from most safety campaigns.

Though drunk driving has long been recognized as dangerous, seen in this WPA poster from 1937, reckless driving has been absent from most safety campaigns.

Though anti-drunk-driving campaigns are familiar to Americans, fatalities involving alcohol only account for around a third of all collisions, while the rest are caused by ordinary human error. Studies also show that reckless drivers who are sober are rarely cited by police, even when they are clearly at fault. In New York City during the last five years, less than one percent of drivers who killed or injured pedestrians and cyclists were ticketed for careless driving. (In most states, “negligent” driving, which includes drunk driving, has different legal consequences than “reckless” driving, though the jargon makes little difference to those hurt by such drivers.)

Increasingly, victims and their loved ones aremaking the case that careless driving is as reprehensible as drunk driving, advocating a cultural shift that many drivers are reluctant to embrace. As with auto-safety campaigns in the past, this grassroots effort is pushing cities to adopt legislation that protects against reckless drivers, including laws inspired by Sweden’s Vision Zerocampaign. First implemented in 1997, Vision Zero is an effort to end all pedestrian fatalities and serious injuries; recently, cities like New York, Chicago, and San Francisco also announced their goals of eliminating traffic deaths within 10 years. Other initiatives are being introduced at the state level, including “vulnerable user laws,” which pin greater responsibility on road users who wield the most power whether a car compared to a bicyclist, or a biker to a pedestrian.

Fried says that most people are aware of the dangers behind the wheel, but are accustomed to sharing these risks, rather than taking individual responsibility for careless behavior. “So many of us drive and have had the experience of not following the law to a T—going a little bit over the speed limit or rolling through a stop sign,” he explains. “So there’s this tendency to deflect our own culpability, and that’s been institutionalized by things like no-fault laws and car insurance, where we all share the cost for the fact that driving is a dangerous thing.”

This dark political cartoon from "Puck" magazine in 1907 suggested that speeding motorists were chasing death. Via the Library of Congress.

This dark political cartoon from “Puck” magazine in 1907 suggested that speeding motorists were chasing death. Via the Library of Congress.

As cities attempt to undo years of car-oriented development by rebuilding streets that better incorporate public transit, bicycle facilities, and pedestrian needs, the existing bias towards automobiles is making the fight to transform streets just as intense as when cars first arrived in the urban landscape. “The fact that changes like redesigning streets for bike lanes set off such strong reactions today is a great analogy to what was going on in the ’20s,” says Fried. “There’s a huge status-quo bias that’s inherent in human nature. While I think the changes today are much more beneficial than what was done 80 years ago, the fact that they’re jarring to people comes from the same place. People are very comfortable with things the way they are.”

However, studies increasingly show that most young people prefer to live in dense, walkable neighborhoods, and are more attuned to the environmental consequences of their transportation than previous generations. Yet in the face of clear evidence that private automobiles are damaging to our health and our environment, most older Americans still cling to their cars. Part of this impulse may be a natural resistance to change, but it’s also reinforced when aging drivers have few viable transportation alternatives, particularly in suburban areas or sprawling cities with terrible public transit.

“People don’t have to smoke,” Sleet says, “whereas people might feel they do need a car to get to work. Our job is to try and make every drive a safe drive. I think we can also reduce the dependency we have on motor vehicles, but that’s not going to happen until we provide other alternatives for people to get from here to there.”

Gory depictions of car violence became rare in the United States after the 1920s, though they persisted in Europe, as seen in his German safety poster from 1930 that reads, "Motorist! Be Careful!"

Gory depictions of car violence became rare in the United States after the 1920s, though they persisted in Europe, as seen in his German safety poster from 1930 that reads, “Motorist! Be Careful!” Via the Library of Congress.

Fried says that unlike campaigns for smoking and HIV reduction, American cities aren’t directly pushing people to change their behavior. “You don’t see cities saying outright that driving is bad, or asking people to take transit or ride a bike, in part because they’re getting flack from drivers. No one wants to be seen as ‘anti-car,’ so their message has mostly been about designing streets for greater safety. I think, by and large, this has been a good choice.”

“The biggest reductions in traffic injuries that the New York City DOT has been able to achieve are all due to reallocating space from motor vehicles to pedestrians and bikes,” says Fried. “The protected bike-lane redesigns in New York City are narrowing the right of way for vehicles by at least 8 feet, and sometimes more. If you’re a pedestrian, that’s 8 more feet that you don’t have to worry about when you’re crossing the street. And if you’re driving, the design gives you cues to take it a bit slower because the lanes are narrower. You’re more aware of how close you are to other moving objects, so the incidence of speeding isn’t as high as it used to be. All these changes contribute to a safer street environment.”

Like in the 1920s, these infrastructure changes really start with a new understanding of acceptable street behavior. “That battle for street access of the 1910s and ’20s, while there was a definite winner, it never really ended,” says Norton. “It’s a bit like the street became an occupied country, and you have a resistance movement. There have always been pedestrians who are like, ‘To hell with you, I’m crossing anyway.’

“The people who really get it today, in 2014, know that the battle isn’t to change rules or put in signs or paint things on the pavement,” Norton continues. “The real battle is for people’s minds, and this mental model of what a street is for. There’s a wonderful slogan used by some bicyclists that says, ‘We are traffic.’ It reveals the fact that at some point, we decided that somebody on a bike or on foot is not traffic, but an obstruction to traffic. And if you look around, you’ll see a hundred other ways in which that message gets across. That’s the main obstacle for people who imagine alternatives—and it’s very much something in the mind.”

This 1935 Chevy safety film made the misleading argument that their vehicles were "the safest place to be," and that all danger was created by careless drivers.

This 1935 Chevy safety film made the argument that motor vehicles were “the safest place to be,” and that danger was only created by careless drivers.

(This article is dedicated to my uncle, Jim Vic Oatman, and friend, Chris Webber, both of whom were killed by car collisions. Learn more about the CDC’s battle against motor-vehicle injuries here, find out how to bring Vision Zero to your city, or scare yourself with the Boston Public Library’s archive of historic car wreck images.)

Um perfil histórico dos black blocs (Ilustríssima, Folha de São Paulo)

FRANCIS DUPUIS-DÉRI
tradução GUILHERME MIRANDA
ilustração RAFAEL COUTINHO

09/03/2014 03h13

RESUMO A série em que a “Ilustríssima” adianta lançamentos editoriais traz excerto de “Black Blocs”, a sair pela editora Veneta no fim do mês. No livro, cientista político aborda as origens e o desenvolvimento da tática e enceta traçar um perfil de seus participantes, com base em pesquisa histórica e entrevistas com ativistas.

O que distingue a tática dos black blocs não é o recurso à força, tampouco o uso de equipamentos defensivos e ofensivos em passeatas e manifestações -ainda mais porque muitos black blocs já protestaram pacificamente sem qualquer equipamento. Na verdade, o que diferencia essa tática de outras unidades de choque é sobretudo sua caracterização visual -a roupa inteiramente preta da tradição anarcopunk- e suas raízes históricas e políticas nos Autonomen, o movimento “autonomista” em Berlim Ocidental, onde a tática do black bloc foi empregada pela primeira vez, no início dos anos 1980.

Esse autonomismo 1 surgiu na Alemanha e depois se espalhou para a Dinamarca e a Noruega. As origens ideológicas dos Autonomen são variadas -marxismo, feminismo radical, ambientalismo, anarquismo- e essa diversidade ideológica era vista em geral como garantia de liberdade.

Na Alemanha Ocidental, as feministas radicais tiveram um impacto profundo nos Autonomen, injetando um espírito mais anarquista no movimento, que, no resto da Europa Ocidental, era mais marcado pela influência marxista-leninista.

Ilustração de Rafael CoutinhoIlustração de Rafael Coutinho

As feministas buscavam redefinir a política, estimulando a autonomia em várias esferas: a individual por meio da rejeição à representação, de modo que as pessoas falassem por si mesmas, e não em nome do “movimento” ou de todas as mulheres; a de gênero, por meio da criação de coletivos exclusivamente de mulheres; a decisória, por meio da adoção de tomadas de decisões consensuais; e a política, por meio da independência de órgãos institucionalizados (partidos, sindicatos etc.), por mais progressistas que fossem.

Os Autonomen praticavam uma política igualitária e participativa “aqui e agora”, sem líderes ou representantes; a autonomia individual e a autonomia coletiva eram, em princípio, complementares e igualmente importantes.

Os grupos autônomos alemães expressavam-se politicamente por meio de campanhas contra o pagamento de aluguéis e reapropriações de centenas de edifícios, que eram transformados em lares e espaço para atividades políticas.

Muitas dessas ocupações davam comida e roupa de graça e abrigavam bibliotecas, cafés, salas de reunião e centros de informações conhecidos como “infoshops”, assim como espaços para shows e galerias de arte onde músicos e artistas socialmente engajados podiam apresentar seu trabalho. O mesmo movimento ocupou universidades e enfrentou neonazistas que perseguiam imigrantes, assim como policiais que protegiam usinas nucleares. Nessas ocasiões, os Autonomen usavam capacetes, escudos improvisados, bastões e projéteis.

REPÚBLICA LIVRE

Não se sabe ao certo quando o termo “black bloc” foi utilizado pela primeira vez. Alguns afirmam que foi em 1980, quando um chamado pela mobilização anarquista de Primeiro de Maio em Frankfurt pedia às pessoas que “[se juntassem] ao Black Bloc”. Outra história localiza o surgimento do termo meses depois, quando a polícia avançou para desmontar a República Livre de Wendland, um acampamento em protesto contra a abertura de um depósito de lixo radiativo em Gorbelen, Baixa Saxônia.

Nos dias seguintes, foram organizadas manifestações em solidariedade, sendo a mais famosa a “Black Friday”, na qual, segundo consta, todas as pessoas estavam vestidas com jaquetas de couro preto e um capacete de moto, com os rostos cobertos por bandanas pretas. As reportagens sobre o evento faziam referência ao Schwarzer Block (isto é, black bloc).

Outros ainda defendem que o termo foi cunhado em dezembro de 1980 pela polícia de Berlim Oriental. Tendo decidido pôr fim às ocupações, as autoridades municipais haviam autorizado a polícia a conduzir uma série de despejos extremamente violentos. Diante da ameaça iminente de uma ação brutal da polícia, diversos Autonomen com máscaras e roupas pretas foram às ruas para defender suas ocupações.

Nesse cenário, chegou a haver ação jurídica contra a “organização criminosa” conhecida como “o Black Bloc”. Mas a ação da procuradoria perdeu, e as autoridades admitiram que a organização nunca existira. Depois, em 1981, foi impresso um panfleto intitulado “Schwarzer Block”, com a seguinte explicação: “Não existem programas, estatutos ou membros do Black Bloc. Existem, porém, ideias e utopias políticas, que determinam nossas vidas e nossa resistência. Essa resistência tem muitos nomes, e um deles é Black Bloc”.

Um grande black bloc se formou em Hamburgo em 1986 para defender as ocupações da rua Hafenstrasse. Cerca de 1.500 black blockers, apoiados por outros 10.000 manifestantes, enfrentaram a polícia e salvaram a ocupação. “Foi uma grande vitória”, afirmou um ativista do movimento autônomo, “provando que era possível evitar despejos”.2

A mobilização na rua aconteceu em colaboração com ações clandestinas contra as ameaças de despejo e ataques da polícia: pequenos grupos incendiaram mais de dez lojas, casas de políticos e prédios municipais.

Black blocs também apareceram em manifestações contra a visita do presidente norte-americano Ronald Reagan a Berlim Ocidental em junho de 1987. E, quando o Banco Mundial e o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) se encontraram em setembro de 1988, também em Berlim Ocidental, um black bloc participou dos protestos. Em algumas manifestações, Autonomen usando capuzes pretos caminhavam nus nas ruas – o espetáculo paradoxal de um black bloc altamente vulnerável.

Hoje, a Alemanha tem os maiores black blocs (muitas vezes chamados de blocos autônomos). O serviço de segurança do país, Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz [Escritório Federal para a Proteção da Constituição], estima -talvez com demasiada precisão- que os black blockers do país cheguem a 5.800.

Nas manifestações anticapitalistas anuais de Primeiro de Maio em Berlim, os black blocs reúnem de 2.000 a 4.000 pessoas vestidas inteiramente de preto, envoltas por faixas e vestindo jaquetas de moletom com capuzes (jaquetas de couro saíram de moda) e óculos escuros (agora que as máscaras foram proibidas na Alemanha).

TURISTAS

Essas manifestações se tornaram tão famosas entre as redes militantes europeias que muitos Autonomen se queixam de “turistas ativistas”, que buscam protestos como oportunidades para farrear, são indiferentes à realidade local e, pior de tudo, saem da cidade com a mesma rapidez com que chegaram a ela.

Não é raro que essas pessoas comprem cerveja ao longo da manifestação e atirem os vasilhames vazios na polícia, sendo repreendidas ou até mesmo tratadas com violência por Autonomen “straight edge” (que defendem a abstinência de tabaco, álcool e drogas em geral). Mesmo assim, no ano passado, viam-se em Kreuzberg, bairro de Berlim, pôsteres em inglês -voltados, portanto, para turistas ativistas- convidando as pessoas a entrar em um “bloco anarquista/autônomo”.

Surgiram muitas outras ocasiões para a formação de black blocs, como os chamados para enfrentar os neonazistas reunidos em Dresden a fim de lembrar, em 11 de fevereiro, o bombardeio da cidade durante a 2ª Guerra Mundial.

Em razão do tamanho e do dinamismo do movimento autônomo alemão, várias redes podem enviar chamados simultâneos para a formação de blocos autônomos. Os blocos nascidos na rede de ação antifascista são compostos principalmente por homens cuja atitude é mais belicosa. As mulheres são a maioria nas redes antirracistas, nas quais questões de diversidade e inclusão têm mais importância.

COLORIDOS

Nos últimos anos, foram convocados blocos multicoloridos, com o argumento de que pode ser insensível, do ponto de vista cultural, associar o negro a anonimato e uso da força.

Um desses comunicados foi feito em 1º de abril de 2012, para uma manifestação em Eisenach contra o encontro de fraternidades nacionalistas xenofóbicas. O pôster mostrava dois personagens vestidos ao estilo dos black blocs, mas um estava de roxo e o outro, de rosa. Apesar disso, a maioria dos participantes apareceu de preto, e alguns dos antifascistas chegaram a fazer comentários homofóbicos e sexistas contra companheiros que usavam cores mais extravagantes.

No acampamento No Border, realizado em Estocolmo em junho de 20 da política de imigração europeia, foi emitida outra convocação para um bloco colorido -atendida porém só por pouquíssimos ativistas suecos e alemães.

Também é importante mencionar que, nos anos 2000, surgiram grupos autônomos-nacionalistas ou de ação antiantifascista de extrema-direita, que, em marchas neonazistas, se apropriaram do estilo dos black blocs: óculos escuros, capuzes, muitas faixas, música eletrônica. Blocos como esses chegaram a reunir cerca de mil fascistas em grandes manifestações.

TÁTICA

Como a tática dos black blocs migrou da Berlim Ocidental dos anos 1980 para a Seattle de 1999? Os sociólogos Charles Tilly, Doug McAdam e Dieter Rucht, especialistas em movimentos sociais, mostram como repertórios de ações coletivas consideradas eficazes e legítimas para a defesa e a promoção de uma causa circulam entre períodos e lugares diferentes. Eles são transformados e disseminados ao longo do tempo e entre fronteiras, de um movimento social para outro, segundo as experiências dos militantes e as mudanças na esfera política.

A tática dos black blocs se disseminou nos anos 1990, sobretudo através da contracultura punk e de extrema-esquerda ou ultraesquerda, via fanzines, turnês de bandas punks e contatos pessoais entre ativistas em viagens.

Acredita-se que tenha surgido pela primeira vez na América do Norte em janeiro de 1991, durante uma manifestação contra a primeira Guerra do Iraque. O prédio do Banco Mundial foi alvejado, e janelas foram quebradas. Um black bloc foi organizado depois, no mesmo ano, em San Francisco, em uma manifestação no dia do Descobrimento da América, denunciando os 500 anos de genocídio perpetrado contra as nações indígenas, e outro surgiu numa marcha, em Washington, pelo direito das mulheres de mandar em seus corpos. Jornais anarquistas como o “Love and Rage” ajudaram a tornar a tática black bloc conhecida em toda a comunidade anarquista norte-americana.

A tática também foi usada no início dos anos 1990 por membros da Anti-Racist Action (ARA), movimento antiautoritário e antirracista nos Estados Unidos e no Canadá, dedicado ao confronto direto com neonazistas e seguidores da Supremacia Branca.

Ativistas da seção de Toronto da ARA foram a Montreal em 22 de setembro de 1993, onde se reuniram em um pequeno black bloc em protesto contra a reunião (posteriormente cancelada), que teria dois prefeitos franceses direitistas, da Frente Nacional, como oradores convidados.

O resultado foi um confronto violento com a polícia, uma torrente de bombas de tinta contra o restaurante que havia recebido os “frontistes” e uma perseguição pelas ruas em que os manifestantes foram atrás dos cerca de 30 skinheads neonazistas que haviam vindo proteger o lugar.

Em 24 de abril de 1999, um black bloc de aproximadamente 1.500 pessoas participou de uma passeata na Filadélfia exigindo a liberação de Mumia Abu-Jamal, um dos fundadores da divisão local dos Panteras Negras, que havia sido acusado de matar um policial em 1981 e condenado à morte.

MÍDIA

Mas foi em 30 de novembro de 1999, durante as manifestações contra a reunião da OMC em Seattle, que a mídia exibiu a imagem do black bloc para o mundo.

Nos EUA, ao longo da década, a polícia vinha usando spray de pimenta contra manifestantes não violentos e fazendo prisões em massa, durante ações de desobediência civil realizadas por ambientalistas radicais da Costa Oeste. Imaginando que a atitude se repetiria, os black blockers optaram por uma tática móvel que evitaria prisões em grande escala e ataques de spray de pimenta e gás lacrimogêneo.

Na manhã de 30 de novembro de 1999, a polícia atacou os grupos de ativistas não violentos que vinham bloqueando a entrada do centro de convenções desde as 7 horas, e os estoques de gás estavam acabando. Às 11 horas, o black bloc entrou em ação em uma área distante do centro de convenções. O bloco estilhaçou as janelas de alguns bancos e empresas internacionais e desapareceu antes que a polícia pudesse reagir.

A mídia cobriu extensamente a aparição dos black blocs em Seattle, ajudando a difundir suas características distintivas: roupas pretas, máscaras nos rostos e ataques contra alvos econômicos e políticos. Os principais meios de comunicação apresentaram uma visão bastante negativa dos black blocs; a discussão sobre suas ações foi mais equilibrada na mídia alternativa, especialmente na rede on-line independente Indymedia, na qual se podiam ler comunicados dos black blocs e ver fotos e vídeos de suas ações.3

Fascinadas por essas imagens e convencidas pelos argumentos a favor da legitimidade e da eficácia da tática, algumas pessoas passaram a se identificar com essa forma de ação e decidiram organizar seus black blocs na primeira oportunidade -por exemplo, caso fosse anunciada a realização de uma grande cúpula econômica internacional em sua cidade.

Na realidade, o protesto em Seattle foi parte de um grande movimento transnacional -conhecido por diversos nomes, entre eles movimento antiglobalização ou “alterglobalização”, ou “movimento dos movimentos” -que aproveita cúpulas feitas pela OMC, pelo FMI, pelo G8, pelo G20, pela UE, e assim por diante, para organizar vários dias de conferências e ações perto da cidade anfitriã.

Esse movimento amplo e heterogêneo se expressa por meio de diversas ações nas ruas. As principais organizações sociais democráticas (sindicatos trabalhistas, sindicatos rurais, federações feministas, partidos políticos de esquerda, entre outras) fazem uma passeata “unitária” supervisionada por unidades policiais vigorosas. Enquanto isso, diversos grupos militantes conduzem ações violentas. Os black blocs se organizam nessas ocasiões, às vezes marchando pacificamente, mas dispostos a recorrer à força física, dependendo do contexto e da sua força relativa.

Os black blocs também se envolveram em mobilizações não diretamente relacionadas ao movimento alterglobalização; foi o caso das cúpulas da Otan de 2003 e 2009 em Praga e Estrasburgo, respectivamente, e da Convenção do Partido Republicano em Nova York, em agosto e setembro de 2004.

A tática dos black blocs pode adquirir um sentido especial que varia dependendo do contexto local. Por exemplo, no México dos anos 1990, os anarcopunks se interessavam especialmente pelo visual dos black blocs, sobretudo pelo uso das máscaras, uma vez que essa também era uma característica do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional -embora a relação dos anarcopunks com os zapatistas fosse ambivalente.

PERFIL

É difícil fazer um perfil sociológico preciso dos homens e mulheres que participam de black blocs: não só porque eles usam disfarces mas porque cada black bloc é diferente do outro. Ainda assim, minhas observações sugerem que eles são compostos sobretudo por jovens (embora alguns membros tenham mais de 50 anos) e homens (em alguns casos, apenas 5% dos black blockers são mulheres).

Mesmo nas redes antifascistas e antirracistas do Ocidente, os membros do black bloc são majoritariamente de origem europeia, quase não havendo negros ou hispânicos. É claro que também se pode dizer o mesmo de outras redes políticas da esquerda do Primeiro Mundo, mas as ações diretas específicas dos black blocs são mais arriscadas para imigrantes e negros, porque a repressão contra eles pode ser bem maior.

O sociólogo francês Geoffrey Pleyers identificou entre os participantes de black blocs tanto jovens com baixos níveis de consciência política em busca de emoção como ativistas altamente politizados.

É fato que algumas pessoas entram em black blocs sob a influência de amigos ou pelo simples desejo de extravasar a raiva reprimida, mas ninguém pode forçar outra pessoa a adotar essa tática, que se baseia no respeito à autonomia de todos que dela participam.

Nem todos os participantes de black blocs são anarquistas autodeclarados. No Egito, por exemplo, podem ser ativistas políticos, torcedores de futebol ou fãs de bandas de heavy metal.

Entretanto, como diz o professor Mark LeVine, a Tahrir [praça no Cairo que concentrou os protestos que levaram à derrubada de Hosni Mubarak, em 2011, e continuou a receber protestos contra o governo da Irmandade Muçulmana] “continua sendo em muitos aspectos o símbolo das ideias de horizontalismo e auto-organização que estão no centro da teoria e da prática do anarquismo moderno”.

Em seus comunicados, manifestos e entrevistas, muitos black blocs ressaltaram a diversidade de seus membros. Em “Letter From Inside the Black Bloc” (carta de dentro do black bloc), por exemplo, publicada alguns dias após as manifestações contra a Cúpula do G8 de 2001, em Gênova, Mary Black escreve:

“A maioria das pessoas que usaram as táticas black bloc tem trabalhos diurnos voluntários. Alguns são professores, sindicalistas ou estudantes. Alguns não têm empregos em tempo integral, mas passam a maior parte do tempo trabalhando para mudar suas comunidades. Eles começam projetos de jardins urbanos e bibliotecas móveis; cozinham para grupos como Food Not Bombs. São pessoas pensantes e atenciosas que, se não tivessem ideias políticas e sociais radicais, seriam comparadas a freiras, monges e outros que levam a vida servindo”.

“Existe uma grande diversidade no que somos e no que acreditamos. Conheço pessoas de black blocs que vêm da Cidade do México mas também de Montreal. Acredito que o estereótipo está certo ao dizer que a maioria de nós é jovem e branca, embora eu não concorde com a ideia de que somos uma maioria de homens. Quando estou vestida de preto da cabeça aos pés, com roupas pretas largas, com o rosto coberto, a maioria das pessoas pensa que sou homem. O comportamento dos ativistas dos black blocs não é associado a mulheres, por isso repórteres costumam supor que somos todos homens.”

Esses relatos parecem ser motivados por um desejo sincero de retratar os black blocs de maneira correta e, ao fazer isso, rebater acusações de que eles não passam de jovens delinquentes sem qualquer consciência política.

Autorrepresentações como essa procuram desmentir uma crítica muito frequente contra os black blocs: a de que é impossível para um ativista fazer duas coisas ao mesmo tempo ou até uma depois da outra -ou seja, tomar parte em protestos violentos e também se organizar em movimentos globais ou locais que ajudem as pessoas exploradas e marginalizadas.

LEGITIMAÇÃO

Afirmações como a de Mary Black também são ações de legitimação. Em 2011, após protestos contra medidas de austeridade em Londres, quando um participante do black bloc, identificando-se como um “trabalhador mal pago do setor público”, disse a um repórter do “Guardian”: “Vimos muitos enfermeiros, trabalhadores da área de educação, tecnologia, desempregados, estudantes e assistentes sociais no bloco”. Outro afirmou:

“Você teria uma surpresa incrível com as pessoas que usam as táticas do black bloc, em termos de idade, gênero, profissão. A mídia gosta de pintar um quadro de hooligans e bandidos, homens irracionais em fúria. Simplesmente não é verdade. Existem mulheres e provavelmente transgêneros também. Alguns dos anarquistas assustadores trabalham em empregos de assistência social e saúde mental. Isso não vem da bandidagem”.

O retrato inesperado que surge desses relatos é o de um grupo de cidadãos responsáveis e sensatos, de ambos os sexos.

Durante a greve estudantil no Quebec de 2012, os principais meios de comunicação denunciaram a suposta infiltração de black blocs em manifestações estudantis. Aqui está o que um grupo de “anarquistas entre muitos” respondeu a essa afirmação em seu “Manifeste du Carré Noir” (manifesto do quadrado negro):

“Somos homens e mulheres. Somos estudantes. Somos trabalhadores. Somos desempregados. Estamos furiosos. Não estamos cooptando uma greve. Fazemos parte do movimento desde o começo, uma de suas facetas, junto com todos os outros [] Não nos infiltramos em manifestações; ajudamos a organizá-las, fazemos com que elas nasçam. Não estamos sabotando a greve; somos parte integral dela, ajudamos a organizá-la, fazemos seu coração pulsar”.

Muitas das pessoas que entrevistei eram ou haviam sido estudantes de ciências sociais (no entanto, tais encontros tem relação natural com o fato de eu mesmo fazer parte do mundo acadêmico). Em várias ocasiões, seus projetos de pesquisa tratavam da importância política e das consequências de manifestações e ações diretas, o que sugere que seu envolvimento político se baseava em pensamentos políticos mais profundos.

Segundo o comunicado divulgado pelo black bloc de Seattle em 1999, a maioria dos membros “estuda os efeitos da economia global, da engenharia genética, da extração de recursos, do transporte, das práticas trabalhistas, da eliminação da autonomia indígena, dos direitos animais e dos direitos humanos, e há anos praticamos ativismo nessas áreas. Não somos mal informados nem inexperientes”.

Em sua maioria, as pessoas que entrevistei a respeito dos black blocs eram ativistas experientes ou que atuavam em diversas comunidades ou organizações políticas (contra os neonazistas, o racismo, a brutalidade policial e assim por diante), ou que ajudavam a produzir jornais políticos.

Vale repetir, porém, que não existe um perfil homogêneo dos militantes por trás das máscaras. Ser fã de música punk não é suficiente para fazer de alguém um candidato óbvio a black blocker. Por outro lado, um black blocker pode não gostar de música punk ou estudar em uma universidade.

Muitos black blockers dizem que o uso da força resulta de uma avaliação política baseada em frustrantes experiências pessoais com ações não violentas, que passaram a ver como, no mínimo, inadequadas. Um militante veterano que havia se juntado a muitos black blocs me disse:

“Todos os homens e mulheres que conheço que participaram de black blocs são ativistas, alguns muito experientes. Eles ficaram um tanto desiludidos porque chegaram à conclusão de que os métodos pacíficos são muito limitados e jogam a favor dos poderes no comando. Então, para deixarem de ser vítimas, eles acharam melhor usar a violência”.4

As notas a seguir foram editadas pela Redação, sendo suprimidas aquelas essencialmente bibliográficas e mantidas as necessárias à contextualização:

1. Não confundir com movimentos autonomistas, pró-reconhecimento de culturas nacionais ou regionais distintas.
2. BB4, entrevistado pelo autor em Montreal em 26.nov.03. Morador de Amsterdam, ele tinha 42 anos na época e havia participado de black blocs durante a década de 1980 e no movimento de ocupação na Alemanha e na Holanda.
3. O primeiro centro da Indymedia foi fundado durante a Batalha de Seattle. Ele reuniu estudantes, trabalhadores comunitários e ativistas. Desde então, inúmeras cidades passaram a ter sites ligados à Indymedia. Qualquer pessoa pode publicar textos e imagens diretamente neles. Embora não seja inteiramente dedicada ao tema, a rede Indymedia continua sendo uma das fontes mais úteis para obter detalhes sobre os protestos alterglobalização.
4. BB2, entrevistado pelo autor. Tradução nossa. A mesma observação foi feita por militantes franceses em Clément Barette, “La Pratique de la Violence Politique par l’Émeute: le Cas de la Violence Exercée lors des Contre-sommets” (Universidade de Paris I- Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2002), 93.

FRANCIS DUPUIS-DÉRI, 46, pesquisador canadense, é professor do departamento de ciência política da Universidade do Québec em Montréal. Publica no Brasil “Black Blocs” (Veneta).

GUILHERME MIRANDA, 26, é tradutor.

RAFAEL COUTINHO, 33, é quadrinista e artista plástico.

Endereço da página:

http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/ilustrissima/2014/03/1422098-um-perfil-historico-dos-black-blocs.shtml

Facebook: um mapa das redes de ódio (Carta Capital)

Pesquisa vasculha território obscuro da internet: as comunidades que clamam por violência policial, linchamentos, mortes dos “esquerdistas” e novo golpe militar

por Patrícia Cornils — publicado 11/03/2014 15:13

ódio.jpg

Imagem: Vitor Teixeira

Por Patrícia Cornils entrevistando Fabio Malini

No dia 5 de março o Laboratório de Estudos sobre Imagem e Cibercultura (Labic), da Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, publicou um mapa de redes de admiradores das Polícias Militares no Facebook. São páginas dedicadas a defender o uso de violência contra o que chamam de “bandidos”, “vagabundos”, “assaltantes”, fazer apologia a linchamentos e ao assassinato, defender policiais, publicar fotos de pessoas “justiçadas” ou mortas violentamente, vender equipamentos bélicos e combater os direitos humanos.

Para centenas de milhares de seguidores dessas páginas, a violência é a única mediadora das relações sociais, a paz só existe se a sociedade se armar e fizer justiça com as próprias mãos, a obediência seria o valor supremo da democracia. Dentro dessa lógica, a relação com os movimentos populares só poderia ser feita através da força policial. Qualquer ato que escape à ordem ou qualquer luta por direitos é lido como um desacato à sociedade disciplinada. Um exemplo: no sábado, dia 8 de março, a página “Faca na Caveira” publicou um texto sobre o Dia Internacional das Mulheres no qual manda as feministas “se foderem”. Em uma hora, recebeu 300 likes. Até a tarde de domingo, 1473 pessoas haviam curtido o texto.

Abaixo o professor Fábio Malini explica como fez a pesquisa e analisa o discurso compartilhado por esses internautas. “O que estamos vendo é só a cultura do medo midiático passando a ter os seus próprios veículos”, diz ele. Explore as redes neste link.

Como você chegou a esse desenho das redes? O que ele representa?

É um procedimento simples em termos de pesquisa. O pesquisador cria uma fanpage no Facebook e passa a dar “like” num conjunto de fanpages ligada à propagação da violência. Em seguida, usamos uma ferramenta que identifica quais os sites que essas fanpages curtem. E, entre elas, quais estão conectadas entre si. Se há conexão entre uma página com outra, haverá uma linha. Se “Faca na Caveira” curte “Fardado e Armados˜há um laço, uma linha que as interliga. Quando fazemos isso para todas as fanpages, conseguimos identificar quais são as fanpages da violência (bolinhas, nós) mais conectadas e populares. Isso gera um grafo, que é uma representação gráfica de uma rede interativa. Quanto maior é o nó, mais seguida é a página para aquela turma. No grafo, “Polícia Unida Jamais será vencida” é a página mais seguida pela rede. Não significa que ela tem mais fãs. Significa que ela é mais relevante para essa rede da violência. Mas a ferramenta de análise me permite ver mais: quem são as páginas mais populares no Facebook, o que elas publicam, o universo vocabular dos comentários, a tipologia de imagens que circula etc.

O que você queria ver quando pesquisou esse tema? E o que achou de mais interessante?

Pesquisei durante apenas uma semana para testar o método de extração de dados. Descobri que o Labic, laboratório que coordeno, pode ajudar na construção da cultura de paz nesse país, desvelando os ditos dessas redes, que estão aí, lotadas de fãs e públicas no Facebook. Assustei-me em saber a ecologia midiática da repressão no Facebook, em função da agenda que esses sites estabelecem.

Primeiro há um horror ao pensamento de esquerda no país. Isso aparece com inúmeros textos e imagens que satirizam qualquer política de direitos humanos ou ligadas aos movimentos sociais. Essas páginas funcionam como revides à popularização de temas como a desmilitarização da Polícia Militar ou textos de valorização dos direitos humanos. Atualmente, muitas dessas páginas se articulam em função da “Marcha pela Intervenção Militar”. Um de seus maiores ídolos é o deputado Jair Bolsonaro.

Após os protestos no Brasil, a estrutura de atenção dos veículos de comunicação de massa se pulverizou, muito tráfego da televisão está escoando para a internet, o que faz a internet brasileira se tornar ainda mais “multicanal”, com a valorização de experiências como Mídia Ninja, Rio na Rua, A Nova Democracia, Outras Palavras, Revista Fórum, Anonymous, Black Blocs. São páginas muito populares. Mas não estão sozinhas. Há uma guerra em rede. E o pensamento do “bandido bom, bandido morto” hoje se conformou em votos. Esse pensamento foi capaz de construir redes sociais em torno dele.

A despolitização, a corrupção, os abusos de poder, a impunidade, estão na raiz da força alcançada por essas redes da violência e da justiça com as próprias mãos. E não tenho dúvida: essas redes, fortes, vão conseguir ampliar seu lastro eleitoral. Vão ajudar na eleição de vários políticos “linha dura”. Em parte, o crescimento dessas redes se explica também em função de forças da esquerda que passaram a criminalizar os movimentos de rua e ficaram omissas a um conjunto de violações de direitos humanos. O silêncio, nas redes, é resignação. O que estamos vendo é só a cultura do medo midiática passando a ter os seus próprios veículos de comunicação na rede.

Você escreveu que “é bom conhecer e começar a minerar todos os conteúdos que são publicadas nelas.” Por que?

Porque é preciso compreender a política dessas redes e seus temas prioritários. Instituir um debate por lá e não apenas ficar no nosso mundo. É preciso dialogar afirmando que uma sociedade justa é a que produz a paz, e não uma sociedade que só obedece ordens. Estamos numa fase de mídia em que se calar para não dar mais “ibope” é uma estratégia que não funciona. É a fala franca, o dito corajoso, que é capaz de alterar (ou pelo menos chacoalhar) o discurso repressor.

É interessante, ao coletarmos e minerarmos os dados, notar que muitas dessas páginas articulam um discurso de Ode à Repressão com um outro pensamento: o religioso, cujo Deus perdoa os justiceiros. Isso se explica porque ambos são pensamentos em que o dogma, a obediência, constituem valores amplamente difundidos. Para essas redes, a defesa moral de uma paz, de um cuidado de si, viria da capacidade de os indivíduos manterem o estado das coisas sem qualquer questionamento, qualquer desobediência.

No lugar da Política enfrentar essas redes, para torná-las minoritárias e rechaçadas, o que vemos? Governantes que passam a construir seus discursos e práticas em função dessa cultura militarizada, dando vazão a projetos que associam movimentos sociais a terrorismo. Daí há uma inversão de valores: a obediência torna-se o valor supremo de uma democracia. E a política acaba constituindo-se naquilo que vemos nas ruas: o único agente do Estado em relação com os movimentos é a polícia.

O grafo mostra as relações entre os diversos nós dessa rede. Mas e se a gente quiser saber o que essas redes conversam? As PMs estão no centro de vários debates importantes hoje: o tema da desmilitarização. A repressão às manifestações. O assassinato de jovens pobres, pretos, periféricos. Esses nós conversam sobre essas coisas? Em que termos?

Sim, esses nós se republicam. Tal como páginas ativistas se republicam, tais como páginas de esporte se republicam. Todo ente na internet está constituindo numa rede para formar uma perspectiva comum. As ferramentas para coletar essas informaçoes públicas estão muito simplificadas e na mão de todos. Na tenho dúvida que as abordagens científicas das Humanidades serão cada vez mais centrais, pois a partir de agora o campo das Humanidades lidará com milhões de dados. É uma nova natureza que estamos vendo emergir com a circulação de tantos textos, imagens, comportamentos etc.

Você escreveu que “os posts das páginas, em geral, demonstram o processo de construção da identidade policial embasada no conceito de segurança, em que a paz se alcança não mediante a justiça, mas mediante a ordem, a louvação de armamentos e a morte do outro.” Pode dar exemplos de como isso aparece? E por que isso é grave? Afinal, na visão dos defensores e admiradores da polícia, as posições que defendem dariam mais “paz” à sociedade.

Sábado, 8 de março, foi o Dia Internacional da Mulher. Uma das páginas, a Faca na Caveira, deu parabéns às mulheres guerreiras. Mas mandaram as feministas se foderem. O post teve 300 likes em menos de meia hora e na tarde de domingo tinha 1473 likes. A paz só será alcançada com ordem e obediência, dizem. No fundo, essas redes revelam-se como repressoras de qualquer subjetividade inventiva. Por isso, são homofóbicas e profundamente etnocêntricas de classes. É uma espécie de decalque do que pensa a classe média conectada no Brasil, que postula que boné de “aba reta” em shopping é coisa da bandidagem.

Em Vitória, onde resido, em dezembro de 2013, centenas de jovens que curtiam uma roda de funk nas proximidade de um shopping tiveram que entrar nesse recinto para fugir da repressão da polícia, que criminaliza essa cultura musical. Imediatamente foi um “corre-corre” no centro comercial. Os jovens foram todos colocados sentados, sem camisa, no centro da Praça de Alimentação. Em seguida, foram expulsos em fila indiana pela polícia, sob os aplausos da população. Depois, ao se investigar o fato, nenhum deles tinha qualquer indício de estar cometendo crime. Essa cultura do aplauso está na rede e é forte. É um ódio à invenção, à diferença, à multiplicidade. É por isso que a morte é o elemento subjetivo que comove essa rede. Mostrar possíveis criminosos mortos, no chão, com face, tórax ou qualquer outro parte do corpo destruída pelos tiros, é um modo de reforçar a negação da vida.

Essas redes conversam com outras redes não dedicadas especificamente à questão das PMs? Vi, por exemplo, que tem um “Dilma Rousseff Não”, um “Caos na Saúde Pública” e um “Movimento Contra Corrupção”. Que ligações as pessoas ali estabelecem entre esses temas?

Sim, são páginas que se colocam no campo da direita mais reacionária do país. Mas isso também é um índice da transmutação do conservadorismo no Brasil. Infelizmente, o controle da corrupção se tornou um fracasso. Essa condição fracassada alimenta a despolitização. E a despolitização é o combustível para essas páginas. Mas a despolitização não é apenas um processo produzidos pelos “repressores”, mas por sucessivos governos mergulhados em escândalos e que são tecidos por relações políticas absolutamente cínicas em nome de alguma governabilidade.

Life in Code and Software (livingbooksaboutlife.org)

LivingCodeSoftwareCover.jpg

Mediated Life in a Complex Computational Ecology
ISBN: 978-1-60785-283-4
edited by David M. Berry

Contents

Introduction: What is Code and Software?

This book explores the relationship between living, code and software. Technologies of code and software increasingly make up an important part of our urban environment. Indeed, their reach stretches to even quite remote areas of the world. Life in Code and Software introduces and explores the way in which code and software are becoming the conditions of possibility for human living, crucially forming a computational ecology, made up of disparate software ecologies, that we inhabit. As such we need to take account of this new computational environment and think about how today we live in a highly mediated, code-based world. That is, we live in a world where computational concepts and ideas are foundational, or ontological, which I call computationality, and within which, code and software become the paradigmatic forms of knowing and doing. Such that other candidates for this role, such as: air, the economy, evolution, the environment, satellites, etc., are understood and explained through computational concepts and categories. (more…)

Thinking Software

Eric W. Weisstein 
What is a Turing Machine?
David Barker-Plummer 
Turing Machines
Achim Jung 
A Short Introduction to the Lambda Calculus
Luciana Parisi & Stamatia Portanova 
Soft Thought (in architecture and choreography)
David M. Berry 
Understanding Digital Humanities
Edsger W. Dijkstra 
Go To Statement Considered Harmful
Alan M. Turing 
Computing Machinery and Intelligence
Martin Gardner 
The Fantastic Combinations of John Conway’s New Solitaire Game ‘Life’
David Golumbia 
Computation, Gender, and Human Thinking
Alan M. Turing 
Extract from On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungs Problem

Video of a Turing Machine – Overview

Kevin Slavin 
How Algorithms Shape Our World

Video shows how these complex computer programs determine: espionage tactics, stock prices, movie scripts, and architecture.

Code Literacy (‘iteracy’)

David M. Berry 
Iteracy: Reading, Writing and Running Code
Ian Bogost 
Procedural Literacy: Problem Solving with Programming, Systems, & Play
Cathy Davidson 
Why We Need a 4th R: Reading, wRiting, aRithmetic, algoRithms
Jeannette M. Wing 
Computational Thinking
Stephan Ramsay 
On Building
Edsger W. Dijkstra 
On the Cruelty of Really Teaching Computing Science
Louis McCallum and Davy Smith 
Show Us Your Screens

A short documentary about live coding practise by Louis McCallum and Davy Smith.

Jeannette M. Wing 
Computational Thinking and Thinking About Computing’

Wing argues that computational thinking will be a fundamental skill used by everyone in the world. To reading, writing, and arithmetic, she adds computational thinking to everyones’ analytical ability.

why the lucky stiff 
Hackety Hack: Learning to Code

why the lucky stiff (or _why) is a computer programmer, talking about learning to code.

Decoding Code

David M. Berry 
A Contribution Towards a Grammar of Code
Mark C. Marino 
Critical Code Studies
Lev Manovich 
Software Takes Command
Dennis G. Jerz 
Somewhere Nearby is Colossal Cave: Examining Will Crowther’s Original “Adventure” in Code and in Kentucky
Aleksandr Matrosov, Eugene Rodionov, David Harley, and Juraj Malcho, J. 
Stuxnet Under the Microscope
Ralph Langner 
Cracking Stuxnet, a 21st-century Cyber Weapon

A fascinating look inside cyber-forensics and the processes of reading code to understand how it works and what it attacks.

Stephen Ramsay 
Algorithms are Thoughts, Chainsaws are Tools

A short film on livecoding presented as part of the Critical Code Studies Working Group, March 2010, by Stephen Ramsay. Presents a “live reading” of a performance by composer Andrew Sorensen.

Wendy Chun 
Critical Code Studies

Wendy Chun giving a lecture on code studies and reading source code.

Federica Frabetti 
Critical Code Studies

Federica Frabetti giving a lecture on code studies and reading source code.

David M. Berry 
Thinking Software: Realtime Streams and Knowledge in the Digital Age

As software/code increasingly structures the contemporary world, curiously, it also withdraws, and becomes harder and harder for us to focus on as it is embedded, hidden, off-shored or merely forgotten about. The challenge is to bring software/code back into visibility so that we can pay attention to both what it is (ontology/medium), where it has come from (media archaeology/genealogy) but also what it is doing (through a form of mechanology), so we can understand this ‘dynamic of organized inorganic matter’.

Software Ecologies

Gabriella Coleman 
The Anthropology of Hackers
Felix Guattari 
The Three Ecologies
Robert Kitchin 
The Programmable City
Bruno Latour 
The Whole is Always Smaller Than Its Parts- A Digital Test of Gabriel Tarde’s Monads
Mathew Fuller and Sonia Matos 
Feral Computing: From Ubiquitous Calculation to Wild Interactions
Jussi Parikka 
Media Ecologies and Imaginary Media: Transversal Expansions, Contractions, and Foldings
David Gelernter 
Time to Start Taking the Internet Seriously
Adrian Mackenzie 
The Problem of Computer Code: Leviathan or Common Power?
Adrian Mackenzie 
Wirelessness as Experience of Transition
Thomas Goetz 
Harnessing the Power of Feedback Loops
Christian Ulrik Andersen & Søren Pold 
The Scripted Spaces of Urban Ubiquitous Computing: The Experience, Poetics, and Politics of Public Scripted Space
B.J. Fogg, Gregory Cuellar, and David Danielson 
Motivating, Influencing, and Persuading Users
Alexander R. Galloway 
“Deleuze and Computers” – Alexander R. Galloway

“Deleuze and Computers” – a lecture by Alexander R. Galloway at the W.E.B. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst on December 2nd, 2011.

Gary Wolf 
The Quantified Self

The notion of using computational devices in everyday life to record everything about you.

Gary Kovacs 
Tracking the Trackers

As you surf the Web, information is being collected about you.

Michael Najjar 
How Art Envisions Our Future

Data, information, computation, and technology mediated through art

Attributions

A ‘Frozen’ PDF Version of this Living Book

Download a ‘frozen’ PDF version of this book as it appeared on 13th July 2012

The Ontological Spin (culanth.org)

by Lucas Bessire and David Bond

In the second Commentary essay, Lucas Bessire and David Bond respond to the Theorizing the Contemporary series, “The Politics of Ontology,” edited by Martin Holbraad and Morten Axel Pedersen.

February 28, 2014

Bessire, Lucas and Bond, David . “The Ontological Spin.” Fieldsights – Commentary, Cultural Anthropology Online, February 28, 2014, http://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/494-the-ontological-spin

The latest salvation of anthropology, we are told, lies in the so-called ontological turn. By all accounts, it is a powerful vision (Sahlins 2013). The ontological turn is exciting in two ways: First, it offers a way to synthesize and valorize the discipline’s fractured post-humanist avant-garde (Descola 2013; Kohn 2013). Second, it shifts the progressive orientation in anthropology from the critique of present problems to the building of better futures (Latour 2013; Holbraad, Pederson, and Viveiros de Castro 2014; cf. White 2013). In both, the turn to ontology suggests that the work of anthropology has really just begun.

At the risk of oversimplifying a diverse body of research, here we ask how the ontological turn works as a problematic form of speculative futurism. While the symmetrical future it conjures up is smart, the turbulent present it holds at bay is something we would still like to know more about. Our skepticism derives from our respective fieldwork on the co-creation of indigenous alterity and on how the lively materiality of hydrocarbons is recognized. In both of these sites, we have documented dynamics that elude and unsettle the ontological script. Much, we would argue, is missed. We are troubled at how ontological anthropology defers thorny questions of historical specificity, the social afterlives of anthropological knowledge, and the kinds of difference that are allowed to matter. We are also concerned by the ultimate habitability of the worlds it conjures. Or consider nature and culture. In many places today, nature and culture matter not as the crumbling bastions of a modern cosmology (e.g., Latour 2002; Blaser 2009) but as hardening matrices for sorting out what forms of life must be defended from present contingencies and what must be set adrift. That is, nature and culture matter not as flawed epistemologies but as dispersed political technologies.

Ontological anthropology is fundamentally a story about the Amazonian primitive. It rests on the recent discovery of a non-modern “multinaturalist” ontology within indigenous myths (Viveiros de Castro 1998). Yet, as Terry Turner (2009) shows, the figure of this “Amerindian cosmology” is based on ethnographic misrepresentation. Kayapó myths, for instance, do not collapse nature/culture divides. Rather, the “whole point” is to describe how animals and humans became fully differentiated from one another, with one key twist: humanity is defined not as a collection of traits but as the capacity to objectify the process of objectification itself. In such ways, the attribution of this hyper-real cosmology paradoxically reifies the very terms of the nature/culture binary it is invoked to disprove.

At the very least, this means that ontological anthropology cannot account for those actually existing forms of indigenous worlding that mimetically engage modern binaries as meaningful coordinates for self-fashioning (Taussig 1987; Abercrombie 1998). This is certainly true in the case of recently-contacted Ayoreo-speaking peoples in the Gran Chaco. Ayoreo projects of becoming are not a cosmology against the state, but a set of moral responses to the nonsensical contexts of colonial violence, soul-collecting missionaries, radio sound, humanitarian NGOs, neoliberal economic policies, and rampant ecological devastation (Bessire 2014). Only by erasing these conditions could a “non-interiorizable” multinaturalist exteriority be identified. Doesn’t this suggest that ontological anthropology is predicated on homogenizing and standardizing the very multiplicity it claims to decolonize? What does it mean if ontological anthropology, in its eagerness to avoid the overdetermined dualism of nature/culture, reifies the most modern binary of all: the radical incommensurability of modern and non-modern worlds?

Charged with getting nature wrong, modernity is rejected out of hand in the ontological turn. While the West mistook Nature for an underlying architecture, indigenous people have long realized a more fundamental truth: the natural world is legion and lively. Yet this supposed distinction between modernity (mononaturalism) and the rest (multinaturalism) seems strangely illiterate of more nuanced accounts of the natural world within capitalist modernity (Williams 1980; Mintz 1986; Mitchell 2002). Attributing the pacification of nature’s vitality to the modern episteme neglects how colonial plantations, industrial farms and factories, national environmental policies, biotechnology companies, and disaster response teams have attempted, in creative and coercive ways, to manage the dispersed agencies of the natural world. The easy dismissal of modernity as mononaturalism disregards the long list of ways that particular format never really mattered in the more consequential makings of our present.

It is all the more ironic, then, that ontological anthropology uses climate change to spur a conversion away from the epistemic cage of modernity. We would do well to remember that, in the most concrete sense, modernity did not disrupt our planet’s climate, hydrocarbons did. Such fixation on modernity misses the far more complicated and consequential materiality of fossil fuels (Bond 2013). In the momentum they enable and in the toxicity they enact, hydrocarbons naturalize differences in new ways. Such petro-effects amplify existing fault lines not only in industrial cities but also in the premier fieldsites of ontological anthropology: the supposedly pristine hinterlands. In the boreal forests of the northern Alberta or in the upper reaches of the Amazon Basin or in the snowy expanses of the arctic or in the dusty forests of the Gran Chaco, the many afterlives of hydrocarbons are giving rise to contorted landscapes, cancerous bodies, and mutated ecologies. Such problems form a “slow violence” (Nixon 2011) that the spirited naturalism of ontological anthropology cannot register let alone resist.

These observations lead us to formulate the following three theses:

  1. First, the ontological turn replaces an ethnography of the actual with a sociology of the possible.
  2. Second, the ontological turn reifies the wreckage of various histories as the forms of the philosophic present, insofar as it imagines colonial and ethnological legacies as the perfect kind of village for forward thinking philosophy.
  3. Finally, the ontological turn formats life for new kinds of rule premised on a narrowing of legitimate concern and a widening of acceptable disregard, wherein the alter-modern worlds discovered by elite scholars provides redemptive inhabitation for the privileged few, while the global masses confront increasingly sharp forms and active processes of inequality and marginalization (Beck 1992; Harvey 2005; Appadurai 2006; Wacquant 2009; Stoler 2010; Agier 2011; Fassin 2012).

In conclusion, we argue that it is misleading to suggest anthropology must choose between the oppressive dreariness of monolithic modernity or the fanciful elisions of the civilization to come. Both options leave us flat-footed and ill-equipped to deal with the conditions of actuality in our troubled present (Fischer 2013; Fortun 2013). Instead, we insist on a shared world of unevenly distributed problems. This is a world of unstable and rotational temporalities, of semiotic and material ruptures, of unruly things falling apart and being reassembled. It is a world composed of potentialities but also contingencies, of becoming but also violence, wherein immanence is never innocent of itself (Biehl 2005; Martin 2009). In this world, we ask how the wholesale retreat to the ideal future may discard the most potent mode of anthropological critique; one resolutely in our present but not necessarily confined to it.

[This is a distilled version of a longer critical essay.]

References

Abercrombie, Tom. 1998. Pathways of Memory and Power: Ethnography and History among an Andean People. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Appadurai, Arjun. 2006. Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.

Agier, Michel. 2011. Managing the Undesirables: Refugee Camps and Humanitarian Government. Cambridge: Polity.

Beck, Ulrich. 1992. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity, translated by Mark Ritter. London: Sage.

Bessire, Lucas. 2014. Behold the Black Caiman: A Chronicle of Ayoreo Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Biehl, João. 2005. Vita: Life in a Zone of Social Abandonment. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Blaser, Mario. 2009. “Political Ontology: Cultural Studies without Culture?” Cultural Studies 23, nos. 5–6: 873–96.

Bond, David. 2013. “Governing Disaster: The Political Life of the Environment During the BP Oil Spill.” Cultural Anthropology 28, no. 4: 694–715.

Descola, Philippe. 2013. Beyond Nature and Culture, translated by Janet Lloyd. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Fassin, Didier. 2012. Humanitarian Reason: A Moral History of the Present. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Fischer, Michael M. J. 2013. “Double-Click: the Fables and Language Games of Latour and Descola; Or, From Humanity as Technological Detour to the Peopling of Technologies.” Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association annual meeting, Chicago, November 22.

Fortun, Kim. 2013. “From Latour to Late Industrialism.” Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association annual meeting, Chicago, November 22.

Harvey, David. 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Holbraad, Martin, Morten Axel Pedersen, and Eduardo Viveiros de Castro.2014. “The Politics of Ontology: Anthropological Positions,” Theorizing the Contemporary, Cultural Anthropology website, January 13.

Kohn, Eduardo. 2013. How Forests Think: Toward an Anthropology Beyond the Human. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Latour, Bruno. 2002. War of the Worlds: What About Peace? Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press.

Latour, Bruno. 2013. An Inquiry into Modes of Existence: An Anthropology of the Moderns, translated by Catherine Porter. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Martin, Emily. 2009. Bipolar Expeditions: Mania and Depression in American Culture. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Mintz, Sidney. 1986. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History. New York: Penguin.

Mitchell, Timothy. 2002. “Can the Mosquito Speak?” In Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity, 19–53. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Nixon, Rob. 2011. Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Sahlins, Marshall. 2013. Foreword to Philippe Descola, Beyond Nature and Culture, xi–xiv. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Stoler, Ann Laura. 2010. Along the Archival Grain: Epistemic Anxieties and Colonial Common Sense. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Taussig, Michael. 1987. Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Turner, Terence. 2009. “The Crisis of Late Structuralism, Perspectivism and Animism: Rethinking Culture, Nature, Spirit and Bodiliness.” Tipití 7, no 1: 3–42.

Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo. 1998. “Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivalism.”Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4, no. 3: 469–88.

Wacquant, Loïc. 2009. Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.

White, Hylton. 2013. “Materiality, Form, and Context: Marx contra Latour,” Victorian Studies 55, no. 4: 667–82.

Williams, Raymond. 1980. “Ideas of Nature.” In Culture and Materialism: Selected Essays, 67–85. London: Verso.

Image credit: “Stars in Motion,” by Miguel Claro.

Welcome to the Thirsty West (Slate)

MARCH 6 2014 11:31 PMA monthlong series about the devastating drought facing a corner of the country.

By 

140306_FUT_BridgeCanalAny examination of the Southwest’s drought must start in Arizona. Photo courtesy Eric Holthaus

Driving through the Arizona desert between Tucson and Phoenix, it’s easy to see the remnants of agricultural boom times. Irrigated agriculture in the Arizona desert peaked in the 1950s and has steadily declined as urbanization’s water demand has exploded. The road is flanked with abandoned cotton fields that have since turned into dust-storm factories. It’s not uncommon for the road to close and for day to turn into the night during the worst storms, which happen during the early summer months as the monsoon thunderstorms move north from the Sea of Cortez.

In some ways, it feels post-apocalyptic: Evidence suggests that human activity has moved somewhere else.

Improving technology has offset some of the more ridiculous uses of desert water. In the early days, farmers literally flooded fields of orange trees with water diverted from newly constructed dams. Wells have pumped at least two rivers dry in southern Arizona, where groundwater levels have dropped by hundreds of feet over the last century.

It took decades, but Arizona finally learned that it had to adapt to survive. Still, many obvious questions have no easy answer: How to balance economic growth and environment? Does fairness mean cities get first dibs over farmers, even though they were here first? Is climate change a game changer? The issue of water in the Southwest is a preview of 21st-century politics worldwide.

Everywhere there are signs of adaptation to this new reality, or at least attempts at it. A billboard just north of Tucson pitches FiberMax, a variety of genetically modified cotton seed originally developed by Bayer in Australia. It promises to increase production in semiarid climates like this one and has become one of the top-selling cotton brands in the nation.

The shift away from irrigated agriculture in Arizona hasn’t come without a fight. By some measures, farmers are still winning. According to the Arizona Department of Water Resources, more than two-thirds of Arizona’s water is still used to irrigate fields, down from a peak of 90 percent last century.

Decades ago, state officials in Arizona begin to plan for a future without water—and that meant sacrificing agriculture for future urban growth. A massive civil engineering project in the 1960s diverted part of the Colorado River to feed Phoenix and Tucson. Those cities could not exist in their current state without this unnatural influx of Rocky Mountain snowmelt. Now there’s tension across the region, as the realities of climate change and extreme weather catch up with the business-as-usual agricultural bedrock that laid the foundation for the economy here.

In some ways, what’s happened in Arizona could be a preview of California’s future.

This year in California, fields are being fallowed as the state battles a drought as intense as anything it has faced in centuries. Federal water allocation for many farms has been cut to zero for the first time. California’s vast energy-intensive infrastructure for moving water around the state has been choked off by lack of snowpack and low reservoir levels. In some places, there’s simply nothing left to do but wait for rain.

By all accounts, March is the make or break month for the California drought. That’s because snowpack peaks on or about April 1. A big storm last week boosted levels to their highest point so far this winter, but that’s not saying much. Snowpack is still 70 percent below normal, near record lows. California’s Sierra range is nearly devoid of snow, supplemental water from the Colorado River has been reduced for the first time, and groundwater levels are “falling at an alarming rate.” Whatever is up in the Sierras at the end of this month will form the basis for the reserve water that will get California through the summer—and what promises to be an epic fire season.

The present-day Southwest was born from a pendulum swing in climatic fortunes that has no equal in U.S. history. Research at the University of California, Berkeley shows that the 20th century was an abnormally wet era in the West and that a new mega-drought may be starting. With the added pressure of climate change, there’s simply no way to count on continued supplies of water at current usage rates.

Looking ahead, the U.S. Global Change Research Program projects 20 percent to 50 percent less water by the end of this century, with temperatures 5 to 10 degrees warmer (Fahrenheit). The newly released National Climate Assessment confirms the trend: The theme of the 21st century in the Southwest will be more people with less water.

140306_FUT_CentralAZProjectCanalCentral Arizona Project Canal. Photo courtesy Eric Holthaus

Don’t get me wrong: This has always been an extreme environment. But over the thousands of years of human civilization in this corner of the world, people have adapted to little water. Problem is: The water supply/demand calculus has never changed this quickly before. About 100 years ago, the balance started to tip. Groundwater was invested for agricultural purposes. Massive civil engineering projects pulled more water from rivers. The human presence in the desert blossomed.

Now, the West is thirsty and getting thirstier.

All this month, I’ll be sending dispatches from the desert, discussing the water crisis that has been with the modern Southwest for decades, but seems to be coming to a head this year. I’ll be visiting produce warehouses on the Mexican border, talking to farmers in California’s drought-stricken Central Valley, examining which technologies could buy cities time if the taps are cut off, and asking questions about what people and governments are doing to prepare for a future with less water, with lots of stops along the way. It’s my attempt to trace the impacts of the current drought from plow to plate and beyond.

This week, on a hike through the saguaro cactus forest near Tucson, my wife and I were caught in the first rainstorm in two and a half months. For a brief few hours, the desert came alive: Birds were singing, and the mesquite trees became noticeably greener. But as quickly as it came, the rain was gone. Hours later, only a few puddles remained alongside city streets. The next day, the sun was back, baking the desert once again.

The Intelligent Plant (New Yorker)

By Michael Pollan

The New Yorker, December 23, 2013

In 1973, a book claiming that plants were sentient beings that feel emotions, prefer classical music to rock and roll, and can respond to the unspoken thoughts of humans hundreds of miles away landed on the New York Times best-seller list for nonfiction. “The Secret Life of Plants,” by Peter Tompkins and Christopher Bird, presented a beguiling mashup of legitimate plant science, quack experiments, and mystical nature worship that captured the public imagination at a time when New Age thinking was seeping into the mainstream. The most memorable passages described the experiments of a former C.I.A. polygraph expert named Cleve Backster, who, in 1966, on a whim, hooked up a galvanometer to the leaf of a dracaena, a houseplant that he kept in his office. To his astonishment, Backster found that simply by imagining the dracaena being set on fire he could make it rouse the needle of the polygraph machine, registering a surge of electrical activity suggesting that the plant felt stress. “Could the plant have been reading his mind?” the authors ask. “Backster felt like running into the street and shouting to the world, ‘Plants can think!’ ”

Backster and his collaborators went on to hook up polygraph machines to dozens of plants, including lettuces, onions, oranges, and bananas. He claimed that plants reacted to the thoughts (good or ill) of humans in close proximity and, in the case of humans familiar to them, over a great distance. In one experiment designed to test plant memory, Backster found that a plant that had witnessed the murder (by stomping) of another plant could pick out the killer from a lineup of six suspects, registering a surge of electrical activity when the murderer was brought before it. Backster’s plants also displayed a strong aversion to interspecies violence. Some had a stressful response when an egg was cracked in their presence, or when live shrimp were dropped into boiling water, an experiment that Backster wrote up for the International Journal of Parapsychology, in 1968.

In the ensuing years, several legitimate plant scientists tried to reproduce the “Backster effect” without success. Much of the science in “The Secret Life of Plants” has been discredited. But the book had made its mark on the culture. Americans began talking to their plants and playing Mozart for them, and no doubt many still do. This might seem harmless enough; there will probably always be a strain of romanticism running through our thinking about plants. (Luther Burbank and George Washington Carver both reputedly talked to, and listened to, the plants they did such brilliant work with.) But in the view of many plant scientists “The Secret Life of Plants” has done lasting damage to their field. According to Daniel Chamovitz, an Israeli biologist who is the author of the recent book “What a Plant Knows,” Tompkins and Bird “stymied important research on plant behavior as scientists became wary of any studies that hinted at parallels between animal senses and plant senses.” Others contend that “The Secret Life of Plants” led to “self-censorship” among researchers seeking to explore the “possible homologies between neurobiology and phytobiology”; that is, the possibility that plants are much more intelligent and much more like us than most people think—capable of cognition, communication, information processing, computation, learning, and memory.

The quotation about self-censorship appeared in a controversial 2006 article in Trends in Plant Science proposing a new field of inquiry that the authors, perhaps somewhat recklessly, elected to call “plant neurobiology.” The six authors—among them Eric D. Brenner, an American plant molecular biologist; Stefano Mancuso, an Italian plant physiologist; František Baluška, a Slovak cell biologist; and Elizabeth Van Volkenburgh, an American plant biologist—argued that the sophisticated behaviors observed in plants cannot at present be completely explained by familiar genetic and biochemical mechanisms. Plants are able to sense and optimally respond to so many environmental variables—light, water, gravity, temperature, soil structure, nutrients, toxins, microbes, herbivores, chemical signals from other plants—that there may exist some brainlike information-processing system to integrate the data and coördinate a plant’s behavioral response. The authors pointed out that electrical and chemical signalling systems have been identified in plants which are homologous to those found in the nervous systems of animals. They also noted that neurotransmitters such as serotonin, dopamine, and glutamate have been found in plants, though their role remains unclear.

Hence the need for plant neurobiology, a new field “aimed at understanding how plants perceive their circumstances and respond to environmental input in an integrated fashion.” The article argued that plants exhibit intelligence, defined by the authors as “an intrinsic ability to process information from both abiotic and biotic stimuli that allows optimal decisions about future activities in a given environment.” Shortly before the article’s publication, the Society for Plant Neurobiology held its first meeting, in Florence, in 2005. A new scientific journal, with the less tendentious title Plant Signaling & Behavior, appeared the following year.

Depending on whom you talk to in the plant sciences today, the field of plant neurobiology represents either a radical new paradigm in our understanding of life or a slide back down into the murky scientific waters last stirred up by “The Secret Life of Plants.” Its proponents believe that we must stop regarding plants as passive objects—the mute, immobile furniture of our world—and begin to treat them as protagonists in their own dramas, highly skilled in the ways of contending in nature. They would challenge contemporary biology’s reductive focus on cells and genes and return our attention to the organism and its behavior in the environment. It is only human arrogance, and the fact that the lives of plants unfold in what amounts to a much slower dimension of time, that keep us from appreciating their intelligence and consequent success. Plants dominate every terrestrial environment, composing ninety-nine per cent of the biomass on earth. By comparison, humans and all the other animals are, in the words of one plant neurobiologist, “just traces.”

Many plant scientists have pushed back hard against the nascent field, beginning with a tart, dismissive letter in response to the Brenner manifesto, signed by thirty-six prominent plant scientists (Alpi et al., in the literature) and published in Trends in Plant Science. “We begin by stating simply that there is no evidence for structures such as neurons, synapses or a brain in plants,” the authors wrote. No such claim had actually been made—the manifesto had spoken only of “homologous” structures—but the use of the word “neurobiology” in the absence of actual neurons was apparently more than many scientists could bear.

“Yes, plants have both short- and long-term electrical signalling, and they use some neurotransmitter-like chemicals as chemical signals,” Lincoln Taiz, an emeritus professor of plant physiology at U.C. Santa Cruz and one of the signers of the Alpi letter, told me. “But the mechanisms are quite different from those of true nervous systems.” Taiz says that the writings of the plant neurobiologists suffer from “over-interpretation of data, teleology, anthropomorphizing, philosophizing, and wild speculations.” He is confident that eventually the plant behaviors we can’t yet account for will be explained by the action of chemical or electrical pathways, without recourse to “animism.” Clifford Slayman, a professor of cellular and molecular physiology at Yale, who also signed the Alpi letter (and who helped discredit Tompkins and Bird), was even more blunt. “ ’Plant intelligence’ is a foolish distraction, not a new paradigm,” he wrote in a recent e-mail. Slayman has referred to the Alpi letter as “the last serious confrontation between the scientific community and the nuthouse on these issues.” Scientists seldom use such language when talking about their colleagues to a journalist, but this issue generates strong feelings, perhaps because it smudges the sharp line separating the animal kingdom from the plant kingdom. The controversy is less about the remarkable discoveries of recent plant science than about how to interpret and name them: whether behaviors observed in plants which look very much like learning, memory, decision-making, and intelligence deserve to be called by those terms or whether those words should be reserved exclusively for creatures with brains.

No one I spoke to in the loose, interdisciplinary group of scientists working on plant intelligence claims that plants have telekinetic powers or feel emotions. Nor does anyone believe that we will locate a walnut-shaped organ somewhere in plants which processes sensory data and directs plant behavior. More likely, in the scientists’ view, intelligence in plants resembles that exhibited in insect colonies, where it is thought to be an emergent property of a great many mindless individuals organized in a network. Much of the research on plant intelligence has been inspired by the new science of networks, distributed computing, and swarm behavior, which has demonstrated some of the ways in which remarkably brainy behavior can emerge in the absence of actual brains.

“If you are a plant, having a brain is not an advantage,” Stefano Mancuso points out. Mancuso is perhaps the field’s most impassioned spokesman for the plant point of view. A slight, bearded Calabrian in his late forties, he comes across more like a humanities professor than like a scientist. When I visited him earlier this year at the International Laboratory of Plant Neurobiology, at the University of Florence, he told me that his conviction that humans grossly underestimate plants has its origins in a science-fiction story he remembers reading as a teen-ager. A race of aliens living in a radically sped-up dimension of time arrive on Earth and, unable to detect any movement in humans, come to the logical conclusion that we are “inert material” with which they may do as they please. The aliens proceed ruthlessly to exploit us. (Mancuso subsequently wrote to say that the story he recounted was actually a mangled recollection of an early “Star Trek” episode called “Wink of an Eye.”)

In Mancuso’s view, our “fetishization” of neurons, as well as our tendency to equate behavior with mobility, keeps us from appreciating what plants can do. For instance, since plants can’t run away and frequently get eaten, it serves them well not to have any irreplaceable organs. “A plant has a modular design, so it can lose up to ninety per cent of its body without being killed,” he said. “There’s nothing like that in the animal world. It creates a resilience.”

Indeed, many of the most impressive capabilities of plants can be traced to their unique existential predicament as beings rooted to the ground and therefore unable to pick up and move when they need something or when conditions turn unfavorable. The “sessile life style,” as plant biologists term it, calls for an extensive and nuanced understanding of one’s immediate environment, since the plant has to find everything it needs, and has to defend itself, while remaining fixed in place. A highly developed sensory apparatus is required to locate food and identify threats. Plants have evolved between fifteen and twenty distinct senses, including analogues of our five: smell and taste (they sense and respond to chemicals in the air or on their bodies); sight (they react differently to various wavelengths of light as well as to shadow); touch (a vine or a root “knows” when it encounters a solid object); and, it has been discovered, sound. In a recent experiment, Heidi Appel, a chemical ecologist at the University of Missouri, found that, when she played a recording of a caterpillar chomping a leaf for a plant that hadn’t been touched, the sound primed the plant’s genetic machinery to produce defense chemicals. Another experiment, done in Mancuso’s lab and not yet published, found that plant roots would seek out a buried pipe through which water was flowing even if the exterior of the pipe was dry, which suggested that plants somehow “hear” the sound of flowing water.

The sensory capabilities of plant roots fascinated Charles Darwin, who in his later years became increasingly passionate about plants; he and his son Francis performed scores of ingenious experiments on plants. Many involved the root, or radicle, of young plants, which the Darwins demonstrated could sense light, moisture, gravity, pressure, and several other environmental qualities, and then determine the optimal trajectory for the root’s growth. The last sentence of Darwin’s 1880 book, “The Power of Movement in Plants,” has assumed scriptural authority for some plant neurobiologists: “It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the tip of the radicle … having the power of directing the movements of the adjoining parts, acts like the brain of one of the lower animals; the brain being seated within the anterior end of the body, receiving impressions from the sense organs and directing the several movements.” Darwin was asking us to think of the plant as a kind of upside-down animal, with its main sensory organs and “brain” on the bottom, underground, and its sexual organs on top.

Scientists have since found that the tips of plant roots, in addition to sensing gravity, moisture, light, pressure, and hardness, can also sense volume, nitrogen, phosphorus, salt, various toxins, microbes, and chemical signals from neighboring plants. Roots about to encounter an impenetrable obstacle or a toxic substance change course before they make contact with it. Roots can tell whether nearby roots are self or other and, if other, kin or stranger. Normally, plants compete for root space with strangers, but, when researchers put four closely related Great Lakes sea-rocket plants (Cakile edentula) in the same pot, the plants restrained their usual competitive behaviors and shared resources.

Somehow, a plant gathers and integrates all this information about its environment, and then “decides”—some scientists deploy the quotation marks, indicating metaphor at work; others drop them—in precisely what direction to deploy its roots or its leaves. Once the definition of “behavior” expands to include such things as a shift in the trajectory of a root, a reallocation of resources, or the emission of a powerful chemical, plants begin to look like much more active agents, responding to environmental cues in ways more subtle or adaptive than the word “instinct” would suggest. “Plants perceive competitors and grow away from them,” Rick Karban, a plant ecologist at U.C. Davis, explained, when I asked him for an example of plant decision-making. “They are more leery of actual vegetation than they are of inanimate objects, and they respond to potential competitors before actually being shaded by them.” These are sophisticated behaviors, but, like most plant behaviors, to an animal they’re either invisible or really, really slow.

The sessile life style also helps account for plants’ extraordinary gift for biochemistry, which far exceeds that of animals and, arguably, of human chemists. (Many drugs, from aspirin to opiates, derive from compounds designed by plants.) Unable to run away, plants deploy a complex molecular vocabulary to signal distress, deter or poison enemies, and recruit animals to perform various services for them. A recent study in Sciencefound that the caffeine produced by many plants may function not only as a defense chemical, as had previously been thought, but in some cases as a psychoactive drug in their nectar. The caffeine encourages bees to remember a particular plant and return to it, making them more faithful and effective pollinators.

One of the most productive areas of plant research in recent years has been plant signalling. Since the early nineteen-eighties, it has been known that when a plant’s leaves are infected or chewed by insects they emit volatile chemicals that signal other leaves to mount a defense. Sometimes this warning signal contains information about the identity of the insect, gleaned from the taste of its saliva. Depending on the plant and the attacker, the defense might involve altering the leaf’s flavor or texture, or producing toxins or other compounds that render the plant’s flesh less digestible to herbivores. When antelopes browse acacia trees, the leaves produce tannins that make them unappetizing and difficult to digest. When food is scarce and acacias are overbrowsed, it has been reported, the trees produce sufficient amounts of toxin to kill the animals.

Perhaps the cleverest instance of plant signalling involves two insect species, the first in the role of pest and the second as its exterminator. Several species, including corn and lima beans, emit a chemical distress call when attacked by caterpillars. Parasitic wasps some distance away lock in on that scent, follow it to the afflicted plant, and proceed to slowly destroy the caterpillars. Scientists call these insects “plant bodyguards.”

Plants speak in a chemical vocabulary we can’t directly perceive or comprehend. The first important discoveries in plant communication were made in the lab in the nineteen-eighties, by isolating plants and their chemical emissions in Plexiglas chambers, but Rick Karban, the U.C. Davis ecologist, and others have set themselves the messier task of studying how plants exchange chemical signals outdoors, in a natural setting. Recently, I visited Karban’s study plot at the University of California’s Sagehen Creek Field Station, a few miles outside Truckee. On a sun-flooded hillside high in the Sierras, he introduced me to the ninety-nine sagebrush plants—low, slow-growing gray-green shrubs marked with plastic flags—that he and his colleagues have kept under close surveillance for more than a decade.

Karban, a fifty-nine-year-old former New Yorker, is slender, with a thatch of white curls barely contained by a floppy hat. He has shown that when sagebrush leaves are clipped in the spring—simulating an insect attack that triggers the release of volatile chemicals—both the clipped plant and its unclipped neighbors suffer significantly less insect damage over the season. Karban believes that the plant is alerting all its leaves to the presence of a pest, but its neighbors pick up the signal, too, and gird themselves against attack. “We think the sagebrush are basically eavesdropping on one another,” Karban said. He found that the more closely related the plants the more likely they are to respond to the chemical signal, suggesting that plants may display a form of kin recognition. Helping out your relatives is a good way to improve the odds that your genes will survive.

The field work and data collection that go into making these discoveries are painstaking in the extreme. At the bottom of a meadow raked by the slanted light of late summer, two collaborators from Japan, Kaori Shiojiri and Satomi Ishizaki, worked in the shade of a small pine, squatting over branches of sagebrush that Karban had tagged and cut. Using clickers, they counted every trident-shaped leaf on every branch, and then counted and recorded every instance of leaf damage, one column for insect bites, another for disease. At the top of the meadow, another collaborator, James Blande, a chemical ecologist from England, tied plastic bags around sagebrush stems and inflated the bags with filtered air. After waiting twenty minutes for the leaves to emit their volatiles, he pumped the air through a metal cylinder containing an absorbent material that collected the chemical emissions. At the lab, a gas chromatograph-mass spectrometer would yield a list of the compounds collected—more than a hundred in all. Blande offered to let me put my nose in one of the bags; the air was powerfully aromatic, with a scent closer to aftershave than to perfume. Gazing across the meadow of sagebrush, I found it difficult to imagine the invisible chemical chatter, including the calls of distress, going on all around—or that these motionless plants were engaged in any kind of “behavior” at all.

Research on plant communication may someday benefit farmers and their crops. Plant-distress chemicals could be used to prime plant defenses, reducing the need for pesticides. Jack Schultz, a chemical ecologist at the University of Missouri, who did some of the pioneering work on plant signalling in the early nineteen-eighties, is helping to develop a mechanical “nose” that, attached to a tractor and driven through a field, could help farmers identify plants under insect attack, allowing them to spray pesticides only when and where they are needed.

Karban told me that, in the nineteen-eighties, people working on plant communication faced some of the same outrage that scientists working on plant intelligence (a term he cautiously accepts) do today. “This stuff has been enormously contentious,” he says, referring to the early days of research into plant communication, work that is now generally accepted. “It took me years to get some of these papers published. People would literally be screaming at one another at scientific meetings.” He added, “Plant scientists in general are incredibly conservative. We all think we want to hear novel ideas, but we don’t, not really.”

I first met Karban at a scientific meeting in Vancouver last July, when he presented a paper titled “Plant Communication and Kin Recognition in Sagebrush.” The meeting would have been the sixth gathering of the Society for Plant Neurobiology, if not for the fact that, under pressure from certain quarters of the scientific establishment, the group’s name had been changed four years earlier to the less provocative Society for Plant Signaling and Behavior. The plant biologist Elizabeth Van Volkenburgh, of the University of Washington, who was one of the founders of the society, told me that the name had been changed after a lively internal debate; she felt that jettisoning “neurobiology” was probably for the best. “I was told by someone at the National Science Foundation that the N.S.F. would never fund anything with the words ‘plant neurobiology’ in it. He said, and I quote, ‘ “Neuro” belongs to animals.’ ” (An N.S.F. spokesperson said that, while the society is not eligible for funding by the foundation’s neurobiology program, “the N.S.F. does not have a boycott of any sort against the society.”) Two of the society’s co-founders, Stefano Mancuso and František Baluška, argued strenuously against the name change, and continue to use the term “plant neurobiology” in their own work and in the names of their labs.

The meeting consisted of three days of PowerPoint presentations delivered in a large, modern lecture hall at the University of British Columbia before a hundred or so scientists. Most of the papers were highly technical presentations on plant signalling—the kind of incremental science that takes place comfortably within the confines of an established scientific paradigm, which plant signalling has become. But a handful of speakers presented work very much within the new paradigm of plant intelligence, and they elicited strong reactions.

The most controversial presentation was “Animal-Like Learning in Mimosa Pudica,” an unpublished paper by Monica Gagliano, a thirty-seven-year-old animal ecologist at the University of Western Australia who was working in Mancuso’s lab in Florence. Gagliano, who is tall, with long brown hair parted in the middle, based her experiment on a set of protocols commonly used to test learning in animals. She focussed on an elementary type of learning called “habituation,” in which an experimental subject is taught to ignore an irrelevant stimulus. “Habituation enables an organism to focus on the important information, while filtering out the rubbish,” Gagliano explained to the audience of plant scientists. How long does it take the animal to recognize that a stimulus is “rubbish,” and then how long will it remember what it has learned? Gagliano’s experimental question was bracing: Could the same thing be done with a plant?

Mimosa pudica, also called the “sensitive plant,” is that rare plant species with a behavior so speedy and visible that animals can observe it; the Venus flytrap is another. When the fernlike leaves of the mimosa are touched, they instantly fold up, presumably to frighten insects. The mimosa also collapses its leaves when the plant is dropped or jostled. Gagliano potted fifty-six mimosa plants and rigged a system to drop them from a height of fifteen centimetres every five seconds. Each “training session” involved sixty drops. She reported that some of the mimosas started to reopen their leaves after just four, five, or six drops, as if they had concluded that the stimulus could be safely ignored. “By the end, they were completely open,” Gagliano said to the audience. “They couldn’t care less anymore.”

Was it just fatigue? Apparently not: when the plants were shaken, they again closed up. ” ‘Oh, this is something new,’ ” Gagliano said, imagining these events from the plants’ point of view. “You see, you want to be attuned to something new coming in. Then we went back to the drops, and they didn’t respond.” Gagliano reported that she retested her plants after a week and found that they continued to disregard the drop stimulus, indicating that they “remembered” what they had learned. Even after twenty-eight days, the lesson had not been forgotten. She reminded her colleagues that, in similar experiments with bees, the insects forgot what they had learned after just forty-eight hours. Gagliano concluded by suggesting that “brains and neurons are a sophisticated solution but not a necessary requirement for learning,” and that there is “some unifying mechanism across living systems that can process information and learn.”

A lively exchange followed. Someone objected that dropping a plant was not a relevant trigger, since that doesn’t happen in nature. Gagliano pointed out that electric shock, an equally artificial trigger, is often used in animal-learning experiments. Another scientist suggested that perhaps her plants were not habituated, just tuckered out. She argued that twenty-eight days would be plenty of time to rebuild their energy reserves.

On my way out of the lecture hall, I bumped into Fred Sack, a prominent botanist at the University of British Columbia. I asked him what he thought of Gagliano’s presentation. “Bullshit,” he replied. He explained that the word “learning” implied a brain and should be reserved for animals: “Animals can exhibit learning, but plants evolve adaptations.” He was making a distinction between behavioral changes that occur within the lifetime of an organism and those which arise across generations. At lunch, I sat with a Russian scientist, who was equally dismissive. “It’s not learning,” he said. “So there’s nothing to discuss.”

Later that afternoon, Gagliano seemed both stung by some of the reactions to her presentation and defiant. Adaptation is far too slow a process to explain the behavior she had observed, she told me. “How can they be adapted to something they have never experienced in their real world?” She noted that some of her plants learned faster than others, evidence that “this is not an innate or programmed response.” Many of the scientists in her audience were just getting used to the ideas of plant “behavior” and “memory” (terms that even Fred Sack said he was willing to accept); using words like “learning” and “intelligence” in plants struck them, in Sack’s words, as “inappropriate” and “just weird.” When I described the experiment to Lincoln Taiz, he suggested the words “habituation” or “desensitization” would be more appropriate than “learning.” Gagliano said that her mimosa paper had been rejected by ten journals: “None of the reviewers had problems with the data.” Instead, they balked at the language she used to describe the data. But she didn’t want to change it. “Unless we use the same language to describe the same behavior”—exhibited by plants and animals—”we can’t compare it,” she said.

Rick Karban consoled Gagliano after her talk. “I went through the same thing, just getting totally hammered,” he told her. “But you’re doing good work. The system is just not ready.” When I asked him what he thought of Gagliano’s paper, he said, “I don’t know if she’s got everything nailed down, but it’s a very cool idea that deserves to get out there and be discussed. I hope she doesn’t get discouraged.”

Scientists are often uncomfortable talking about the role of metaphor and imagination in their work, yet scientific progress often depends on both. “Metaphors help stimulate the investigative imagination of good scientists,” the British plant scientist Anthony Trewavas wrote in a spirited response to the Alpi letter denouncing plant neurobiology. “Plant neurobiology” is obviously a metaphor—plants don’t possess the type of excitable, communicative cells we call neurons. Yet the introduction of the term has raised a series of questions and inspired a set of experiments that promise to deepen our understanding not only of plants but potentially also of brains. If there are other ways of processing information, other kinds of cells and cell networks that can somehow give rise to intelligent behavior, then we may be more inclined to ask, with Mancuso, “What’s so special about neurons?”

Mancuso is the poet-philosopher of the movement, determined to win for plants the recognition they deserve and, perhaps, bring humans down a peg in the process. His somewhat grandly named International Laboratory of Plant Neurobiology, a few miles outside Florence, occupies a modest suite of labs and offices in a low-slung modern building. Here a handful of collaborators and graduate students work on the experiments Mancuso devises to test the intelligence of plants. Giving a tour of the labs, he showed me maize plants, grown under lights, that were being taught to ignore shadows; a poplar sapling hooked up to a galvanometer to measure its response to air pollution; and a chamber in which a PTR-TOF machine—an advanced kind of mass spectrometer—continuously read all the volatiles emitted by a succession of plants, from poplars and tobacco plants to peppers and olive trees. “We are making a dictionary of each species’ entire chemical vocabulary,” he explained. He estimates that a plant has three thousand chemicals in its vocabulary, while, he said with a smile, “the average student has only seven hundred words.”

Mancuso is fiercely devoted to plants—a scientist needs to “love” his subject in order to do it justice, he says. He is also gentle and unassuming, even when what he is saying is outrageous. In the corner of his office sits a forlorn Ficus benjamina, or weeping fig, and on the walls are photographs of Mancuso in an astronaut’s jumpsuit floating in the cabin of a zero-gravity aircraft; he has collaborated with the European Space Agency, which has supported his research on plant behavior in micro- and hyper-gravity. (One of his experiments was carried on board the last flight of the space shuttle Endeavor, in May of 2011.) A decade ago, Mancuso persuaded a Florentine bank foundation to underwrite much of his research and help launch the Society for Plant Neurobiology; his lab also receives grants from the European Union.

Early in our conversation, I asked Mancuso for his definition of “intelligence.” Spending so much time with the plant neurobiologists, I could feel my grasp on the word getting less sure. It turns out that I am not alone: philosophers and psychologists have been arguing over the definition of intelligence for at least a century, and whatever consensus there may once have been has been rapidly slipping away. Most definitions of intelligence fall into one of two categories. The first is worded so that intelligence requires a brain; the definition refers to intrinsic mental qualities such as reason, judgment, and abstract thought. The second category, less brain-bound and metaphysical, stresses behavior, defining intelligence as the ability to respond in optimal ways to the challenges presented by one’s environment and circumstances. Not surprisingly, the plant neurobiologists jump into this second camp.

“I define it very simply,” Mancuso said. “Intelligence is the ability to solve problems.” In place of a brain, “what I am looking for is a distributed sort of intelligence, as we see in the swarming of birds.” In a flock, each bird has only to follow a few simple rules, such as maintaining a prescribed distance from its neighbor, yet the collective effect of a great many birds executing a simple algorithm is a complex and supremely well-coördinated behavior. Mancuso’s hypothesis is that something similar is at work in plants, with their thousands of root tips playing the role of the individual birds—gathering and assessing data from the environment and responding in local but coördinated ways that benefit the entire organism.

“Neurons perhaps are overrated,” Mancuso said. “They’re really just excitable cells.” Plants have their own excitable cells, many of them in a region just behind the root tip. Here Mancuso and his frequent collaborator, František Baluška, have detected unusually high levels of electrical activity and oxygen consumption. They’ve hypothesized in a series of papers that this so-called “transition zone” may be the locus of the “root brain” first proposed by Darwin. The idea remains unproved and controversial. “What’s going on there is not well understood,” Lincoln Taiz told me, “but there is no evidence it is a command center.”

How plants do what they do without a brain—what Anthony Trewavas has called their “mindless mastery”—raises questions about how our brains do what they do. When I asked Mancuso about the function and location of memory in plants, he speculated about the possible role of calcium channels and other mechanisms, but then he reminded me that mystery still surrounds where and how our memories are stored: “It could be the same kind of machinery, and figuring it out in plants may help us figure it out in humans.”

The hypothesis that intelligent behavior in plants may be an emergent property of cells exchanging signals in a network might sound far-fetched, yet the way that intelligence emerges from a network of neurons may not be very different. Most neuroscientists would agree that, while brains considered as a whole function as centralized command centers for most animals, within the brain there doesn’t appear to be any command post; rather, one finds a leaderless network. That sense we get when we think about what might govern a plant—that there is no there there, no wizard behind the curtain pulling the levers—may apply equally well to our brains.

In Martin Amis’s 1995 novel, “The Information,” we meet a character who aspires to write “The History of Increasing Humiliation,” a treatise chronicling the gradual dethronement of humankind from its position at the center of the universe, beginning with Copernicus. “Every century we get smaller,” Amis writes. Next came Darwin, who brought the humbling news that we are the product of the same natural laws that created animals. In the last century, the formerly sharp lines separating humans from animals—our monopolies on language, reason, toolmaking, culture, even self-consciousness—have been blurred, one after another, as science has granted these capabilities to other animals.

Mancuso and his colleagues are writing the next chapter in “The History of Increasing Humiliation.” Their project entails breaking down the walls between the kingdoms of plants and animals, and it is proceeding not only experiment by experiment but also word by word. Start with that slippery word “intelligence.” Particularly when there is no dominant definition (and when measurements of intelligence, such as I.Q., have been shown to be culturally biased), it is possible to define intelligence in a way that either reinforces the boundary between animals and plants (say, one that entails abstract thought) or undermines it. Plant neurobiologists have chosen to define intelligence democratically, as an ability to solve problems or, more precisely, to respond adaptively to circumstances, including ones unforeseen in the genome.

“I agree that humans are special,” Mancuso says. “We are the first species able to argue about what intelligence is. But it’s the quantity, not the quality” of intelligence that sets us apart. We exist on a continuum with the acacia, the radish, and the bacterium. “Intelligence is a property of life,” he says. I asked him why he thinks people have an easier time granting intelligence to computers than to plants. (Fred Sack told me that he can abide the term “artificial intelligence,” because the intelligence in this case is modified by the word “artificial,” but not “plant intelligence.” He offered no argument, except to say, “I’m in the majority in saying it’s a little weird.”) Mancuso thinks we’re willing to accept artificial intelligence because computers are our creations, and so reflect our own intelligence back at us. They are also our dependents, unlike plants: “If we were to vanish tomorrow, the plants would be fine, but if the plants vanished . . .” Our dependence on plants breeds a contempt for them, Mancuso believes. In his somewhat topsy-turvy view, plants “remind us of our weakness.”

“Memory” may be an even thornier word to apply across kingdoms, perhaps because we know so little about how it works. We tend to think of memories as immaterial, but in animal brains some forms of memory involve the laying down of new connections in a network of neurons. Yet there are ways to store information biologically that don’t require neurons. Immune cells “remember” their experience of pathogens, and call on that memory in subsequent encounters. In plants, it has long been known that experiences such as stress can alter the molecular wrapping around the chromosomes; this, in turn, determines which genes will be silenced and which expressed. This so-called “epigenetic” effect can persist and sometimes be passed down to offspring. More recently, scientists have found that life events such as trauma or starvation produce epigenetic changes in animal brains (coding for high levels of cortisol, for example) that are long-lasting and can also be passed down to offspring, a form of memory much like that observed in plants.

While talking with Mancuso, I kept thinking about words like “will,” “choice,” and “intention,” which he seemed to attribute to plants rather casually, almost as if they were acting consciously. At one point, he told me about the dodder vine, Cuscuta europaea, a parasitic white vine that winds itself around the stalk of another plant and sucks nourishment from it. A dodder vine will “choose” among several potential hosts, assessing, by scent, which offers the best potential nourishment. Having selected a target, the vine then performs a kind of cost-benefit calculation before deciding exactly how many coils it should invest—the more nutrients in the victim, the more coils it deploys. I asked Mancuso whether he was being literal or metaphorical in attributing intention to plants.

“Here, I’ll show you something,” he said. “Then you tell me if plants have intention.” He swivelled his computer monitor around and clicked open a video.

Time-lapse photography is perhaps the best tool we have to bridge the chasm between the time scale at which plants live and our own. This example was of a young bean plant, shot in the lab over two days, one frame every ten minutes. A metal pole on a dolly stands a couple of feet away. The bean plant is “looking” for something to climb. Each spring, I witness the same process in my garden, in real time. I always assumed that the bean plants simply grow this way or that, until they eventually bump into something suitable to climb. But Mancuso’s video seems to show that this bean plant “knows” exactly where the metal pole is long before it makes contact with it. Mancuso speculates that the plant could be employing a form of echolocation. There is some evidence that plants make low clicking sounds as their cells elongate; it’s possible that they can sense the reflection of those sound waves bouncing off the metal pole.

The bean plant wastes no time or energy “looking”—that is, growing—anywhere but in the direction of the pole. And it is striving (there is no other word for it) to get there: reaching, stretching, throwing itself over and over like a fly rod, extending itself a few more inches with every cast, as it attempts to wrap its curling tip around the pole. As soon as contact is made, the plant appears to relax; its clenched leaves begin to flutter mildly. All this may be nothing more than an illusion of time-lapse photography. Yet to watch the video is to feel, momentarily, like one of the aliens in Mancuso’s formative science-fiction story, shown a window onto a dimension of time in which these formerly inert beings come astonishingly to life, seemingly conscious individuals with intentions.

In October, I loaded the bean video onto my laptop and drove down to Santa Cruz to play it for Lincoln Taiz. He began by questioning its value as scientific data: “Maybe he has ten other videos where the bean didn’t do that. You can’t take one interesting variation and generalize from it.” The bean’s behavior was, in other words, an anecdote, not a phenomenon. Taiz also pointed out that the bean in the video was leaning toward the pole in the first frame. Mancuso then sent me another video with two perfectly upright bean plants that exhibited very similar behavior. Taiz was now intrigued. “If he sees that effect consistently, it would be exciting,” he said—but it would not necessarily be evidence of plant intention. “If the phenomenon is real, it would be classified as a tropism,” such as the mechanism that causes plants to bend toward light. In this case, the stimulus remains unknown, but tropisms “do not require one to postulate either intentionality or ‘brainlike’ conceptualization,” Taiz said. “The burden of proof for the latter interpretation would clearly be on Stefano.”

Perhaps the most troublesome and troubling word of all in thinking about plants is “consciousness.” If consciousness is defined as inward awareness of oneself experiencing reality—”the feeling of what happens,” in the words of the neuroscientist Antonio Damasio—then we can (probably) safely conclude that plants don’t possess it. But if we define the term simply as the state of being awake and aware of one’s environment—”online,” as the neuroscientists say—then plants may qualify as conscious beings, at least according to Mancuso and Baluška. “The bean knows exactly what is in the environment around it,” Mancuso said. “We don’t know how. But this is one of the features of consciousness: You know your position in the world. A stone does not.”

In support of their contention that plants are conscious of their environment, Mancuso and Baluška point out that plants can be rendered unconscious by the same anesthetics that put animals out: drugs can induce in plants an unresponsive state resembling sleep. (A snoozing Venus flytrap won’t notice an insect crossing its threshold.) What’s more, when plants are injured or stressed, they produce a chemical—ethylene—that works as an anesthetic on animals. When I learned this startling fact from Baluška in Vancouver, I asked him, gingerly, if he meant to suggest that plants could feel pain. Baluška, who has a gruff mien and a large bullet-shaped head, raised one eyebrow and shot me a look that I took to mean he deemed my question impertinent or absurd. But apparently not.

“If plants are conscious, then, yes, they should feel pain,” he said. “If you don’t feel pain, you ignore danger and you don’t survive. Pain is adaptive.” I must have shown some alarm. “That’s a scary idea,” he acknowledged with a shrug. “We live in a world where we must eat other organisms.”

Unprepared to consider the ethical implications of plant intelligence, I could feel my resistance to the whole idea stiffen. Descartes, who believed that only humans possessed self-consciousness, was unable to credit the idea that other animals could suffer from pain. So he dismissed their screams and howls as mere reflexes, as meaningless physiological noise. Could it be remotely possible that we are now making the same mistake with plants? That the perfume of jasmine or basil, or the scent of freshly mowed grass, so sweet to us, is (as the ecologist Jack Schultz likes to say) the chemical equivalent of a scream? Or have we, merely by posing such a question, fallen back into the muddied waters of “The Secret Life of Plants”?

Lincoln Taiz has little patience for the notion of plant pain, questioning what, in the absence of a brain, would be doing the feeling. He puts it succinctly: “No brain, no pain.” Mancuso is more circumspect. We can never determine with certainty whether plants feel pain or whether their perception of injury is sufficiently like that of animals to be called by the same word. (He and Baluška are careful to write of “plant-specific pain perception.”) “We just don’t know, so we must be silent.”

Mancuso believes that, because plants are sensitive and intelligent beings, we are obliged to treat them with some degree of respect. That means protecting their habitats from destruction and avoiding practices such as genetic manipulation, growing plants in monocultures, and training them in bonsai. But it does not prevent us from eating them. “Plants evolved to be eaten—it is part of their evolutionary strategy,” he said. He cited their modular structure and lack of irreplaceable organs in support of this view.

The central issue dividing the plant neurobiologists from their critics would appear to be this: Do capabilities such as intelligence, pain perception, learning, and memory require the existence of a brain, as the critics contend, or can they be detached from their neurobiological moorings? The question is as much philosophical as it is scientific, since the answer depends on how these terms get defined. The proponents of plant intelligence argue that the traditional definitions of these terms are anthropocentric—a clever reply to the charges of anthropomorphism frequently thrown at them. Their attempt to broaden these definitions is made easier by the fact that the meanings of so many of these terms are up for grabs. At the same time, since these words were originally created to describe animal attributes, we shouldn’t be surprised at the awkward fit with plants. It seems likely that, if the plant neurobiologists were willing to add the prefix “plant-specific” to intelligence and learning and memory and consciousness (as Mancuso and Baluška are prepared to do in the case of pain), then at least some of this “scientific controversy” might evaporate.

Indeed, I found more consensus on the underlying science than I expected. Even Clifford Slayman, the Yale biologist who signed the 2007 letter dismissing plant neurobiology, is willing to acknowledge that, although he doesn’t think plants possess intelligence, he does believe they are capable of “intelligent behavior,” in the same way that bees and ants are. In an e-mail exchange, Slayman made a point of underlining this distinction: “We do not know what constitutes intelligence, only what we can observe and judge as intelligent behavior.” He defined “intelligent behavior” as “the ability to adapt to changing circumstances” and noted that it “must always be measured relative to a particular environment.” Humans may or may not be intrinsically more intelligent than cats, he wrote, but when a cat is confronted with a mouse its behavior is likely to be demonstrably more intelligent.

Slayman went on to acknowledge that “intelligent behavior could perfectly well develop without such a nerve center or headquarters or director or brain—whatever you want to call it. Instead of ‘brain,’ think ‘network.’ It seems to be that many higher organisms are internally networked in such a way that local changes,” such as the way that roots respond to a water gradient, “cause very local responses which benefit the entire organism.” Seen that way, he added, the outlook of Mancuso and Trewavas is “pretty much in line with my understanding of biochemical/biological networks.” He pointed out that while it is an understandable human prejudice to favor the “nerve center” model, we also have a second, autonomic nervous system governing our digestive processes, which “operates most of the time without instructions from higher up.” Brains are just one of nature’s ways of getting complex jobs done, for dealing intelligently with the challenges presented by the environment. But they are not the only way: “Yes, I would argue that intelligent behavior is a property of life.”

To define certain words in such a way as to bring plants and animals beneath the same semantic umbrella—whether of intelligence or intention or learning—is a philosophical choice with important consequences for how we see ourselves in nature. Since “The Origin of Species,” we have understood, at least intellectually, the continuities among life’s kingdoms—that we are all cut from the same fabric of nature. Yet our big brains, and perhaps our experience of inwardness, allow us to feel that we must be fundamentally different—suspended above nature and other species as if by some metaphysical “skyhook,” to borrow a phrase from the philosopher Daniel Dennett. Plant neurobiologists are intent on taking away our skyhook, completing the revolution that Darwin started but which remains—psychologically, at least—incomplete.

“What we learned from Darwin is that competence precedes comprehension,” Dennett said when I called to talk to him about plant neurobiology. Upon a foundation of the simplest competences—such as the on-off switch in a computer, or the electrical and chemical signalling of a cell—can be built higher and higher competences until you wind up with something that looks very much like intelligence. “The idea that there is a bright line, with real comprehension and real minds on the far side of the chasm, and animals or plants on the other—that’s an archaic myth.” To say that higher competences such as intelligence, learning, and memory “mean nothing in the absence of brains” is, in Dennett’s view, “cerebrocentric.”

All species face the same existential challenges—obtaining food, defending themselves, reproducing—but under wildly varying circumstances, and so they have evolved wildly different tools in order to survive. Brains come in handy for creatures that move around a lot; but they’re a disadvantage for ones that are rooted in place. Impressive as it is to us, self-consciousness is just another tool for living, good for some jobs, unhelpful for others. That humans would rate this particular adaptation so highly is not surprising, since it has been the shining destination of our long evolutionary journey, along with the epiphenomenon of self-consciousness that we call “free will.”

In addition to being a plant physiologist, Lincoln Taiz writes about the history of science. “Starting with Darwin’s grandfather, Erasmus,” he told me, “there has been a strain of teleology in the study of plant biology”—a habit of ascribing purpose or intention to the behavior of plants. I asked Taiz about the question of “choice,” or decision-making, in plants, as when they must decide between two conflicting environmental signals—water and gravity, for example.

“Does the plant decide in the same way that we choose at a deli between a Reuben sandwich or lox and bagel?” Taiz asked. “No, the plant response is based entirely on the net flow of auxin and other chemical signals. The verb ‘decide’ is inappropriate in a plant context. It implies free will. Of course, one could argue that humans lack free will too, but that is a separate issue.”

I asked Mancuso if he thought that a plant decides in the same way we might choose at a deli between a Reuben or lox and bagels.

“Yes, in the same way,” Mancuso wrote back, though he indicated that he had no idea what a Reuben was. “Just put ammonium nitrate in the place of Reuben sandwich (whatever it is) and phosphate instead of salmon, and the roots will make a decision.” But isn’t the root responding simply to the net flow of certain chemicals? “I’m afraid our brain makes decisions in the same exact way.”

“Why would a plant care about Mozart?” the late ethnobotanist Tim Plowman would reply when asked about the wonders catalogued in “The Secret Life of Plants.” “And even if it did, why should that impress us? They can eat light, isn’t that enough?”

One way to exalt plants is by demonstrating their animal-like capabilities. But another way is to focus on all the things plants can do that we cannot. Some scientists working on plant intelligence have questioned whether the “animal-centric” emphasis, along with the obsession with the term “neurobiology,” has been a mistake and possibly an insult to the plants. “I have no interest in making plants into little animals,” one scientist wrote during the dustup over what to call the society. “Plants are unique,” another wrote. “There is no reason to … call them demi-animals.”

When I met Mancuso for dinner during the conference in Vancouver, he sounded very much like a plant scientist getting over a case of “brain envy”—what Taiz had suggested was motivating the plant neurologists. If we could begin to understand plants on their own terms, he said, “it would be like being in contact with an alien culture. But we could have all the advantages of that contact without any of the problems—because it doesn’t want to destroy us!” How do plants do all the amazing things they do without brains? Without locomotion? By focussing on the otherness of plants rather than on their likeness, Mancuso suggested, we stand to learn valuable things and develop important new technologies. This was to be the theme of his presentation to the conference, the following morning, on what he called “bioinspiration.” How might the example of plant intelligence help us design better computers, or robots, or networks?

Mancuso was about to begin a collaboration with a prominent computer scientist to design a plant-based computer, modelled on the distributed computing performed by thousands of roots processing a vast number of environmental variables. His collaborator, Andrew Adamatzky, the director of the International Center of Unconventional Computing, at the University of the West of England, has worked extensively with slime molds, harnessing their maze-navigating and computational abilities. (Adamatzky’s slime molds, which are a kind of amoeba, grow in the direction of multiple food sources simultaneously, usually oat flakes, in the process computing and remembering the shortest distance between any two of them; he has used these organisms to model transportation networks.) In an e-mail, Adamatzky said that, as a substrate for biological computing, plants offered both advantages and disadvantages over slime molds. “Plants are more robust,” he wrote, and “can keep their shape for a very long time,” although they are slower-growing and lack the flexibility of slime molds. But because plants are already “analog electrical computers,” trafficking in electrical inputs and outputs, he is hopeful that he and Mancuso will be able to harness them for computational tasks.

Mancuso was also working with Barbara Mazzolai, a biologist-turned-engineer at the Italian Institute of Technology, in Genoa, to design what he called a “plantoid”: a robot designed on plant principles. “If you look at the history of robots, they are always based on animals—they are humanoids or insectoids. If you want something swimming, you look at a fish. But what about imitating plants instead? What would that allow you to do? Explore the soil!” With a grant from the European Union’s Future and Emerging Technologies program, their team is developing a “robotic root” that, using plastics that can elongate and then harden, will be able to slowly penetrate the soil, sense conditions, and alter its trajectory accordingly. “If you want to explore other planets, the best thing is to send plantoids.”

The most bracing part of Mancuso’s talk on bioinspiration came when he discussed underground plant networks. Citing the research of Suzanne Simard, a forest ecologist at the University of British Columbia, and her colleagues, Mancuso showed a slide depicting how trees in a forest organize themselves into far-flung networks, using the underground web of mycorrhizal fungi which connects their roots to exchange information and even goods. This “wood-wide web,” as the title of one paper put it, allows scores of trees in a forest to convey warnings of insect attacks, and also to deliver carbon, nitrogen, and water to trees in need.

When I reached Simard by phone, she described how she and her colleagues track the flow of nutrients and chemical signals through this invisible underground network. They injected fir trees with radioactive carbon isotopes, then followed the spread of the isotopes through the forest community using a variety of sensing methods, including a Geiger counter. Within a few days, stores of radioactive carbon had been routed from tree to tree. Every tree in a plot thirty metres square was connected to the network; the oldest trees functioned as hubs, some with as many as forty-seven connections. The diagram of the forest network resembled an airline route map.

The pattern of nutrient traffic showed how “mother trees” were using the network to nourish shaded seedlings, including their offspring—which the trees can apparently recognize as kin—until they’re tall enough to reach the light. And, in a striking example of interspecies coöperation, Simard found that fir trees were using the fungal web to trade nutrients with paper-bark birch trees over the course of the season. The evergreen species will tide over the deciduous one when it has sugars to spare, and then call in the debt later in the season. For the forest community, the value of this coöperative underground economy appears to be better over-all health, more total photosynthesis, and greater resilience in the face of disturbance.

In his talk, Mancuso juxtaposed a slide of the nodes and links in one of these subterranean forest networks with a diagram of the Internet, and suggested that in some respects the former was superior. “Plants are able to create scalable networks of self-maintaining, self-operating, and self-repairing units,” he said. “Plants.”

As I listened to Mancuso limn the marvels unfolding beneath our feet, it occurred to me that plants do have a secret life, and it is even stranger and more wonderful than the one described by Tompkins and Bird. When most of us think of plants, to the extent that we think about plants at all, we think of them as old—holdovers from a simpler, prehuman evolutionary past. But for Mancuso plants hold the key to a future that will be organized around systems and technologies that are networked, decentralized, modular, reiterated, redundant—and green, able to nourish themselves on light. “Plants are the great symbol of modernity.” Or should be: their brainlessness turns out to be their strength, and perhaps the most valuable inspiration we can take from them.

At dinner in Vancouver, Mancuso said, “Since you visited me in Florence, I came across this sentence of Karl Marx, and I became obsessed with it: ‘Everything that is solid melts into air.’ Whenever we build anything, it is inspired by the architecture of our bodies. So it will have a solid structure and a center, but that is inherently fragile. This is the meaning of that sentence—’Everything solid melts into air.’ So that’s the question: Can we now imagine something completely different, something inspired instead by plants?

Four new human-made ozone depleting gases found in the atmosphere (Science Daily)

Date: March 9, 2014

Source: University of East Anglia

Summary: Scientists at the University of East Anglia have identified four new human-made gases in the atmosphere — all of which are contributing to the destruction of the ozone layer. New research reveals that more than 74,000 tonnes of three new chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and one new hydrochlorofluorocarbon (HCFC) have been released into the atmosphere.

The largest ozone hole over Antarctica (in purple) was recorded in September 2006. Credit: NASA

Scientists at the University of East Anglia have identified four new human-made gases in the atmosphere — all of which are contributing to the destruction of the ozone layer.

New research published today in the journal Nature Geoscience reveals that more than 74,000 tonnes of three new chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) and one new hydrochlorofluorocarbon (HCFC) have been released into the atmosphere.

Scientists made the discovery by comparing today’s air samples with air trapped in polar firn snow — which provides a century-old natural archive of the atmosphere. They also looked at air collected between 1978 and 2012 in unpolluted Tasmania.

Measurements show that all four new gases have been released into the atmosphere recently — and that two are significantly accumulating. Emission increases of this scale have not been seen for any other CFCs since controls were introduced during the 1990s. But they are nowhere near peak CFC emissions of the 1980s which reached around a million tonnes a year.

Lead researcher Dr Johannes Laube from UEA’s School of Environmental Sciences said: “Our research has shown four gases that were not around in the atmosphere at all until the 1960s which suggests they are human-made.”

“CFCs are the main cause of the hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica. Laws to reduce and phase out CFCs came into force in 1989, followed by a total ban in 2010. This has resulted in successfully reducing the production of many of these compounds on a global scale. However, legislation loopholes still allow some usage for exempted purposes.

“The identification of these four new gases is very worrying as they will contribute to the destruction of the ozone layer. We don’t know where the new gases are being emitted from and this should be investigated. Possible sources include feedstock chemicals for insecticide production and solvents for cleaning electronic components.

“What’s more, the three CFCs are being destroyed very slowly in the atmosphere — so even if emissions were to stop immediately, they will still be around for many decades to come,” he added.

This research has been funded by the Natural Environment Research Council (NERC), the National Centre for Atmospheric Science (NCAS), the European Union, and the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).

Journal Reference:

  1. Johannes C. Laube, Mike J. Newland, Christopher Hogan, Carl A. M. Brenninkmeijer, Paul J. Fraser, Patricia Martinerie, David E. Oram, Claire E. Reeves, Thomas Röckmann, Jakob Schwander, Emmanuel Witrant, William T. Sturges. Newly detected ozone-depleting substances in the atmosphere.Nature Geoscience, 2014; DOI: 10.1038/ngeo2109

Black boys viewed as older, less innocent than whites, research finds (Science Daily)

Date: March 6, 2014

Source: American Psychological Association (APA)

Summary: Black boys as young as 10 may not be viewed in the same light of childhood innocence as their white peers, but are instead more likely to be mistaken as older, be perceived as guilty and face police violence if accused of a crime, according to new research. “Children in most societies are considered to be in a distinct group with characteristics such as innocence and the need for protection. Our research found that black boys can be seen as responsible for their actions at an age when white boys still benefit from the assumption that children are essentially innocent,” said the lead author.

Black boys as young as 10 may not be viewed in the same light of childhood innocence as their white peers, but are instead more likely to be mistaken as older, be perceived as guilty and face police violence if accused of a crime, according to new research published by the American Psychological Association.

“Children in most societies are considered to be in a distinct group with characteristics such as innocence and the need for protection. Our research found that black boys can be seen as responsible for their actions at an age when white boys still benefit from the assumption that children are essentially innocent,” said author Phillip Atiba Goff, PhD, of the University of California, Los Angeles. The study was published online in APA’s Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

Researchers tested 176 police officers, mostly white males, average age 37, in large urban areas, to determine their levels of two distinct types of bias — prejudice and unconscious dehumanization of black people by comparing them to apes.

To test for prejudice, researchers had officers complete a widely used psychological questionnaire with statements such as “It is likely that blacks will bring violence to neighborhoods when they move in.” To determine officers’ dehumanization of blacks, the researchers gave them a psychological task in which they paired blacks and whites with large cats, such as lions, or with apes.

Researchers reviewed police officers’ personnel records to determine use of force while on duty and found that those who dehumanized blacks were more likely to have used force against a black child in custody than officers who did not dehumanize blacks. The study described use of force as takedown or wrist lock; kicking or punching; striking with a blunt object; using a police dog, restraints or hobbling; or using tear gas, electric shock or killing. Only dehumanization and not police officers’ prejudice against blacks — conscious or not — was linked to violent encounters with black children in custody, according to the study.

The authors noted that police officers’ unconscious dehumanization of blacks could have been the result of negative interactions with black children, rather than the cause of using force with black children. “We found evidence that overestimating age and culpability based on racial differences was linked to dehumanizing stereotypes, but future research should try to clarify the relationship between dehumanization and racial disparities in police use of force,” Goff said.

The study also involved 264 mostly white, female undergraduate students from large public U.S. universities. In one experiment, students rated the innocence of people ranging from infants to 25-year-olds who were black, white or an unidentified race. The students judged children up to 9 years old as equally innocent regardless of race, but considered black children significantly less innocent than other children in every age group beginning at age 10, the researchers found.

The students were also shown photographs alongside descriptions of various crimes and asked to assess the age and innocence of white, black or Latino boys ages 10 to 17. The students overestimated the age of blacks by an average of 4.5 years and found them more culpable than whites or Latinos, particularly when the boys were matched with serious crimes, the study found. Researchers used questionnaires to assess the participants’ prejudice and dehumanization of blacks. They found that participants who implicitly associated blacks with apes thought the black children were older and less innocent.

In another experiment, students first viewed either a photo of an ape or a large cat and then rated black and white youngsters in terms of perceived innocence and need for protection as children. Those who looked at the ape photo gave black children lower ratings and estimated that black children were significantly older than their actual ages, particularly if the child had been accused of a felony rather than a misdemeanor.

“The evidence shows that perceptions of the essential nature of children can be affected by race, and for black children, this can mean they lose the protection afforded by assumed childhood innocence well before they become adults,” said co-author Matthew Jackson, PhD, also of UCLA. “With the average age overestimation for black boys exceeding four-and-a-half years, in some cases, black children may be viewed as adults when they are just 13 years old.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Phillip Atiba Goff, Matthew Christian Jackson, Brooke Allison Lewis Di Leone, Carmen Marie Culotta, Natalie Ann DiTomasso. The Essence of Innocence: Consequences of Dehumanizing Black Children.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2014; DOI: 10.1037/a0035663

Proposed California Law Would Free SeaWorld’s Orcas (WIRED)

BY BRANDON KEIM
03.07.14

Orcas performing at SeaWorld San Diego. Image: z2amiller/Flickr

Orcas performing at SeaWorld San Diego. Image: z2amiller/Flickr

A California lawmaker has proposed a ban on keeping killer whales in captivity for purposes of human entertainment.

Announced today by Assemblyman Richard Bloom, D-Santa Monica, the Orca Welfare and Safety Act would outlaw SeaWorld-style shows, as well as captive breeding of the creatures. Violations would be punished by $100,000 in fines, six months in jail, or both.

No hearing has yet been scheduled on the proposal, which will require a majority vote to pass through legislature. It’s also unclear how much support the bill will have, though California has passed progressive animal legislation in the recent past, including bans on shark fin soup and hunting bears with dogs.

“There is no justification for the continued captive display of orcas for entertainment purposes,” Bloom said in a public statement. “These beautiful creatures are much too large and far too intelligent to be confined in small, concrete tanks for their entire lives. It is time to end the practice of keeping orcas captive for human amusement.”

Bloom’s proposed law isn’t the first of its kind: South Carolina banned the public display of dolphins in 1992, as did Maui County, Hawaii in 2002. In February of this year, New York state senator Greg Ball introduced a bill that would ban orca confinement in sea parks and aquariums.

Unlike those states, however, California is home to SeaWorld San Diego, where 10 orcas — roughly one-fifth of all captive orcas — are used in performances. “This is a huge state in which to have that ban,” said Lori Marino, a neurobiologist and founder of the Kimmela Center for Animal Advocacy.

In recent years, the experience of captive orcas has come under scrutiny by animal advocates and some scientists, who say that aquarium conditions are simply inappropriate for animals as big, intelligent and highly social as orcas.

As evidence, advocates point to the physical and mental problems of orcas in captivity: They’re short-lived, prone to disease, have difficulty breeding, display extreme aggression and in some cases appear to be emotionally disturbed.

Such was the case with Tillikum, an orca at SeaWorld Orlando who killed three people, including SeaWorld trainer Dawn Brancheau. Her death and SeaWorld’s orcas were the subject of Blackfish, a 2013 documentary that inspired Bloom’s measure, which was written with assistance from Blackfishdirector Gabriela Cowperthwaite and Naomi Rose of the Animal Welfare Institute.

SeaWorld San Diego did not reply to requests for comment, but in a statement, spokesman David Koontz criticized Bloom for “associating with extreme animal rights activists.”

Koontz said the bill reflected the “the same sort of out-of-the-mainstream thinking” as an infamous lawsuit, filed by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals and dismissed in 2012, which invoked the United States Constitution’s slavery-abolishing 13th amendment as grounds for freeing SeaWorld’s orcas.

“We engage in business practices that are responsible, sustainable and reflective of the balanced values all Americans share,” wrote Koontz.

Andrew Trites, head of the University of British Columbia’s Marine Mammal Research Unit, said that misgivings about keeping whales and dolphins in captivity are not restricted to activists and extremists. They’re something many scientists grapple with.

“We think about this a lot,” he said, “I do understand the strong feelings of those who think it’s entirely wrong. I also understand the value of keeping them in captivity.”

Studying captive orcas can provide information about health and physiology that’s otherwise difficult to obtain, and can be used to benefit wild orcas, said Trites. “But it has to be about more than just entertainment,” he said. “They have to be serving some greater good.”

Marino noted that the bill allows research on orcas held for rehabilitation after being rescued from injury or stranding. Those orcas couldn’t be kept in aquariums, though, but rather in enclosed, shallow-water sea pens that are open to the public — a compromise, perhaps, between greater-good benefits and individual well-being.

Orcas now kept at SeaWorld would be returned to the wild or, if that’s not possible, also kept in sea pens.

If Bloom’s bill passes, it could inspire other such measures, said Marino. “The science is so overwhelming that members of the legislature are convinced, and are putting this out there,” she said. “This is historic.”

The Fat Drug (New York Times)

By PAGAN KENNEDY

MARCH 8, 2014

CreditJing Wei

IF you walk into a farm-supply store today, you’re likely to find a bag of antibiotic powder that claims to boost the growth of poultry and livestock. That’s because decades of agricultural research has shown that antibiotics seem to flip a switch in young animals’ bodies, helping them pack on pounds. Manufacturers brag about the miraculous effects of feeding antibiotics to chicks and nursing calves. Dusty agricultural journals attest to the ways in which the drugs can act like a kind of superfood to produce cheap meat.

But what if that meat is us? Recently, a group of medical investigators have begun to wonder whether antibiotics might cause the same growth promotion in humans. New evidence shows that America’s obesity epidemic may be connected to our high consumption of these drugs. But before we get to those findings, it’s helpful to start at the beginning, in 1948, when the wonder drugs were new — and big was beautiful.

That year, a biochemist named Thomas H. Jukes marveled at a pinch of golden powder in a vial. It was a new antibiotic named Aureomycin, and Mr. Jukes and his colleagues at Lederle Laboratories suspected that it would become a blockbuster, lifesaving drug. But they hoped to find other ways to profit from the powder as well. At the time, Lederle scientists had been searching for a food additive for farm animals, and Mr. Jukes believed that Aureomycin could be it. After raising chicks on Aureomycin-laced food and on ordinary mash, he found that the antibiotics did boost the chicks’ growth; some of them grew to weigh twice as much as the ones in the control group.

Mr. Jukes wanted more Aureomycin, but his bosses cut him off because the drug was in such high demand to treat human illnesses. So he hit on a novel solution. He picked through the laboratory’s dump to recover the slurry left over after the manufacture of the drug. He and his colleagues used those leftovers to carry on their experiments, now on pigs, sheep and cows. All of the animals gained weight. Trash, it turned out, could be transformed into meat.

You may be wondering whether it occurred to anyone back then that the powders would have the same effect on the human body. In fact, a number of scientists believed that antibiotics could stimulate growth in children. From our contemporary perspective, here’s where the story gets really strange: All this growth was regarded as a good thing. It was an era that celebrated monster-size animals, fat babies and big men. In 1955, a crowd gathered in a hotel ballroom to watch as feed salesmen climbed onto a scale; the men were competing to see who could gain the most weight in four months, in imitation of the cattle and hogs that ate their antibiotic-laced food. Pfizer sponsored the competition.

In 1954, Alexander Fleming — the Scottish biologist who discovered penicillin — visited the University of Minnesota. His American hosts proudly informed him that by feeding antibiotics to hogs, farmers had already saved millions of dollars in slop. But Fleming seemed disturbed by the thought of applying that logic to humans. “I can’t predict that feeding penicillin to babies will do society much good,” he said. “Making people larger might do more harm than good.”

Nonetheless, experiments were then being conducted on humans. In the 1950s, a team of scientists fed a steady diet of antibiotics to schoolchildren in Guatemala for more than a year,while Charles H. Carter, a doctor in Florida, tried a similar regimen on mentally disabled kids. Could the children, like the farm animals, grow larger? Yes, they could.

Mr. Jukes summarized Dr. Carter’s research in a monograph on nutrition and antibiotics: “Carter carried out a prolonged investigation of a study of the effects of administering 75 mg of chlortetracycline” — the chemical name for Aureomycin — “twice daily to mentally defective children for periods of up to three years at the Florida Farm Colony. The children were mentally deficient spastic cases and were almost entirely helpless,” he wrote. “The average yearly gain in weight for the supplemented group was 6.5 lb while the control group averaged 1.9 lb in yearly weight gain.”

Researchers also tried this out in a study of Navy recruits. “Nutritional effects of antibiotics have been noted for some time” in farm animals, the authors of the 1954 study wrote. But “to date there have been few studies of the nutritional effects in humans, and what little evidence is available is largely concerned with young children. The present report seems of interest, therefore, because of the results obtained in a controlled observation of several hundred young American males.” The Navy men who took a dose of antibiotics every morning for seven weeks gained more weight, on average, than the control group.

MEANWHILE, in agricultural circles, word of the miracle spread fast. Jay C. Hormel described imaginative experiments in livestock production to his company’s stockholders in 1951; soon the company began its own research. Hormel scientists cut baby piglets out of their mothers’ bellies and raised them in isolation, pumping them with food and antibiotics. And yes, this did make the pigs fatter.

Farms clamored for antibiotic slurry from drug companies, which was trucked directly to them in tanks. By 1954, Eli Lilly & Company had created an antibiotic feed additive for farm animals, as “an aid to digestion.” It was so much more than that. The drug-laced feeds allowed farmers to keep their animals indoors — because in addition to becoming meatier, the animals now could subsist in filthy conditions. The stage was set for the factory farm.

 Credit Jing Wei

And yet, scientists still could not explain the mystery of antibiotics and weight gain. Nor did they try, really. According to Luis Caetano M. Antunes, a public health researcher at the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation in Brazil, the attitude was, “Who cares how it’s working?” Over the next few decades, while farms kept buying up antibiotics, the medical world largely lost interest in their fattening effects, and moved on.

In the last decade, however, scrutiny of antibiotics has increased. Overuse of the drugs has led to the rise of antibiotic-resistant strains of bacteria — salmonella in factory farms and staph infections in hospitals. Researchers have also begun to suspect that it may shed light on the obesity epidemic.

In 2002 Americans were about an inch taller and 24 pounds heavier than they were in the 1960s, and more than a third are now classified as obese. Of course, diet and lifestyle are prime culprits. But some scientists wonder whether there could be other reasons for this staggering transformation of the American body. Antibiotics might be the X factor — or one of them.

Martin J. Blaser, the director of the Human Microbiome Program and a professor of medicine and microbiology at New York University, is exploring that mystery. In 1980, he was the salmonella surveillance officer for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, going to farms to investigate outbreaks. He remembers marveling at the amount of antibiotic powder that farmers poured into feed. “I began to think, what is the meaning of this?” he told me.

Of course, while farm animals often eat a significant dose of antibiotics in food, the situation is different for human beings. By the time most meat reaches our table, it contains little or no antibiotics. So we receive our greatest exposure in the pills we take, rather than the food we eat. American kids are prescribed on average about one course of antibiotics every year, often for ear and chest infections. Could these intermittent high doses affect our metabolism?

To find out, Dr. Blaser and his colleagues have spent years studying the effects of antibiotics on the growth of baby mice. In one experiment, his lab raised mice on both high-calorie food and antibiotics. “As we all know, our children’s diets have gotten a lot richer in recent decades,” he writes in a book, “Missing Microbes,” due out in April. At the same time, American children often are prescribed antibiotics. What happens when chocolate doughnuts mix with penicillin?

The results of the study were dramatic, particularly in female mice: They gained about twice as much body fat as the control-group mice who ate the same food. “For the female mice, the antibiotic exposure was the switch that converted more of those extra calories in the diet to fat, while the males grew more in terms of both muscle and fat,” Dr. Blaser writes. “The observations are consistent with the idea that the modern high-calorie diet alone is insufficient to explain the obesity epidemic and that antibiotics could be contributing.”

The Blaser lab also investigates whether antibiotics may be changing the animals’ microbiome — the trillions of bacteria that live inside their guts. These bacteria seem to play a role in all sorts of immune responses, and, crucially, in digesting food, making nutrients and maintaining a healthy weight. And antibiotics can kill them off: One recent study found that taking the antibiotic ciprofloxacin decimated entire populations of certain bugs in some patients’ digestive tracts — bacteria they might have been born with.

Until recently, scientists simply had no way to identify and sort these trillions of bacteria. But thanks to a new technique called high-throughput sequencing, we can now examine bacterial populations inside people. According to Ilseung Cho, a gastroenterologist who works with the Blaser lab, researchers are learning so much about the gut bugs that it is sometimes difficult to make sense of the blizzard of revelations. “Interpreting the volume of data being generated is as much a challenge as the scientific questions we are interested in asking,” he said.

Investigators are beginning to piece together a story about how gut bacteria shapes each life, beginning at birth, when infants are anointed with populations from their mothers’ microbiomes. Babies who are born by cesarean and never make that trip through the birth canal apparently never receive some key bugs from their mothers — possibly including those that help to maintain a healthy body weight. Children born by C-section are more likely to be obese in later life.

By the time we reach adulthood, we have developed our own distinct menagerie of bacteria. In fact, it doesn’t always make sense to speak of us and them. You are the condo that your bugs helped to build and design. The bugs redecorate you every day. They turn the thermostat up and down, and bang on your pipes.

In the Blaser lab and elsewhere, scientists are racing to take a census of the bugs in the human gut and — even more difficult — to figure out what effects they have on us. What if we could identify which species minimize the risk of diabetes, or confer protection against obesity? And what if we could figure out how to protect these crucial bacteria from antibiotics, or replace them after they’re killed off?

The results could represent an entirely new pharmacopoeia, drugs beyond our wildest dreams: Think of them as “anti-antibiotics.” Instead of destroying bugs, these new medicines would implant creatures inside us, like more sophisticated probiotics.

Dr. Cho looks forward to this new era of medicine. “I could say, ‘All right, I know that you’re at risk for developing colon cancer, and I can decrease that risk by giving you this bacteria and altering your microbiome.’ That would be amazing. We could prevent certain diseases before they happened.”

Until then, it’s hard for him to know what to tell his patients. We know that antibiotics change us, but we still don’t know what to do about it. “It’s still too early to draw definitive conclusions,” Dr. Cho said. “And antibiotics remain a valuable resource that physicians use to fight infections.”

When I spoke to Mr. Antunes, the public health researcher in Brazil, he told me that his young daughter had just suffered through several bouts of ear infections. “It’s a no-brainer. You have to give her antibiotics.” And yet, he worried about how these drugs might affect her in years to come.

It has become common to chide doctors and patients for overusing antibiotics, but when the baby is wailing or you’re burning with fever, it’s hard to know what to do. While researchers work to unravel the connections between antibiotics and weight gain, they should also put their minds toward reducing the unnecessary use of antibiotics. One way to do that would be to provide patients with affordable tests that give immediate feedback about what kind of infection has taken hold in their body. Such tools, like a new kind of blood test, are now in development and could help to eliminate the “just in case” prescribing of antibiotics.

In the meantime, we are faced with the legacy of these drugs — the possibility that they have affected our size and shape, and made us different people.

Oil in the Malvinas/Falklands: Brazil’s next regional headache? (postwesternworld.com)

2014 MARCH 8

by Oliver Stuenkel

Falkland Islands Penguins 82

Brazil, foreign policy observers often point out, is blessed. Contrary to many other emerging powers such as China or India, it is located in a neighborhood that rarely experiences interstate tension or war. Not only can Brazil live on a relatively small defense budget, while India is the world’s largest arms importer. Brazil can also dedicate considerable time and energy towards extending its global diplomatic reach without constantly being forced to deal with trouble in its neighborhood.

There are few signs that this will change in the near future. Brazil usually engages when political stability in a nearby country is at risk — such as in Paraguay in 1996 and 2012, in Venezuela in 2002 and in Honduras in 2009. Aside from protecting its economic interests, policy makers in Brasília also seek to keep the region free of tension and crises (usually acting through regional institutions such as Mercosur and Unasur) to avoid interference by the United States or any other outside actor. Over the past decade, defending political stability in the region has turned into one of Brazil’s key foreign policy goals.

While recent troubles are usually domestic in nature, involving a sudden impeachment by a president in Paraguay and social unrest in Venezuela, another crisis may be lurking around that corner that, due to its international nature, is likely to give headaches to Brazilian foreign policy makers. While the territorial dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom is nothing new, significant oil findings around the Malvinas/ Falkland Islands (an Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom claimed by Argentina) could significantly sharpen the existing antagonism between the two countries involved.

The head of Argentina’s new Malvinas Secretariat recently announced that firms drilling off the islands’ coasts would be ineligible to exploit shale-oil and gas in Patagonia. Late last year, Argentina’s congress passed a law that imposes prison sentences of up to 15 years and fines of up to $1.5 billion on anyone involved in exploring the islands’ continental shelf without its permission.

Meanwhile, the appointment of a new governor of the islands by the British government led Argentina’s Ambassador to the UK, Alicia Castro, to write an op-ed in The Guardian this week, accusing London to violate international law in this “pending case of decolonization”. She writes that the UK, refusing to resolve the dispute, aims to justify the continued occupation of the islands by invoking the right to self-determination for the current British inhabitants. Yet,

The right of self-determination of peoples is not applicable to any or every human community, but only to “peoples”. In the case of the inhabitants of the Malvinas, we do not have a separate “people”, still less one subjected to colonialism. The British residents of the islands do not have the right to resolve the sovereignty dispute between Argentina and the UK: nobody doubts they are British, and can continue to be so, but the territory in which they live is not. It belongs to Argentina. 

In response, the island’s Chair of the Legislative Assembly, Mike Summers, arguedthat the inhabitants’ approach was “fully in accord with the universal right to self determination set down in the UN Charter.”

The topic continues to appear regularly not only in Argentina, but also in the United Kingdom. In late February, the British media sounded alarm at increases in Argentina’s defense budget and quoted Admiral Lord West, who was at the helm ofHMS Ardent when it was sunk in the 1982 War, saying: “Any major increase in defence expenditure by Argentina must be viewed with concern. I am concerned that, without any ­aircraft carriers, we are incapable of ­recapturing them.” He continued pointing out that Britain’s new carriers will not be operational until 2020 and until then Argentina had a “window of opportunity”.

In August 2013, Argentina’s President took advantage of her country’s term as temporary President of the UN Security Council to address the issue. The region stands firmly behind Argentina – as do most other developing countries. As The Economist reported on the meeting,

…several ministries echoed Ms Fernández’s concerns. On behalf of CELAC Cuba’s foreign minister recognised “Argentina’s legitimate claim on the sovereignty” over the Falklands (and raised the issue of nuclear disarmament, a dig at Britain’s alleged missile-carrying vessels in the South Atlantic). Venezuela’s bemoaned the islands’ “colonial situation”. And their Uruguayan opposite number promoted “a South Atlantic zone of peace”, denouncing what he termed the “illegitimate activities of oil exploitation” in waters near the Falklands.

Britain, on the other hand, frequently points to the last referendum in March 2013, during which more than 99% of the islands’ inhabitants expressed their desire to maintain their current political status:

When the result was announced in Stanley, the capital—which was plastered with union flags crossed with the words “British to the core”—crowds toasted “Her Majesty and the Falklands” and sang “Rule Britannia”. 

For Argentina’s foreign policy makers, the disputed islands has long been a key issue. For neighboring Brazil, all these does not seem to matter much at first glance. When Great Britain’s foreign secretary recently visited Brazil, the issue was not on the agenda. However, massive oil findings in the area would dramatically increase both the islands’ economic importance and make finding a solution to the dispute far more difficult. In the face of tougher Argentine rhetoric, the United Kingdom could  increase its military presence (which currently stands at 1,300 troops backed by four Typhoon jets), complicating Brazil’s maritime strategy in the South Atlantic. If Argentina imposed a full-scale economic blockade of the islands, tension would almost certainly increase further. It surely is in Brazil’s interest to avoid such a scenario.

Rio’s Race to Future Intersects Slave Past (New York Times)

By  – MARCH 8, 2014

Slave ships in the 19th century docked at the huge stone Valongo wharf, exposed by archaeologists near Rio’s port. CreditLianne Milton for The New York Times

RIO DE JANEIRO — Sailing from the Angolan coast across the Atlantic, the slave ships docked here in the 19th century at the huge stone wharf, delivering their human cargo to the “fattening houses” on Valongo Street. Foreign chroniclers described the depravity in the teeming slave market, including so-called boutiques selling emaciated and diseased African children.

The newly arrived slaves who died before they even started toiling in Brazil’s mines were hauled to a mass grave nearby, their corpses left to decay amid piles of garbage. As imperial plantations flourished, diggers at the Cemitério dos Pretos Novos — Cemetery of New Blacks — crushed the bones of the dead, making way for thousands of new cadavers.

Now, with construction crews tearing apart areas of Rio de Janeiro in the building spree ahead of this year’s World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics, stunning archaeological discoveries around the work sites are providing new insight into the city’s brutal distinction as a nerve center for the Atlantic slave trade.

Petrúcio Guimarães dos Anjos and his wife, Ana de la Merced Guimarães, in their home. Credit Lianne Milton for The New York Times

But as developers press ahead in the surroundings of the unearthed slave port — with futuristic projects like the Museum of Tomorrow, costing about $100 million and designed in the shape of a fish by the Spanish architect Santiago Calatrava — the frenzied overhaul is setting off a debate over whether Rio is neglecting its past in the all-consuming rush to build its future.

“We’re finding archaeological sites of global importance, and probably far more extensive than what’s been excavated so far, but instead of prioritizing these discoveries our leaders are proceeding with their grotesque remaking of Rio,” said Sonia Rabello, a prominent legal scholar and former city councilwoman.

The city has installed plaques at the ruins of the slave port and a map of an African heritage circuit, which visitors can walk to see where the slave market once functioned. Still, scholars, activists and residents of the port argue that such moves are far too timid in comparison with the multibillion-dollar development projects taking hold.

Beyond the Museum of Tomorrow, which has been disparaged by critics as a costly venture drawing attention away from Rio’s complex history, developers are working on an array of other flashy projects, like a complex of skyscrapers branded in homage to Donald Trump and a gated community of villas for Olympic judges.

At the same time, descendants of African slaves who live as squatters in crumbling buildings around the old slave port are organizing in an effort to obtain titles for their homes, pitting them against a Franciscan order of the Roman Catholic Church that claims ownership of the properties.

“We know our rights,” said Luiz Torres, 50, a history teacher and leader in the property rights movement. With the slave market’s ruins near his home as testament, he added, “Everything that happened in Rio was shaped by the hand of blacks.”

Crushed human bones from a cemetery were discovered in the home of Mr. and Ms. Guimarães during a renovation. Credit Lianne Milton for The New York Times

Scholars say the scale of the slave trade here was staggering. Brazil received about 4.9 million slaves through the Atlantic trade, while mainland North America imported about 389,000 during the same period, according to the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, a project at Emory University.

Rio is believed to have imported more slaves than any other city in the Americas, outranking places like Charleston, S.C.; Kingston, Jamaica; and Salvador in northeast Brazil. Altogether, Rio received more than 1.8 million African slaves, or 21.5 percent of all slaves who landed in the Americas, said Mariana P. Candido, a historian at the University of Kansas.

Activists say the archaeological discoveries merit at least a museum and far more extensive excavations, pointing to projects elsewhere like the International Slavery Museum in the British port city Liverpool, where slave ships were prepared for voyages; the Old Slave Mart Museum in Charleston and Elmina Castle, a slave trading site on Ghana’s coast.

“The horrors committed here are a stain on our history,” said Tânia Andrade Lima, the chief archaeologist at the dig that exposed Valongo, built soon after Portugal’s prince regent, João VI, fled from Napoleon’s armies in 1808, transferring the seat of his empire to Rio from Lisbon.

The squalid wharf functioned until the 1840s, when officials buried it under more elegant docks designed to receive Brazil’s new empress from Europe. Both wharves were eventually buried under landfill and a residential port district, called Little Africa.

Many descendants of slaves settled where the slave market once functioned, with African languages spoken in the area into the 20th century. While the district is gaining recognition as a cradle of samba, one of Brazil’s most treasured musical traditions, it was long neglected by the authorities.

Artifacts from the old wharf where slave ships docked. Credit Lianne Milton for The New York Times

Black Consciousness Day is observed annually in Brazil on Nov. 20 to reflect on the injustices of slavery. In 2013 Ms. Rabello, the legal scholar, pointed out, Rio’s hard-charging mayor, Eduardo Paes, who is overseeing the biggest overhaul of the city in decades, did not attend the ceremony at Valongo, where residents began a campaign to have it recognized as a Unesco World Heritage site. Complicating the debate over how Rio’s past should be balanced alongside the city’s frenetic reconstruction, some families still live on top of the archaeological sites, occasionally excavating Brazil’s patrimony on their own.

“When I first saw the bones, I thought they were the result of a gruesome murder involving previous tenants,” said Ana de la Merced Guimarães, 56, the owner of a small pest control company who lives in an old house where workers doing a renovation first discovered remains from the mass grave in 1996.

It turned out Ms. Guimarães was living above a dumping ground for dead slaves that was used for decades, until around 1830. Estimates vary, but scholars say that as many as 20,000 people were buried in the grave, including many children.

Ms. Guimarães and her husband opted to stay in their property, opening a modest nonprofit organization on the premises, where visitors can view portions of the archaeological dig. The authorities have plans to build a light-rail project on their street, which may lead to more discoveries.

“This was a place of unspeakable crimes against humanity, but it’s also where we live,” Ms. Guimarães said in her home, complaining that public agencies had provided her organization with little support.

Washington Fajardo, a senior adviser to Rio’s mayor on urban planning issues, said that some important steps had been taken at the archaeological sites, including the designation of the slave port as an environmental protection area. And he said that a plan under consideration would create an urban archaeology laboratory where visitors could view archaeologists studying material from the sites.

A dilapidated house near where the Valongo slave market in Rio de Janeiro once functioned. Credit Lianne Milton for The New York Times

Mr. Fajardo also emphasized that at another new venture in the port, the Rio Art Museum, residents of the area make up more than half the staff.

“We’d like to do more,” he said, referring to the slave cemetery. “It’s complex because there are people living on top of the site. If they want to stay, we have to respect their wishes.”

Throughout Rio, other discoveries are being made. Near the expansion of a subway line, researchers recently found relics belonging to Pedro II, Brazil’s last emperor before he was overthrown in 1889. And near the slave port, archaeologists found cannons thought to be part of a four-century-old marine defense system.

But none of the discoveries have been quite as striking as the unearthing of the Valongo wharf in 2011 and the earlier excavations of the cemetery under Ms. Guimarães’s home. Beyond the large stones of the wharf itself, archaeologists found items that helped reconstruct the daily lives of slaves, including copper pieces thought to be talismans and dominoes used for gambling.

Between the slave port and the cemetery, visitors can also view the Ladeira do Valongo, where the depots of Rio’s slave market once horrified foreign travelers. One visitor, Robert Walsh, a British clergyman who came to Brazil in 1828, wrote about the transactions.

“They are handled by the purchaser in different parts, exactly as I have seen butchers feeling a calf,” he said. “I sometimes saw groups of well-dressed females here, shopping for slaves, exactly as I have seen English ladies amusing themselves at our bazaars.”

Slavery’s legacy is clear across Brazil, where more than half of its 200 million people define themselves as black or mixed race, giving the nation more people of African descent than any other country outside Africa. In Rio, the large majority of slaves came from what is now Angola, said Walter Hawthorne, a historian at Michigan State University.

“Rio was a culturally vibrant African city,” Dr. Hawthorne said. “The foods people ate, the way they worshiped, how they dressed and more were to a large extent influenced by Angolan cultural norms.”

Brazil abolished slavery in 1888, making it the last country in the Americas to do so. Now the relatively relaxed approach to the archaeological discoveries is raising doubts about how willing the authorities are to revisit such aspects of Brazilian history.

“Archaeologists are exposing the foundations of our unequal society while we are witnessing a perverse attempt to remake the city into something resembling Miami or Dubai,” said Cláudio Lima Castro, an architect and scholar of urban planning. “We’re losing an opportunity to focus in detail on our past, and maybe even learn from it.”

Talking Neanderthals challenge the origins of speech (Science Daily)

Date:

March 2, 2014

Source: University of New England

Summary: We humans like to think of ourselves as unique for many reasons, not least of which being our ability to communicate with words. But ground-breaking research shows that our ‘misunderstood cousins,’ the Neanderthals, may well have spoken in languages not dissimilar to the ones we use today.

A model of an adult Neanderthal male head and shoulders on display in the Hall of Human Origins in the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C. Reconstruction based on the Shanidar 1 fossil (c. 80-60 kya). Credit: By reconstruction: John Gurche; photograph: Tim Evanson [CC-BY-SA-2.0], via Wikimedia Commons

We humans like to think of ourselves as unique for many reasons, not least of which being our ability to communicate with words. But ground-breaking research by an expert from the University of New England shows that our ‘misunderstood cousins,’ the Neanderthals, may well have spoken in languages not dissimilar to the ones we use today.

Pinpointing the origin and evolution of speech and human language is one of the longest running and most hotly debated topics in the scientific world. It has long been believed that other beings, including the Neanderthals with whom our ancestors shared Earth for thousands of years, simply lacked the necessary cognitive capacity and vocal hardware for speech.

Associate Professor Stephen Wroe, a zoologist and palaeontologist from UNE, along with an international team of scientists and the use of 3D x-ray imaging technology, made the revolutionary discovery challenging this notion based on a 60,000 year-old Neanderthal hyoid bone discovered in Israel in 1989.

“To many, the Neanderthal hyoid discovered was surprising because its shape was very different to that of our closest living relatives, the chimpanzee and the bonobo. However, it was virtually indistinguishable from that of our own species. This led to some people arguing that this Neanderthal could speak,” A/Professor Wroe said.

“The obvious counterargument to this assertion was that the fact that hyoids of Neanderthals were the same shape as modern humans doesn’t necessarily mean that they were used in the same way. With the technology of the time, it was hard to verify the argument one way or the other.”

However advances in 3D imaging and computer modelling allowed A/Professor Wroe’s team to revisit the question.

“By analysing the mechanical behaviour of the fossilised bone with micro x-ray imaging, we were able to build models of the hyoid that included the intricate internal structure of the bone. We then compared them to models of modern humans. Our comparisons showed that in terms of mechanical behaviour, the Neanderthal hyoid was basically indistinguishable from our own, strongly suggesting that this key part of the vocal tract was used in the same way.

“From this research, we can conclude that it’s likely that the origins of speech and language are far, far older than once thought.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Ruggero D’Anastasio, Stephen Wroe, Claudio Tuniz, Lucia Mancini, Deneb T. Cesana, Diego Dreossi, Mayoorendra Ravichandiran, Marie Attard, William C. H. Parr, Anne Agur, Luigi Capasso. Micro-Biomechanics of the Kebara 2 Hyoid and Its Implications for Speech in NeanderthalsPLoS ONE, 2013; 8 (12): e82261 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0082261

Revolução neandertal (Folha de S.Paulo)

JC e-mail 4907, de 07 de março de 2014

Svante Pääbo, cientista que liderou o mapeamento do genoma do homem de Neandertal, conta em livro sua descoberta que abalou a antropologia

A história de como os humanos deixaram a África e povoaram o resto do mundo tem hoje seu foco em pesquisas sobre o DNA, deixando os fósseis –matéria-prima indispensável da antropologia– meio fora dos holofotes. Há quem questione se essa mudança é benéfica, mas é difícil desvincular essa revolução acadêmica do nome de um cientista: Svante Pääbo.

Em novo livro, o geneticista sueco radicado na Alemanha conta como essa mudança de perspectiva se instalou. Para tal, narra a história de seu principal objetivo científico, o sequenciamento do genoma do homem de Neandertal, a última criatura do gênero Homo a pisar na Terra antes de o Homo sapiens tomar o planeta inteiro para si.

Pääbo é o sujeito magricela que aparece em uma fotografia estampada em vários jornais em 7 de maio de 2010 na qual está olhando para um crânio de neandertal. Naquele dia, quando o cientista publicou a primeira versão do genoma do hominídeo extinto, teorias de evolução humana baseadas apenas na interpretação do formato de fósseis começaram a ter de ser alteradas para acomodar algumas revelações.

Aquela que chamou mais a atenção, sem dúvida, foi a de que H. sapiens e H. neanderthalensis legaram ao planeta os frutos de uma inusitada história de amor. Pessoas de etnias europeias ainda carregam no DNA cerca de 3% de ancestralidade neandertal.

O genoma desse hominídeo e a descoberta subsequente de uma linhagem totalmente nova do gênero Homo –os denisovanos, descritos por Pääbo com base no DNA extraído de um único osso de dedo– mostraram que a saída da África foi um processo bem mais complexo.

Achar DNA em ossos com dezenas de milhares de anos, porém, não era (e não é) coisa trivial. Pääbo, que se descreve como um sujeito paranoico por limpeza (para evitar contaminar amostras), também exigia de si repetir seus experimentos inúmeras vezes, cada vez que obtinha um bom resultado. Não poupa, por isso, criticas às revistas “Science” e “Nature” por terem publicado estudos que considera de baixo padrão.

Com o modesto título “Neanderthal Man”, o livro conta muito mais do que a história do sequenciamento de um genoma. Pääbo começou sua carreira acadêmica patinando entre disciplinas tão distintas quanto egiptologia e bioquímica. Seu ponto de virada foi a extração de DNA de uma múmia egípcia, estudo que realizou escondido de seu orientador de doutorado, usando uma amostra cedida por um museu da Alemanha Oriental. (O curador que cedeu o pedaço de múmia foi depois abordado pela Stasi, a polícia comunista.)

Uma boa parte do livro é dedicada a tecnicalidades de extração de DNA, apesar de as histórias de negociações para obtenção de fósseis serem mais interessantes.

No meio dos trabalhos de sequenciamento do neandertal, Pääbo conta sobre o racha com seu colaborador Ed Rubin, do Laboratório Nacional Lawrence Berkeley, que passou a competir diretamente por amostras de fósseis.

Além de intriga, há também um bocado de romance para o que se espera de um livro de ciência. Abertamente bissexual, Pääbo não se intimida em contar a história de um triângulo amoroso que envolveu sua mulher e outro cientista de seu instituto.

Nada disso, porém, é narrado mais passionalmente do que a epopeia científica do genoma do neandertal, que mudou a noção sobre o que significa ser humano.

(Rafael Garcia/Folha de S.Paulo)
http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/cienciasaude/155225-revolucao-neandertal.shtml

Japanese Town: Half the survivors of mega-earthquake, tsunami, have PTSD symptoms (Science Daily)

Date: March 6, 2014

Source: Brigham Young University

Summary: A new study shows that more than half the survivors in one Japanese town exhibited ‘clinically concerning’ symptoms of PTSD following the country’s mega-earthquake and tsunami. Two-thirds of survivors also reported symptoms of depression. Having work to do has proven important in increasing resilience.

Though just two of Hirono’s 5,418 residents lost their lives in Japan’s mega-earthquake and tsunami, a new study shows that the survivors are struggling to keep their sanity.

One year after the quake, Brigham Young University professor Niwako Yamawaki and scholars from Saga University evaluated the mental health of 241 Hirono citizens. More than half of the people evaluated experienced “clinically concerning” symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. Two-thirds of the sample reported symptoms of depression.

Those rates exceed levels seen in the aftermath of other natural disasters, but what happened in Japan wasn’t just a natural disaster. Leaked radiation from nuclear power plants forced residents of Hirono to relocate to temporary housing far from home.

“This was the world’s fourth-biggest recorded earthquake, and also the tsunami and nuclear plant and losing their homes — boom boom boom boom within such a short time,” said Yamawaki, a psychology professor at BYU. “The prevalence one year after is still much higher than other studies of disasters that we found even though some time had passed.”

Yamawaki got the idea for this study while shoveling mud from a damaged Japanese home one month after the tsunami flooded coastal towns. She had just arrived for a previously scheduled fellowship at Saga University. During her off-time, she traveled to the affected area and volunteered in the clean-up effort. One seemingly stoic homeowner broke down in tears when Yamawaki and her husband thanked her for the chance to help.

“She said ‘This is the first time I have cried since the disaster happened,'” Yamawaki said. “She just said ‘Thank you. Thank you for letting me cry.'”

Back at Saga University, Yamawaki collaborated with Hiroko Kukihara to conduct a study on the mental health and resilience of survivors. Their report appears in the journal Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences.

Participants in the study lived in temporary housing provided by the Japanese government when Hirono was evacuated. With an average age of 58, the people are noticeably older than the populations of normal Japanese towns. Yamawaki suspects that young people were more likely to permanently relocate elsewhere in Japan following the disaster.

The researchers didn’t just measure the rates of mental illness; they also performed a statistical analysis to learn what fostered resilience among the survivors. Eating right, exercising regularly and going to work all promoted resilience and served as a buffer against mental illness.

“Having something to do after a disaster really gives a sense of normalcy, even volunteer work,” Yamawaki said.

As the researchers got to know survivors, they heard from so many that they missed seeing their former neighbors. The mass relocation outside the radiation zone broke up many neighborhood ties.

“Japanese are very collectivistic people and their identity is so intertwined with neighbors,” Yamawaki said. “Breaking up the community has so much impact on them.”

While it’s hard to fathom the scope of the devastation in the coastal region of Fukushima, most survivors believe something like this will happen again. If so, this new study provides a blueprint for how to help them put their lives back together again.

Journal Reference:

  1. Hiroko Kukihara, Niwako Yamawaki, Kumi Uchiyama, Shoichi Arai, Etsuo Horikawa. Trauma, depression, and resilience of earthquake/tsunami/nuclear disaster survivors of Hirono, Fukushima, Japan.Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 2014; DOI: 10.1111/pcn.12159

Em busca da tradição do jarê (Faperj)

Vilma Homero

06/03/2014

Um dos princípios da antropologia diz que é o engajamento pessoal numa realidade bem diferente da nossa, traduzindo-a para um público mais amplo, que faz um bom antropólogo. Foi seguindo à risca esse conceito que o catarinense Gabriel Banaggia, criado em Niterói, rumou para a Chapada Diamantina, no interior da Bahia. A viagem exploratória, pensada para durar um mês, acabou resultando em um trabalho de campo contínuo que levou um ano, possibilitando ao pesquisador vivenciar a realidade de uma das religiões de matriz africana menos conhecidas do País: o jarê. O assunto foi tema de sua tese de doutorado em Antropologia Social no Museu Nacional, da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), desenvolvida como bolsista Doutorado Nota 10, da FAPERJ, e desdobrada em um livro, a ser lançado até 2015, com apoio da Fundação, por meio do Auxílio à Editoração (APQ 3).

Nas proximidades de um terreiro, a árvore onde mora um Eru; no centro, atabaque do Palácio de Ogum; e detalhe de árvore que serve de morada a um espírito no terreiro Pai Gil de Ogum. Gabriel Banaggia

A escolha do tema seguiu indicação do orientador de Banaggia, Marcio Goldman, professor do programa de pós-graduação em Antropologia Social do Museu Nacional. E resultou no que Goldman avalia como um belo trabalho. “A tese de doutorado de Banaggia é praticamente o primeiro trabalho acadêmico de fôlego que investiga o jarê urbano da Chapada Diamantina. Essa religião de matriz africana é uma das menos conhecidas fora de sua área de abrangência. Além de analisar as características específicas dessa religião, a tese também faz uma contribuição inovadora e brilhante para o campo dos estudos afro-brasileiros”, elogia Goldman.
Mas para quem não conhece, o que é exatamente o jarê? Prática religiosa agraciada no fim de 2013 com o prêmio Culturas Populares, do Ministério da Cultura, o jarê está circunscrito à Chapada Diamantina, e intimamente ligado à história do lugar. Foi criado por escravas e libertas, vindas principalmente das cidades de Cachoeira e São Félix, e levadas àquela área de garimpo de diamantes. Muitas se fixaram nas cidades de Lençóis e Andaraí, onde deram início ao culto do chamado jarê de nagô – aquele que só cultuava as divindades africanas, os orixás. “Isso se deu nos séculos XVIII e XIX, mais ou menos na mesma época em que também tinha início o candomblé jeje-nagô em Salvador”, conta Banaggia. Mas a convivência com os descendentes de indígenas na região foi fazendo com que aos poucos suas entidades fossem sendo incluídas no jarê, dando surgimento à forma contemporânea dessa religião.

Um dos caboclos incorporado no curador; e adepta se abaixa em deferência para saudar a Iansã também incorporada. Calil Netto

“Podemos dizer que uma das características do jarê é sua capacidade de adaptação. Enquanto no interior das casas de culto se faziam rituais somente para os orixás, tal como no candomblé, do lado de fora, se cultuavam entidades indígenas. No jarê atual, ambas as práticas foram unidas e passaram a incluir também o culto ao chamado ‘povo velho’, antepassados admirados por sua sabedoria ou poder de cura, e ao ‘povo das águas’, entidades ligadas aos rios, cachoeiras e mares. Todos esses seres orientam e trabalham para a cura espiritual”, explica Banaggia. Diferentemente do que ocorre no candomblé, liderado majoritariamente por mães de santo, no jarê predominam pais de santo na iniciação de novos adeptos.

Pedro de Laura, que ficou conhecido como um dos maiores mestres do jarê da Chapada Diamantina. Associação do Jarê

As únicas referências que Banaggia tinha sobre o tema de sua pesquisa ao chegar a Lençóis eram os estudos de Ronaldo de Salles Senna, antropólogo nascido na própria Chapada, e o de Miriam Rabelo, que nos anos 1980 focou sua tese de doutorado sobre o tema. “A diferença é que procurei me concentrar na cidade diamantífera de Lençóis, considerada como o berço dessa religião. A cidade, que surgiu da corrida em busca de diamantes em meados do século XIX, chegou a ter uma população de 30 mil habitantes em seus tempos áureos. Na década de 1970, no entanto, eram 5 mil habitantes, número que, hoje, se estabilizou em 10 mil, dos quais 85% são negros. Ainda hoje dominada por uma elite branca – tal como nos tempos do apogeu do garimpo de diamantes, em que a cidade chegou a contar com um subconsulado francês –, Lençóis agora vive do turismo. Os remanescentes da antiga elite são atualmente os donos de pousadas, de restaurantes, os que comandam as atividades do setor terciário”, explica o pesquisador.
Com o fim do garimpo, uma nova configuração econômica começou a mudar a face da cidade. “Com a alta dos preços dos aluguéis e as novas atividades do turismo, as casas de jarê foram se instalando cada vez mais distantes da cidade e mais perto da mata, em locais sem luz nem água encanada. Mas o preconceito com relação às religiões de matriz africana também leva seus adeptos, especialmente em cidades pequenas, a se tornarem bastante discretos sobre suas práticas”, acrescenta. Foi esse cenário que o “carioca” Banaggia, como se tornou conhecido na cidade, encontrou em Lençóis. Nos primeiros meses da pesquisa, em que se dedicou basicamente à história do lugar e do garimpo, deu a sorte de conhecer Sandoval, filho do já falecido Pedro de Laura, um dos maiores mestres do jarê, e que se tornaria um de seus quatro guias na pesquisa. “Sandoval foi uma das pessoas que me abriram as primeiras portas. Assim como Gilson, antigo garimpeiro e filho de outro adepto de importância na religião; Elias, um brilhante jovem da região que por conta própria se aprofundava numa pesquisa informal sobre o assunto; e Áurea, tia de Sandoval, filha de santo e uma das senhoras mais empenhadas em manter vivo o jarê. É sempre um deles que me orienta ao longo de cada um dos capítulos da tese.”

Gabriel Banaggia: um ano de trabalho de campo na Chapada Diamantina. Arquivo pessoal

Seguindo à risca a frase de Pierre Verger, o antropólogo francês estudioso do candomblé de Salvador – que dizia que a qualidade da pesquisa depende da qualidade das relações pessoais com seus interlocutores –, Banaggia enfronhou-se nas casas de jarê mata adentro. “Foi um processo demorado até ser aceito. Fui conhecendo os rituais, as práticas e as pessoas.” Pelo que Banaggia observou, há uma grande comunhão do jarê com a natureza. Em certo sentido, é um tanto mais democrático do que o candomblé, já que durante os rituais não há separação entre os que realizam as práticas e a assistência. Todos podem entrar em transe. E o jarê segue igualmente uma orientação terapêutica bastante pronunciada.
“Há uma grande procura para tratar um misto de doenças físicas e espirituais. Nada que suplante recorrer à medicina tradicional para casos mais graves. Nessas situações, como a de uma cirurgia, por exemplo, é comum se pedir para que as entidades iluminem as mãos e a mente dos médicos”, conta o pesquisador. Ele também chama a atenção para a alta incidência de alcoolismo na região, o que acaba sendo um dos motivos recorrentes para os atendimentos no jarê. “Em Lençóis, costuma-se dizer que quem não bebe, já bebeu. No jarê, esse é um dos pedidos mais frequentes de tratamento espiritual. E os relatos afirmam que se alcançam bons resultados”, fala.

De sua convivência na região e com os praticantes do jarê, Banaggia pôde perceber que uma das características mais fortes do culto é a resiliência. “Vi na religião uma enorme capacidade de resistência criativa às perdas populacionais, culturais e linguísticas. Seus adeptos não se mostram resignados a essa situação, mas reagem de forma resoluta e com enorme persistência, exibindo uma tremenda vitalidade em continuar a prática do jarê”, afirma Banaggia. Entre as iniciativas para manter forte o jarê estão a associação com programas do governo, organizações não governamentais e também pesquisadores. “Hoje, essas alianças são importantes para os adeptos dessa religião”, explica. Por isso mesmo, em 2007, por iniciativa de Sandoval, e à semelhança do que já aconteceu com muitos terreiros de candomblé de Salvador, foi feito um pedido de tombamento ao Instituto de Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (Iphan) tanto do jarê como bem cultural imaterial quanto de sua mais antiga casa de culto em Lençóis. “Conseguir esse tombamento poderá configurar novos passos importantes para manter viva a tradição do jarê”, conclui.

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