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Povo argentino ganha batalha contra a Monsanto, mas resta a guerra (IPS)

23/1/2014 – 10h06

por Fabiana Frayssinet, da IPS

Monsanto 2 629x472 Povo argentino ganha batalha contra a Monsanto, mas resta a guerra

A fábrica da Monsanto em Malvinas Argentinas, desde o acampamento montado pelos moradores para bloquear o acesso à obra. Foto: Fabiana Frayssinet/IPS

Córdoba, Argentina, 23/1/2014 – Moradores de uma aguerrida localidade da Argentina ganharam o primeiro round contra a gigante da biotecnologia Monsanto, mas não baixam a guarda, conscientes de que falta muito para ganhar a guerra. Em Malvinas Argentinas, que fica na província de Córdoba, já dura quatro meses o bloqueio ao terreno onde a transnacional norte-americana pretende instalar a maior unidade de tratamento de sementes de milho do mundo.

E assim, os moradores continuam acampados diante da edificação que já se levanta neste povoado, antes aprazível, e impedindo o acesso à área da construção, mesmo depois de um tribunal provincial ter ordenado este mês a paralisação das obras. A campanha contra a unidade, convocada pela Assembleia Malvinas Luta pela Vida e por outras organizações sociais, começou em 18 de setembro neste povoado que fica a 17 quilômetros da capital de Córdoba.

Após situações de tensão, com tentativas de dispersão dos manifestantes pela polícia provincial e provocações por enviados do sindicato da construção, a provincial Sala Segunda da Câmara de Trabalho deu razão aos moradores, no dia 8. “A sentença mostra que os argumentos dos moradores são justos, porque reclamam direitos fundamentais reconhecidos e estabelecidos pela Constituição Nacional e pela legislação do Estado Federal”, disse à IPS o advogado Federico Macciocchi, que defende a causa dos opositores à obra.

A sentença determinou a inconstitucionalidade da autorização municipal para a construção nesta localidade de aproximadamente 15 mil habitantes, a maioria de classe trabalhadora. Além disso, ordenou a paralisação das obras, impondo à Municipalidade de Malvinas Argentinas que se abstenha de autorizar a construção, até serem cumpridas duas exigências legais: realização de uma avaliação de impacto ambiental e convocação de uma audiência pública.

“É um grande avanço, um grande passo na luta, que se conseguiu graças ao trabalho em conjunto das reclamações institucionais, somado à reclamação social nas ruas”, afirmou à IPS um dos integrantes da Assembleia, Matías Marizza. “A luta serviu para garantir que a lei seja respeitada”, acrescentou. A Assembleia e outras organizações decidiram continuar com o acampamento que impede o acesso à obra, até conseguir o abandono definitivo do projeto por parte da empresa.

A Monsanto respondeu a um pedido de comentário da IPS com um comunicado no qual qualifica a ação dos moradores de fruto de “extremistas”, que impedem os empreiteiros e empregados de “exercerem o direito de trabalhar”. A sentença respondeu a uma ação de amparo interposta por moradores da localidade e pelo cordobês Clube de Direito, presidido por Macciocchi. A sala trabalhista ordenou que sejam realizados tanto o estudo de impacto ambiental quanto a audiência pública, lembrou o advogado.

O que se expressar na audiência “será muito relevante”, ressaltou Macciocchi, embora a Lei Geral de Meio Ambiente preveja que as opiniões e objeções dos participantes “não serão vinculantes”. Mas estabelece que as autoridades convocantes, se tiverem uma opinião contrária aos resultados alcançados na consulta, “deverão fundamentá-la e torná-la pública”, explicou.

Agora, o objetivo da Assembleia é que também seja feita uma consulta à cidadania mediante voto secreto. Essa consulta complementaria a lei ambiental e “garantiria o exercício pleno do direito da cidadania de decidir sobre seu modelo de desenvolvimento local, o tipo de atividades sociais e econômicas que deseja para sua vida cotidiana e sobre os riscos socioambientais que está disposta a assumir”, detalhou à IPS outro morador, Víctor Mazzalay.

“É o povo quem deve contar com essa informação e decidir se aceita ou não aceita esses custos e riscos”, opinou Mazzalay, que também é pesquisador social do Conselho Nacional de Pesquisas Científicas e da Universidade de Córdoba. “Um estudo de impacto ambiental deve incluir consulta popular, para que seja a população a dar a licença social necessária para o desenvolvimento de qualquer atividade social, econômica e produtiva que possa afetar seu meio ambiente e sua saúde”, acrescentou.

Em seu comunicado a Monsanto diz que a companhia não concorda com a sentença, mas, por “respeitar as decisões do Poder Judicial, acatará como sempre suas medidas”. Além disso, esclareceu que “já apresentou o Estudo de Impacto Ambiental, documento que está em fase de avaliação pela Secretaria de Ambiente da Província”.

Para Macciocchi, a sentença é definitiva e “põe fim ao conflito judicial. A sentença foi dada em virtude de um recurso de apelação, razão pela qual já não restam recursos ordinários para interpor”, enfatizou. À Monsanto restaria a possibilidade de um recurso de cassação junto ao Tribunal Superior de Justiça (TSJ).

A empresa já informou que vai apelar, “pois considera legítimo seu direito de construir a unidade após cumprir todos os requisitos legais e ter obtido as autorizações para isso conforme as normas vigentes, o que foi confirmado pela sentença do Juizado de Primeira Instância no dia 7 de outubro de 2013”.

Macciocchi considera, entretanto, que “esse recurso não vai paralisar o que foi determinado pela Sala Segunda da Câmara do Trabalho”. E acrescentou que, “além disso, se pensarmos no tempo que o TSJ demora para resolver um recurso de cassação, quando estiver resolvido a Municipalidade de Malvinas e a Secretaria de Ambiente já terão cumprido as leis que foram violadas com essa obra”, afirmou.

Segundo o advogado, o alto tribunal demora até dois anos e meio nos casos de cassação apresentados por pessoas sentenciadas e até cinco ou sete quando a matéria é trabalhista e não civil. “Seria um verdadeiro escândalo institucional o TSJ resolver esta causa pulando a ordem das que há anos ‘dormem’ em suas salas”, ressaltou.

A decisão do dia 8 impede a instalação definitiva da unidade, que a Monsanto quer ver em operação este ano. “Mas, na medida em que os cidadãos se expressam contra a obra, e que a avaliação de impacto ambiental seja desfavorável para a empresa, neste caso a Monsanto não poderá se instalar em Malvinas”, destacou Macciocchi. Mazzalay recordou que a razão “principal” para a oposição à instalação da unidade da Monsanto se deve à “reivindicação do direito do povo decidir sobre o tipo de atividade produtiva e sobre os riscos ambientais aos quais se submeter”.

A empresa divulgou que pretende instalar mais de 200 silos de milho, e que serão usados produtos agroquímicos para a preparação das sementes. A Monsanto, um dos maiores fabricantes de herbicidas e de sementes geneticamente modificadas do mundo, opera na Argentina desde 1956, quando instalou uma fábrica de plásticos.

“Um argumento frequente sugere que existe uma dúvida razoável sobre a suposta inocuidade dessa atividade sobre a saúde humana”, disse o pesquisador. A seu ver, “são múltiplos e diversos os estudos científicos demonstrando os efeitos negativos que tanto o movimento de sementes como a manipulação e exposição a diversos produtos agroquímicos têm sobre a saúde”.

Mazzalay crescentou que, “nesse sentido, sobre questões ambientais nas quais está em risco à saúde, a dúvida razoável deve fazer prevalecer um princípio precatório, isto é, não aceitar o desenvolvimento de uma atividade até que se demonstre de maneira definitiva sua inocuidade”. Envolverde/IPS

Barragem para hidrovia Tietê-Paraná destruirá ‘minipantanal’ de Piracicaba (Ambiente Brasil)

30 / 12 / 2013

A construção de uma barragem na Hidrovia Tietê-Paraná, em Santa Maria da Serra (SP), vai colocar de baixo d’água uma região rural de Piracicaba (SP) chamada Tanquan e considerada um “minipantanal” do interior paulista devido à existência de animais e vegetação semelhantes àquele do Mato Grosso. Com a inundação da área, famílias ribeirinhas que sobrevivem da pesca terão de deixar o local já em 2014, conforme prevê o governo do estado. A obra, propriamente dita, deve começar em 2015 e durar três anos.

A obra deve aumentar o nível do Rio Piracicaba em até 5,5 metros para torná-lo navegável em 45 quilômetros e transformá-lo em um “braço” da Tietê-Paraná, ligando Piracicaba à hidrovia pela represa de Barra Bonita. A polêmica sobre a barragem existe há anos, mas as audiências públicas sobre o assunto iniciadas em dezembro e que seguem até janeiro de 2014, reacenderam o debate, que envolve questões ambientais, sociais e legais de desenvolvimento econômico. O caso é acompanhado em inquérito civil pelo Ministério Público Estadual.

Para se ter uma ideia das consequências da obra, entre tuiuiús, jacarés-de-papo-amarelo, dourados e onças-pardas, a fauna que sofrerá os impactos inclui 218 espécies de aves, 54 de peixes (nove adaptáveis à mudança e cinco que podem desaparecer do território paulista), além de espécies de mamíferos, segundo Estudo de Impacto Ambiental (EIA) da barragem. A construção deve suprimir também metade da mata original da área, conforme análise divulgada pelo Comitê das Bacias Hidrográficas dos Rios Piracicaba, Capivari e Jundiaí (PCJ).

“Só vão ficar animais generalistas, que conseguem se adaptar a diferentes condições e tipos de alimentação. Várias espécies, no entanto, vão deixar de existir na área e outro bioma assim só se formaria em 60 ou 70 anos”, afirmou o geógrafo Anderson Guarda. Ele disse que o aumento do nível do rio vai “uniformizar” o ambiente e dar fim às variadas formas de vida na região.

Projeto oficial – O governo estadual admite que, se a obra for realizada, ocorrerá o sumiço das espécies e o fim do “pantanal de Tanquan”. Como medida compensatória, o projeto prevê a preservação de um trecho do Rio Piracicaba conhecido como “Curva da Samambaia”. A intenção do estado é a de construir um canal para que cerca de dez quilômetros do curso d’água se tornem propícios para acolher os animais do minipantanal ao longo do tempo.

José Roberto Santos, representante do consórcio contratado para fazer o projeto da obra, falou sobre os impactos ambientais em audiência pública em Piracicaba e tratou como “aposta” a Curva da Samambaia. “A área é vista como uma possibilidade para recuperar ao menos parte da vida animal que existe no Tanquan. Não se pode dizer com certeza se isso vai acontecer, mas é uma aposta”, disse.

O diretor do Departamento Hidroviário (DH) da Secretaria de Logística e Transportes do Estado de São Paulo, Casemiro Tércio Carvalho, defende a ampliação da hidrovia em nome do desenvolvimento nacional. “Piracicaba não pode se fechar em copas e se recusar a cumprir o dever de contribuir para o desenvolvimento do país. Com a barragem teremos condições de reduzir o número de caminhões nas estradas e transportar cargas do Centro-Oeste até Piracicaba pela água e depois de trem até o Porto de Santos”, afirmou Carvalho. Ele disse que as compensações ambientais serão equivalentes aos danos causados pela obra.

Desenvolvimento x natureza – Luiz Antonio Fayet, especialista e consultor de logística, diz que além de custos operacionais que podem ser mais vantajosos, as hidrovias representam redução do tráfego terrestre para transporte de cargas e menos poluição ambiental gerada com o uso de caminhões nas rodovias. Sobre a Tietê-Paraná, Fayet afirma que a maior parte das cargas transportadas é de materiais de construção civil, mas deve ganhar importância também o transporte de combustíveis.

“A relevância das hidrovias é nítida. Agora, se existe um questionamento sobre o impacto de uma obra, a pergunta que tem de ser respondida é a seguinte: é melhor arcar com o custo social de indenizar todas as partes atingidas e fazer a compensação ambiental adequada ou manter as estradas entulhadas de caminhões para levar as mesmas cargas?”, questionou Fayet.

“É necessário, porém, que o debate seja sério de todos os lados. As indenizações e compensações têm de ser corretas, mas não dá para ficar com brincadeiras contrárias às melhorias de infraestrutura porque, dessa forma, não se desenvolve mais nada no Brasil”, disse o consultor, que completou: “Cito como exemplo mais crítico disso a duplicação da BR-116, no trecho que liga o Sudeste ao Sul do país. Milhares de pessoas morreram nessa estrada graças a uma oposição criminosa fundada em questões ambientais equacionáveis”.

Referência em direito ambiental no Brasil e autor de livros e idealizador de artigos sobre o assunto para a Constituição Federal, o professor Paulo Affonso Leme Machado alerta que não se pode realizar obras de grande impacto ambiental sem a certeza de que haverá compensações equivalentes aos danos.

Após acompanhar uma das audiências públicas sobre a barragem, Machado afirmou que não há clareza ainda sobre as medidas para compensar “os estragos”. “Fala-se muito em aposta e dúvida, mas a legislação ambiental diz que diante da incerteza quanto às compensações para o impacto ambiental, a obra não deve ser feita. Foi levantada a suposta ocorrência de enchentes em Piracicaba depois da obra e isso não foi devidamente estudado. Com risco desse tipo de inundação, entendo que a barragem não deveria ser construída”, disse.

Investigações do Gaema – Todo processo e as ações do governo para os preparativos da obra são alvos de um inquérito civil instaurado pelo Grupo de Atuação Especial em Defesa do Meio Ambiente (Gaema), do Ministério Público Estadual. O promotor Ivan Carneiro Castanheiro aponta como preocupações justamente as dúvidas em relação às medidas compensatórias ao desaparecimento de Tanquan, além do que chamou de “fatiamento” do estudo e do relatório de impactos ambientais.

Segundo a Promotoria, os documentos não abrangem ainda as consequências da construção de um porto no bairro de Artemis, também em Piracicaba, e da ferrovia que deverá escoar a maior parte das cargas que chegarem ao município.

“Nós não somos contrários ou favoráveis à obra. A função do Gaema é investigar se é realmente viável uma ampliação de 45 quilômetros de hidrovia diante de tantos impactos ou se o ideal seria a construção da ferrovia. As ações compensatórias e mitigatórias também precisam ser avaliadas a fundo”, considerou o promotor.

Pescadores lamentam – O estado ainda deve realizar reuniões para debater temas específicos como as desapropriações de terras privadas próximas à futura represa e até mesmo a forma como se dará a remoção de um grupo de 13 famílias que vive da pesca na região que ficará submersa. O projeto prevê que a população ribeirinha terá de ser realocada para uma área próxima ao minipantanal.

O governo afirma que o “novo Tanquan” receberá melhorias estruturais como água e esgoto encanados, casas de alvenaria e regulamentação fundiária, o que não existe atualmente. O período sem a pesca, segundo o estado, será de seis meses e as reuniões com os ribeirinhos servirão para esclarecer questões referentes, por exemplo, aos valores que eles receberão durante o semestre em que a atividade estiver proibida.

Já o pescador Ronaldo Evangelista, de 35 anos, afirmou que a inundação vai destruir o lugar que ele chamou de lar durante a vida toda, além de acabar com o único meio de vida que conheceu. A pesca é o sustento da família Evangelista há quatro gerações, desde o avô de Roberto até os seus sobrinhos. “Eu não me vejo fazendo outra coisa. Cresci no Tanquan. Meu filho tem seis anos e, assim que entra em férias escolares, enlouquece para andar comigo de barco.” (Fonte: G1)

Crônica Mendes, o rap e a política (Spresso SP)

Postado em jan 23 2014 – 9:57am por Redação.

Na entrevista, o rapper afirma que odeia Alckmin, vê erros no rolezinho e critica os “extremistas do rap”, que condenam idas à Globo e shows em “casa de boy”

Por Igor Carvalho

crônica-mendes-edit

“Temos que alçar voos para fora da periferia” (foto: Divulgação)

Crônica Mendes está inaugurando uma nova fase na carreira. Recentemente, lançou “Até onde o coração pode chegar”, seu primeiro disco solo, produzido por ele mesmo e que reafirma a fama de “politizado” do rapper.

Em suas músicas, são comuns as referências à periferia de São Paulo e ao governador do Estado. “Eu odeio o Alckmin. Eu não gosto desse cara. Ele não é do povo e não tem nada a oferecer. Infelizmente ele está lá, faz uma política de elites, contra o povo. E tem outra, ele é a continuidade da política do PSDB de massacre da juventude negra e pobre nas periferias”, afirma Crônica Mendes.

Sem sair da seara da contestação e do incômodo social, o rapper  produziu “Domingo de Chuva”, uma comovente faixa em que narra uma das histórias que ouviu no Jardim Pantanal, quando a região alagou. “Aquele lugar parecia Bagdá, gente. O Estado aproveitou a tragédia que ele criou e mandou as máquinas que terminaram de derrubar casas, e ver o sofrimento daquelas famílias era muito ruim.”

Crônica ainda criticou aqueles que ele chama de “extremistas do rap”, pessoas do movimento que criticam rappers que aceitam convites, por exemplo, para participar de programas da Rede Globo, como Edi Rock, no Esquenta, e o Slim Rimografia, no Big Brother Brasil. “Ir lá não corrompe meu caráter. O culpado somos nós, cara, porque nós sempre fizemos essa campanha de não ir à televisão, então hoje a gente apanha quando diz ‘sim’.”

SPressoSP – Como tem sido a experiência da carreira solo? Tomar decisões sozinho é melhor?
Crônica Mendes – Quando  “A Família” parou, eu aproveitei e coloquei em prática um sonho antigo que é a gravação do meu disco solo, com as minhas próprias ideias e liderando 100% a elaboração e produção do disco. Além disso, tem sido importante para mim pegar a estrada com novas pessoas, com novos ritmos. Eu precisava fazer isso, desde que eu comecei na música, e isso foi com 12 anos de idade, eu amo estar no palco, mas quando estava no grupo eu tinha que respeitar o limite de cada um, o processo criativo de cada, mas agora eu posso viver todo o processo. Bom, e o risco e a responsabilidade são maiores.

SPressoSP – O nome do teu disco é “Até onde o coração pode chegar”. De onde o Crônica partiu e até onde o coração pode chegar?
Crônica Mendes – Eu sou periferia. Continuo acreditando na periferia, no rap que é feito na periferia e nas pessoas de lá, que me fortaleceram e me permitiram chegar aonde cheguei hoje. Mas olha, não podemos ficar cantando nós para nós mesmos o tempo todo, temos que alçar voos para fora da periferia, só que esse processo deve ser feito como extensão e não como abandono. Eu não consigo cantar rap nacional sem falar da quebrada, da rotina da favela. Se um dia eu não estiver na favela, continuarei a cantar a favela, meu caráter é formado na periferia.

SPressoSP – Você cita o Sérgio Vaz, que participa do disco, e a Cooperifa no disco. Onde eles estão inseridos na tua obra?
Crônica Mendes – Ah, o Sérgio Vaz me mostrou a importância de ler nossa gente. Antes do Sérgio Vaz, a literatura que eu consumia era de fora das periferias. O Sérgio foi o primeiro escritor que eu conheci e a Cooperifa tem uma relação muito forte com o rap nacional. Houve uma época em que se falava muito que o rap nacional estava morrendo, e vieram os saraus para dar esse oxigênio ao rap nacional, para que ele se mantivesse atuante nas periferias. No sarau, as pessoas deixam de lado a batida, mas elas vão ali recitar o seu rap, se concentram no conteúdo das letras. As pessoas começaram a estudar mais para escrever e isso ajudou demais na sequência do rap. Então é isso, o fortalecimento da literatura periférica cooperou muito, não só para mim, mas para o rap nacional.

SPressoSP – Qual tua opinião sobre os “rolezinhos”?
Crônica Mendes – Formar uma opinião, agora, de imediato pode ser ridículo. É um movimento novo e é impressionante como tem gente falando sobre ele, como se todo mundo conhecesse. A galera se junta para fazer um rolezinho no shopping e os seguranças expulsam. Bom, são pretos e de periferia, são também, mas são pretos de periferia que estão causando algum transtorno lá dentro. É complicado já sair dizendo que é racismo e ditadura. Temos que ir um pouco mais fundo nessa discussão e parar de achar que tudo que é reação contra negro e pobre na periferia é preconceito e racismo, a gente erra também, e tem gente nossa errando por aí.

SPressoSP – Antes criminalizado, o rap hoje está na novela, na moda, entre as músicas mais tocadas do país, com artistas prestigiados. Surgiu, então, uma nova geração que deixa a contestação e a politização de lado. Você é crítico em relação a essa nova geração?
Crônica Mendes – Eu não dito regras dentro do rap e não gosto que alguém dite regras no rap. Eu acredito que exista uma cartilha do rap, mas que não está fechada. A cada dia, de acordo com as situações, surgem coisas novas e que precisam ser respeitadas. A gente precisa aceitar o querer das pessoas, eu acho que a gente não pode querer que todos os rappers sejam Crônica Mendes, temos que entender a pluralidade do rap, a periferia é plural. O que não podemos aceitar é que pessoas desrespeitem e esqueçam o que foi a história do rap nacional, da luta de quem fez rap nos anos 80 e 90. Por que o rap está tocando na novela? Porque dá audiência, é isso. A grande mídia quer audiência, por isso está nos colocando lá. Muita gente apanhou da polícia, continua apanhando, morreu, para que se pudesse fazer rap em São Paulo, cara. Não precisamos bater em tudo e em todos, nós cantamos a periferia e a periferia tem entretenimento, precisamos cantar a alegria de ser periferia, temos que cantar o trabalhador, o professor. Se hoje está mais suave, é porque muita gente batalhou antes.

SPpressoSP – Eu listei alguns rappers que foram alvo de críticas dentro do próprio movimento. O Edi Rock quando foi no “Esquenta” [programa da Rede Globo], o Mano Brown fez show em um clube de elite em São Paulo, o Emicida tocou na festa da Fifa e tem música na novela e agora o Slim Rimografia está participando do Big Brother Brasil (BBB) 14. Esse ambiente tão crítico do rap, criado e alimentado por vocês também, assusta na hora de tomar uma decisão sobre aceitar, ou não, determinado convite?
Crônica Mendes – Isso é muito complicado. É como você falou, muitos desses extremistas do rap foram criados por nós mesmos. Nós alimentamos por muito tempo que no rap não tinha espaço para sorrir, mas naquela época tinha que ser assim mesmo. Hoje, a periferia evoluiu, temos mais motivos para sorrir. Infelizmente, uma grande parte do público não consegue aceitar nosso sorriso. Olha, eu não tenho medo, acho que o público deve se preocupar se eu for nesses lugares e nunca mais voltar. Eu posso ir no “Altas Horas”, mas estou em um evento beneficente na quebrada, eu estou no jogo de várzea. Ir lá não corrompe meu caráter. O culpado somos nós, cara, porque nós sempre fizemos essa campanha de não ir à televisão, então hoje a gente apanha quando diz ‘sim’. Eu não tenho medo, e acho que os parceiros que foram estão certo. Pô, a gente vai em uma casa de boy e ganha uma grana e investe metade em uma parada da comunidade, em um centro cultural, mas a gente não divulga, esses extremistas do rap não sabem dessa parte. Como você vai falar mal dos Racionais MCs? Como? Se hoje alguém canta rap nesse país é graças aos caras do Racionais MCs, eu sou grato demais a eles.

SPressoSP – Na música “Tinindo”, você reforça o caráter político que permeia tua obra. Você coloca, nessa canção, um áudio do Geraldo Alckmin dizendo “quem não reagiu, está vivo”. Por quê?
Crônica Mendes – Eu odeio o Alckmin. Eu não gosto desse cara. Ele não é do povo e não tem nada a oferecer. Infelizmente ele está lá, faz uma política de elites, contra o povo. E tem outra, ele é a continuidade da política do PSDB de massacre da juventude negra e pobre nas periferias. Eu não tenho como gostar desse cara e nem aceitar ele, o PSDB inteiro, aliás. A vida nas periferias melhorou muito, mas isso não é culpa do PSDB, é graças ao Lula, o governo do PT governa para o povo, quando o PT está no poder, podemos dizer que o Estado está do nosso lado.

SPressoSP – “Quando a cidade dorme”, é uma música em que você tenta fazer uma radiografia do caminho que um homem faz da periferia para o centro. Enquanto ouvia esse som, me veio à cabeça as chacinas que ocorrem na madrugada, na periferia…
Crônica Mendes – Essa música nasceu quando eu morava na Barra Funda e fazia o caminho para o centro, vindo da periferia. Essas chacinas são a forma que o governo encontrou de dizer que lugar de periférico é na periferia, de nos empurrar mais para dentro da periferia, com medo. Eles não nos querem buscando conhecimento e lutando na rua. A polícia é isso, vai lá, dá um rasante, extermina uns e mostra que temos que ficar na periferia. Isso sim é censura, isso sim é racismo, isso sim é ditadura. Isso é um extermínio, não estamos falando de perseguição policial, averiguação ou uma investigação, é o policial chegando e atirando, sem perguntar.

SPressoSP – Você faz uma crítica à influência norte-americana no rap nacional. Ainda é muito pesada essa influência?
Crônica Mendes – Os EUA são quem mandam nisso. Nós somos, se não me engano, o quinto maior produtor de rap no mundo. Então sofremos mesmo essa influência, mas o que não pode acontecer é que as ideias deles nos contaminem, porque é outra realidade.

SPressoSP – “Domingo de chuva” é uma música sofrida. Você viveu o que descreve ali?
Crônica Mendes – Quantas Marias não derramam lágrimas quando cai uma chuva em São Paulo? Eu tive a ideia de escrever essa música depois que visitei o Jardim Pantanal, na época daquela enchente criminosa. Bom, eu fui convidado pelo coletivo Peso para levar um pouco de entretenimento para aquele povo que estava sofrendo muito. Aquele lugar parecia Bagdá, gente. O Estado aproveitou a tragédia que ele criou e mandou as máquinas que terminaram de derrubar casas, e ver o sofrimento daquelas famílias era muito ruim. Lá eu conheci uma família em especial que me contou a história do fim de semana que alagou, que tinha começado muito bonito e terminou alagado. Eu tive que socializar essa história.

SPressoSP – Você faz um rap bem urbano, mas é baiano do interior e criado no interior de São Paulo. Onde aparecem elementos dessas regiões em tua música, eles existem?
Crônica Mendes – Eu sou do interior mesmo, na Bahia eu só nasci. Cara, minhas influências vêm do brega. Eu adoro, tanto que têm frases no meu disco que são inspiradas no brega, meu primeiro rap foi inspirado em uma música do Amado Batista, que chama “Favela”. Eu ouço muito brega e a minha grande referência no rap é o Racionais, que veio bem depois, além do GOG, que foi fundamental para a minha formação intelectual, junto com a Nina Fideles [companheira de Crônica Mendes].

A New Physics Theory of Life (Quanta Magazine)

Jeremy England

Jeremy England, a 31-year-old physicist at MIT, thinks he has found the underlying physics driving the origin and evolution of life. (Katherine Taylor for Quanta Magazine).

By: Natalie Wolchover

January 22, 2014

Why does life exist?

Popular hypotheses credit a primordial soup, a bolt of lightning and a colossal stroke of luck. But if a provocative new theory is correct, luck may have little to do with it. Instead, according to the physicist proposing the idea, the origin and subsequent evolution of life follow from the fundamental laws of nature and “should be as unsurprising as rocks rolling downhill.”

From the standpoint of physics, there is one essential difference between living things and inanimate clumps of carbon atoms: The former tend to be much better at capturing energy from their environment and dissipating that energy as heat. Jeremy England, a 31-year-old assistant professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has derived a mathematical formula that he believes explains this capacity. The formula, based on established physics, indicates that when a group of atoms is driven by an external source of energy (like the sun or chemical fuel) and surrounded by a heat bath (like the ocean or atmosphere), it will often gradually restructure itself in order to dissipate increasingly more energy. This could mean that under certain conditions, matter inexorably acquires the key physical attribute associated with life.

Plagiomnium affine

“You start with a random clump of atoms, and if you shine light on it for long enough, it should not be so surprising that you get a plant,” England said.

England’s theory is meant to underlie, rather than replace, Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection, which provides a powerful description of life at the level of genes and populations. “I am certainly not saying that Darwinian ideas are wrong,” he explained. “On the contrary, I am just saying that from the perspective of the physics, you might call Darwinian evolution a special case of a more general phenomenon.”

His idea, detailed in a recent paper and further elaborated in a talk he is delivering at universities around the world, has sparked controversy among his colleagues, who see it as either tenuous or a potential breakthrough, or both.

England has taken “a very brave and very important step,” said Alexander Grosberg, a professor of physics at New York University who has followed England’s work since its early stages. The “big hope” is that he has identified the underlying physical principle driving the origin and evolution of life, Grosberg said.

“Jeremy is just about the brightest young scientist I ever came across,” said Attila Szabo, a biophysicist in the Laboratory of Chemical Physics at the National Institutes of Health who corresponded with England about his theory after meeting him at a conference. “I was struck by the originality of the ideas.”

Others, such as Eugene Shakhnovich, a professor of chemistry, chemical biology and biophysics at Harvard University, are not convinced. “Jeremy’s ideas are interesting and potentially promising, but at this point are extremely speculative, especially as applied to life phenomena,” Shakhnovich said.

England’s theoretical results are generally considered valid. It is his interpretation — that his formula represents the driving force behind a class of phenomena in nature that includes life — that remains unproven. But already, there are ideas about how to test that interpretation in the lab.

“He’s trying something radically different,” said Mara Prentiss, a professor of physics at Harvard who is contemplating such an experiment after learning about England’s work. “As an organizing lens, I think he has a fabulous idea. Right or wrong, it’s going to be very much worth the investigation.”

A computer simulation by Jeremy England and colleagues shows a system of particles confined inside a viscous fluid in which the turquoise particles are driven by an oscillating force. Over time (from top to bottom), the force triggers the formation of more bonds among the particles.

At the heart of England’s idea is the second law of thermodynamics, also known as the law of increasing entropy or the “arrow of time.” Hot things cool down, gas diffuses through air, eggs scramble but never spontaneously unscramble; in short, energy tends to disperse or spread out as time progresses. Entropy is a measure of this tendency, quantifying how dispersed the energy is among the particles in a system, and how diffuse those particles are throughout space. It increases as a simple matter of probability: There are more ways for energy to be spread out than for it to be concentrated. Thus, as particles in a system move around and interact, they will, through sheer chance, tend to adopt configurations in which the energy is spread out. Eventually, the system arrives at a state of maximum entropy called “thermodynamic equilibrium,” in which energy is uniformly distributed. A cup of coffee and the room it sits in become the same temperature, for example. As long as the cup and the room are left alone, this process is irreversible. The coffee never spontaneously heats up again because the odds are overwhelmingly stacked against so much of the room’s energy randomly concentrating in its atoms.

Although entropy must increase over time in an isolated or “closed” system, an “open” system can keep its entropy low — that is, divide energy unevenly among its atoms — by greatly increasing the entropy of its surroundings. In his influential 1944 monograph “What Is Life?” the eminent quantum physicist Erwin Schrödinger argued that this is what living things must do. A plant, for example, absorbs extremely energetic sunlight, uses it to build sugars, and ejects infrared light, a much less concentrated form of energy. The overall entropy of the universe increases during photosynthesis as the sunlight dissipates, even as the plant prevents itself from decaying by maintaining an orderly internal structure.

Life does not violate the second law of thermodynamics, but until recently, physicists were unable to use thermodynamics to explain why it should arise in the first place. In Schrödinger’s day, they could solve the equations of thermodynamics only for closed systems in equilibrium. In the 1960s, the Belgian physicist Ilya Prigogine made progress on predicting the behavior of open systems weakly driven by external energy sources (for which he won the 1977 Nobel Prize in chemistry). But the behavior of systems that are far from equilibrium, which are connected to the outside environment and strongly driven by external sources of energy, could not be predicted.

This situation changed in the late 1990s, due primarily to the work of Chris Jarzynski, now at the University of Maryland, and Gavin Crooks, now at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory. Jarzynski and Crooks showed that the entropy produced by a thermodynamic process, such as the cooling of a cup of coffee, corresponds to a simple ratio: the probability that the atoms will undergo that process divided by their probability of undergoing the reverse process (that is, spontaneously interacting in such a way that the coffee warms up). As entropy production increases, so does this ratio: A system’s behavior becomes more and more “irreversible.” The simple yet rigorous formula could in principle be applied to any thermodynamic process, no matter how fast or far from equilibrium. “Our understanding of far-from-equilibrium statistical mechanics greatly improved,” Grosberg said. England, who is trained in both biochemistry and physics, started his own lab at MIT two years ago and decided to apply the new knowledge of statistical physics to biology.

Using Jarzynski and Crooks’ formulation, he derived a generalization of the second law of thermodynamics that holds for systems of particles with certain characteristics: The systems are strongly driven by an external energy source such as an electromagnetic wave, and they can dump heat into a surrounding bath. This class of systems includes all living things. England then determined how such systems tend to evolve over time as they increase their irreversibility. “We can show very simply from the formula that the more likely evolutionary outcomes are going to be the ones that absorbed and dissipated more energy from the environment’s external drives on the way to getting there,” he said. The finding makes intuitive sense: Particles tend to dissipate more energy when they resonate with a driving force, or move in the direction it is pushing them, and they are more likely to move in that direction than any other at any given moment.

“This means clumps of atoms surrounded by a bath at some temperature, like the atmosphere or the ocean, should tend over time to arrange themselves to resonate better and better with the sources of mechanical, electromagnetic or chemical work in their environments,” England explained.

Self Replicating Microstructures

Self-replication (or reproduction, in biological terms), the process that drives the evolution of life on Earth, is one such mechanism by which a system might dissipate an increasing amount of energy over time. As England put it, “A great way of dissipating more is to make more copies of yourself.” In a September paper in the Journal of Chemical Physics, he reported the theoretical minimum amount of dissipation that can occur during the self-replication of RNA molecules and bacterial cells, and showed that it is very close to the actual amounts these systems dissipate when replicating. He also showed that RNA, the nucleic acid that many scientists believe served as the precursor to DNA-based life, is a particularly cheap building material. Once RNA arose, he argues, its “Darwinian takeover” was perhaps not surprising.

The chemistry of the primordial soup, random mutations, geography, catastrophic events and countless other factors have contributed to the fine details of Earth’s diverse flora and fauna. But according to England’s theory, the underlying principle driving the whole process is dissipation-driven adaptation of matter.

This principle would apply to inanimate matter as well. “It is very tempting to speculate about what phenomena in nature we can now fit under this big tent of dissipation-driven adaptive organization,” England said. “Many examples could just be right under our nose, but because we haven’t been looking for them we haven’t noticed them.”

Scientists have already observed self-replication in nonliving systems. According to new research led by Philip Marcus of the University of California, Berkeley, and reported in Physical Review Letters in August, vortices in turbulent fluids spontaneously replicate themselves by drawing energy from shear in the surrounding fluid. And in a paper appearing online this week in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Michael Brenner, a professor of applied mathematics and physics at Harvard, and his collaborators present theoretical models and simulations of microstructures that self-replicate. These clusters of specially coated microspheres dissipate energy by roping nearby spheres into forming identical clusters. “This connects very much to what Jeremy is saying,” Brenner said.

Besides self-replication, greater structural organization is another means by which strongly driven systems ramp up their ability to dissipate energy. A plant, for example, is much better at capturing and routing solar energy through itself than an unstructured heap of carbon atoms. Thus, England argues that under certain conditions, matter will spontaneously self-organize. This tendency could account for the internal order of living things and of many inanimate structures as well. “Snowflakes, sand dunes and turbulent vortices all have in common that they are strikingly patterned structures that emerge in many-particle systems driven by some dissipative process,” he said. Condensation, wind and viscous drag are the relevant processes in these particular cases.

“He is making me think that the distinction between living and nonliving matter is not sharp,” said Carl Franck, a biological physicist at Cornell University, in an email. “I’m particularly impressed by this notion when one considers systems as small as chemical circuits involving a few biomolecules.”

Snowflake

England’s bold idea will likely face close scrutiny in the coming years. He is currently running computer simulations to test his theory that systems of particles adapt their structures to become better at dissipating energy. The next step will be to run experiments on living systems.

Prentiss, who runs an experimental biophysics lab at Harvard, says England’s theory could be tested by comparing cells with different mutations and looking for a correlation between the amount of energy the cells dissipate and their replication rates. “One has to be careful because any mutation might do many things,” she said. “But if one kept doing many of these experiments on different systems and if [dissipation and replication success] are indeed correlated, that would suggest this is the correct organizing principle.”

Brenner said he hopes to connect England’s theory to his own microsphere constructions and determine whether the theory correctly predicts which self-replication and self-assembly processes can occur — “a fundamental question in science,” he said.

Having an overarching principle of life and evolution would give researchers a broader perspective on the emergence of structure and function in living things, many of the researchers said. “Natural selection doesn’t explain certain characteristics,” said Ard Louis, a biophysicist at Oxford University, in an email. These characteristics include a heritable change to gene expression called methylation, increases in complexity in the absence of natural selection, and certain molecular changes Louis has recently studied.

If England’s approach stands up to more testing, it could further liberate biologists from seeking a Darwinian explanation for every adaptation and allow them to think more generally in terms of dissipation-driven organization. They might find, for example, that “the reason that an organism shows characteristic X rather than Y may not be because X is more fit than Y, but because physical constraints make it easier for X to evolve than for Y to evolve,” Louis said.

“People often get stuck in thinking about individual problems,” Prentiss said.  Whether or not England’s ideas turn out to be exactly right, she said, “thinking more broadly is where many scientific breakthroughs are made.”

Emily Singer contributed reporting.

Correction: This article was revised on January 22, 2014, to reflect that Ilya Prigogine won the Nobel Prize in chemistry, not physics.

Technology One Step Ahead of War Laws (Science Daily)

Jan. 6, 2014 — Today’s emerging military technologies — including unmanned aerial vehicles, directed-energy weapons, lethal autonomous robots, and cyber weapons like Stuxnet — raise the prospect of upheavals in military practices so fundamental that they challenge long-established laws of war. Weapons that make their own decisions about targeting and killing humans, for example, have ethical and legal implications obvious and frightening enough to have entered popular culture (for example, in the Terminator films).

The current international laws of war were developed over many centuries and long before the current era of fast-paced technological change. Military ethics and technology expert Braden Allenby says the proper response to the growing mismatch between long-established international law and emerging military technology “is neither the wholesale rejection of the laws of war nor the comfortable assumption that only minor tweaks to them are necessary.” Rather, he argues, the rules of engagement should be reconsidered through deliberate and focused international discussion that includes a wide range of cultural and institutional perspectives.

Allenby’s article anchors a special issue on the threat of emerging military technologies in the latest Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (BOS), published by SAGE.

History is replete with paradigm shifts in warfare technology, from the introduction of gunpowder, which arguably gave rise to nation states, to the air-land-battle technologies used during the Desert Storm offensive in Kuwait and Iraq in 1991, which caused 20,000 to 30,000 Iraqi casualties and left only 200 US coalition troops dead. But today’s accelerating advances across the technological frontier and dramatic increases in the numbers of social institutions at play around the world are blurring boundaries between military and civil entities and state and non-state actors. And because the United States has an acknowledged primacy in terms of conventional forces, the nations and groups that compete with it increasingly think in terms of asymmetric warfare, raising issues that lie beyond established norms of military conduct and may require new legal thinking and institutions to address.

“The impact of emerging technologies on the laws of war might be viewed as a case study and an important learning opportunity for humankind as it struggles to adapt to the complexity that it has already wrought, but has yet to learn to manage,” Allenby writes.

Other articles in the Bulletin’s January/February special issue on emerging military technologies include “The enhanced warfighter” by Ken Ford, which looks at the ethics and practicalities of performance enhancement for military personnel, and Michael C. Horowitz’s overview of the near-term future of US war-fighting technology, “Coming next in military tech.” The issue also offers two views of the use of advanced robotics: “Stopping killer robots,” Mark Gubrud’s argument in favor of an international ban on lethal autonomous weapons, and “Robot to the rescue,” Gill Pratt’s account of a US Defense Department initiative aiming to develop robots that will improve response to disasters, like the Fukushima nuclear catastrophe, that involve highly toxic environments.

Journal Reference:

  1. Braden R. Allenby. Are new technologies undermining the laws of war? Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February 2014

Soap Bubbles for Predicting Cyclone Intensity? (Science Daily)

Jan. 8, 2014 — Could soap bubbles be used to predict the strength of hurricanes and typhoons? However unexpected it may sound, this question prompted physicists at the Laboratoire Ondes et Matière d’Aquitaine (CNRS/université de Bordeaux) to perform a highly novel experiment: they used soap bubbles to model atmospheric flow. A detailed study of the rotation rates of the bubble vortices enabled the scientists to obtain a relationship that accurately describes the evolution of their intensity, and propose a simple model to predict that of tropical cyclones.

Vortices in a soap bubble. (Credit: © Hamid Kellay)

The work, carried out in collaboration with researchers from the Institut de Mathématiques de Bordeaux (CNRS/université de Bordeaux/Institut Polytechnique de Bordeaux) and a team from Université de la Réunion, has just been published in the journal NatureScientific Reports.

Predicting wind intensity or strength in tropical cyclones, typhoons and hurricanes is a key objective in meteorology: the lives of hundreds of thousands of people may depend on it. However, despite recent progress, such forecasts remain difficult since they involve many factors related to the complexity of these giant vortices and their interaction with the environment. A new research avenue has now been opened up by physicists at the Laboratoire Ondes et Matière d’Aquitaine (CNRS/Université Bordeaux 1), who have performed a highly novel experiment using, of all things, soap bubbles.

The researchers carried out simulations of flow on soap bubbles, reproducing the curvature of the atmosphere and approximating as closely as possible a simple model of atmospheric flow. The experiment allowed them to obtain vortices that resemble tropical cyclones and whose rotation rate and intensity exhibit astonishing dynamics-weak initially or just after the birth of the vortex, and increasing significantly over time. Following this intensification phase, the vortex attains its maximum intensity before entering a phase of decline.

A detailed study of the rotation rate of the vortices enabled the researchers to obtain a simple relationship that accurately describes the evolution of their intensity. For instance, the relationship can be used to determine the maximum intensity of the vortex and the time it takes to reach it, on the basis of its initial evolution. This prediction can begin around fifty hours after the formation of the vortex, a period corresponding to approximately one quarter of its lifetime and during which wind speeds intensify. The team then set out to verify that these results could be applied to real tropical cyclones. By applying the same analysis to approximately 150 tropical cyclones in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, they showed that the relationship held true for such low-pressure systems. This study therefore provides a simple model that could help meteorologists to better predict the strength of tropical cyclones in the future.

Journal Reference:

  1. T. Meuel, Y. L. Xiong, P. Fischer, C. H. Bruneau, M. Bessafi, H. Kellay. Intensity of vortices: from soap bubbles to hurricanesScientific Reports, 2013; 3 DOI:10.1038/srep03455

Chimps Can Use Gestures to Communicate in Hunt for Food (Science Daily)

Jan. 17, 2014 — Remember the children’s game “warmer/colder,” where one person uses those words to guide the other person to a hidden toy or treat? Well, it turns out that chimpanzees can play, too.

Chimpanzee. Remember the children’s game “warmer/colder,” where one person uses those words to guide the other person to a hidden toy or treat? Well, it turns out that chimpanzees can play, too. (Credit: © maradt / Fotolia)

Researchers at Georgia State University’s Language Research Center examined how two language-trained chimpanzees communicated with a human experimenter to find food. Their results are the most compelling evidence to date that primates can use gestures to coordinate actions in pursuit of a specific goal.

The team devised a task that demanded coordination among the chimps and a human to find a piece of food that had been hidden in a large outdoor area. The human experimenter did not know where the food was hidden, and the chimpanzees used gestures such as pointing to guide the experimenter to the food.

Dr. Charles Menzel, a senior research scientist at the Language Research Center, said the design of the experiment with the “chimpanzee-as-director” created new ways to study the primate.

“It allows the chimpanzees to communicate information in the manner of their choosing, but also requires them to initiate and to persist in communication,” Menzel said. “The chimpanzees used gestures to recruit the assistance of an otherwise uninformed person and to direct the person to hidden objects 10 or more meters away. Because of the openness of this paradigm, the findings illustrate the high level of intentionality chimpanzees are capable of, including their use of directional gestures. This study adds to our understanding of how well chimpanzees can remember and communicate about their environment.”

The paper, “Chimpanzees Modify Intentional Gestures to Co-ordinate a Search for Hidden Food,” has been published inNature Communications. Academics at the University of Chester and University of Stirling collaborated on the research project.

Dr. Anna Roberts of the University of Chester said the findings are important.

“The use of gestures to coordinate joint activities such as finding food may have been an important building block in the evolution of language,” she said.

Dr. Sarah-Jane Vick of the University of Stirling added, “Previous findings in both wild and captive chimpanzees have indicated flexibility in their gestural production, but the more complex coordination task used here demonstrates the considerable cognitive abilities that underpin chimpanzee communication.”

Dr. Sam Roberts, also from the University of Chester, pointed out the analogy to childhood games.

“This flexible use of pointing, taking into account both the location of the food and the actions of the experimenter, has not been observed in chimpanzees before,” Roberts said.

The project was supported by The Leakey Foundation, the Wenner-Gren Foundation, National Institutes of Health, the Economic and Social Research Council, the British Academy, the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland and the University of Stirling.

Journal Reference:

  1. Anna Ilona Roberts, Sarah-Jane Vick, Sam George Bradley Roberts, Charles R. Menzel. Chimpanzees modify intentional gestures to coordinate a search for hidden foodNature Communications, 2014; 5 DOI:10.1038/ncomms4088

Smog in Beijing Is So Awful You Have to Catch the Sunrise on a Big Screen (Time)

In the airpocalypse, fake sunrises are a thing

By , Jan. 17, 2014

462905499
ChinaFotoPress / Getty Images. This LED screen displays the rising sun in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, which is shrouded in heavy smog on Jan. 16, 2014.

Updated on Jan. 17, 2014 at 5:32 a.m EST.

Air pollution in the Chinese capital reached new, choking heights on Thursday. Those who still felt the urge to catch a glimpse of sunlight were able to gather around the city’s gigantic LED screens, where this glorious sunrise was broadcast as part of a patriotic video loop.

This post has been revised to reflect that the sunrise was not broadcast specifically for that day.

Read more: Beijing’s Televised Sunrise | TIME.com http://world.time.com/2014/01/17/beijing-smog-combatted-with-televised-sunrises/#ixzz2qgS80R00

 

On the ontological turn in anthropology

Ontology as the Major Theme of AAA 2013 (Savage Minds)

by  on November 27, 2013

Most attendees of the annual meetings in Chicago are, as one wag put it, exhAAAusted from all our conference going, and the dust is only now settling. As we look back on the conference, however, it is worth asking what actually happened there. Different people will have different answers to this question, but for me and the people in my scholarly network, the big answer is: ontology.

The term was not everywhere at the AAAs, but it was used consistently, ambitiously, audaciously, and almost totally unironically to offer anthropology something that it (supposedly) hasn’t had in a long time: A massive infusion of theory that will alter our paradigm, create a shift in the field that everyone will feel and which will orient future work, and that will allow us, once again, to ask big questions. To be honest, as someone who had been following ‘ontological anthropology’ for the past couple of years, I was sort of expecting it to not get much traction in the US. But the successful branding of the term and the cultural capital attached to it may prove me wrong yet.

In fact, there were just two major events with the world ontology in the title: the “Politics of Ontology” roundtable and the blowout “The Ontological Turn in French Philosophical Anthropology”. But these events were full of ‘stars’ and attracted plenty of attention.

Will this amount to anything? What is ontology anyway? Were there other themes that were more dominant in the conference? I don’t have any answers to these questions yet, but I hope to soon and will let you figure it out when I do. If you get there before me, then fire away in the comments section and we’ll see what people think.

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A reader’s guide to the “ontological turn” – Part 1 (Somatosphere)

By 

January 15, 2014

This article is part of the series: 

Editor’s note: In the wake of the discussion about the ‘ontological turn’ at this year’s American Anthropological Association conference, we asked several scholars, “which texts or resources would you recommend to a student or colleague interested in the uses of ‘ontology’ as an analytical category in recent work in anthropology and science and technology studies?”  This was the reading list we received from Judith FarquharMax Palevsky Professor of Anthropology at the University of Chicago.  Answers from a number of other scholars will appear as separate posts in the series.

In providing a reading list, I had lots of good “ontological” resources at hand, having just taught a seminar called “Ontological Politics.”  This list is pared down from the syllabus; and the syllabus itself was just a subset of the many useful philosophical, historical, and ethnographic readings that I had been devouring during the previous year, when I was on leave.

I really like all these pieces, though I don’t actually “follow” all of them.  This is a good thing, because the field — if it can be called that — tends to go in circles, with all the usual suspects citing all the usual suspects.  In the end, as we worked our way through the course, I found the ethnographic work more exciting than most of the more theoretically inclined writing.  At the other end of the spectrum, I feel quite transformed by having read Heidegger’s “The Thing” — but I’m not sure why!

Philosophical and methodological works in anthropology and beyond:

Philippe Descola, 2013, The Ecology of Others, Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press.

William Connolly, 2005, Pluralism. Durham: Duke University Press. (Ch. 3, “Pluralism and the Universe” [on William James], pp. 68-92.)

Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, 2004, “Perspectival Anthropology and the Method of Controlled Equivocation,” Tipiti 2 (1): 3-22.

Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, 2012, “Immanence and Fear: Stranger events and subjects in Amazonia,” HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 2 (1): 27-43.

Marisol de la Cadena, 2010, “Indigenous Cosmopolitics in the Andes: Conceptual reflections beyond ‘politics’,” Cultural Anthropology 25 (2): 334-370.

Bruno Latour, 2004, “Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam? From matters of fact to matters of concern.” Critical Inquiry 30 (2): 225-248.

A dialogue from Common Knowledge 2004 (3): Ulrich Beck: “The Truth of Others: A Cosmopolitan Approach” (pp. 430-449) and Bruno Latour: “Whose Cosmos, Which Cosmopolitics? Comments on the Peace Terms of Ulrich Beck” (pp. 450-462).

Graham Harman, 2009, Prince of Networks: Bruno Latour and Metaphysics.  Melbourne: Re.Press.  (OA)

Isabelle Stengers, 2005, “The Cosmopolitical Proposal,” in Bruno Latour & Peter Weibel, eds., Making Things Public: Atmospheres of Democracy.  Cambridge MA: MIT Press, pp. 994-1003.

Martin Heidegger, 1971, “The Thing,” in Poetry, Language, Thought (Tr. Albert Hofstadter).  New York: Harper & Row, pp. 163-180

Graham Harman, 2010, “Technology, Objects and Things in Heidegger,”Cambridge Journal of Economics 34: 17-25.

Jane Bennett and William Connolly, 2012, “The Crumpled Handkerchief,” in Bernd Herzogenrath, ed., Time and History in Deleuze and Serres. London & New York: Continuum, pp. 153-171.

Tim Ingold, 2004, “A Circumpolar Night’s Dream,” in John Clammer et al., eds., Figured Worlds: Ontological Obstacles in Intercultural Relations.  Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 25-57.

Annemarie Mol, 1999, “Ontological Politics: A Word and Some Questions,” in John Law, and J. Hassard, ed., Actor Network Theory and After.  Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 74-89.

Terrific ethnographic studies very concerned with ontologies:

Mario Blaser, 2010, Storytelling Globalization from the Chaco and Beyond.  Durham NC: Duke University Press.

Eduardo Kohn, 2013, How Forests Think: Toward an anthropology beyond the human. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Helen Verran, 2011, “On Assemblage: Indigenous Knowledge and Digital Media (2003-2006) and HMS Investigator (1800-1805).” In Tony Bennet & Chris Healey, eds.,  Assembling Culture.  London & New York: Routledge, pp. 163-176.

Morten Pedersen, 2011, Not Quite Shamans: Spirit worlds and Political Lives in Northern Mongolia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

John Law & Marianne Lien, 2013, “Slippery: Field Notes in Empirical Ontology,” Social Studies of Science 43 (3): 363-378.

Stacey A. Langwick, 2011, Bodies, Politics, and African Healing: The Matter of Maladies in Tanzania.  Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Judith Farquhar is Max Palevsky Professor of Anthropology and Social Sciences at the University of Chicago. Her research concerns traditional medicine, popular culture, and everyday life in contemporary China. She is the author of Knowing Practice: The Clinical Encounter of Chinese Medicine (Westview 1996),Appetites: Food and Sex in Post-Socialist China (Duke 2002), and Ten Thousand Things: Nurturing Life in Contemporary Beijing (Zone 2012) (with Qicheng Zhang), and editor (with Margaret Lock) of Beyond the Body Proper: Reading the Anthropology of Material Life (Duke 2007).

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A reader’s guide to the “ontological turn” – Part 2 (Somatosphere)

By 

January 17, 2014

This article is part of the series: 

Editor’s note: In the wake of the discussion about the ‘ontological turn’ at this year’s American Anthropological Association conference, we asked several scholars, “which texts or resources would you recommend to a student or colleague interested in the uses of ‘ontology’ as an analytical category in recent work in anthropology and science and technology studies?”  This was the answer we received from Javier Lezaun, James Martin Lecturer in Science and Technology Governance at the University of Oxford. 

Those of us who have been brought up in the science and technology studies (STS) tradition look at claims of an ‘ontological turn’ with a strange sense of familiarity: it’s déjà vu all over again! For we can read the whole history of STS (cheekily and retroactively, of course) as a ‘turn to ontology’, albeit one that was rarely thematized as such.

A key text in forming STS and giving it a proto-ontological orientation (if such a term can be invented) is Ian Hacking’s Representing and Intervening (1983). On its surface the book is an introduction to central themes and keywords in the philosophy of science. In effect, it launches a programme of research that actively blurs the lines between depictions of the world and interventions into its composition. And it does so by bringing to the fore the constitutive role of experimental practices – a key leitmotiv of what would eventually become STS.

Hacking, of course, went on to develop a highly original form of pragmatic realism, particularly in relation to the emergence of psychiatric categories and new forms of personhood. His 2004 book, Historical Ontology, captures well the main thrust of his arguments, and lays out a useful contrast with the ‘meta-epistemology’ of much of the best contemporary writing in the history of science.

But we are getting ahead of ourselves and disrespecting our good old friend Chronology. The truth is that references to ontology are scarce in the foundational texts of STS (the term is not even indexed in Representing and Intervening, for instance). This is hardly surprising: alluding to the ontological implies a neat distinction between being and representing, precisely the dichotomy that STS scholars were trying to overcome – or, more accurately, ignore – at the time. The strategy was to enrich our notion of representation, not to turn away from it in favour of higher plane of being.

It is in the particular subfield of studies of particle physics that the discussion about ontology within STS developed, simply because matters of reality – and the reality of matter – featured much more prominently in the object of study. Andrew Pickering’s Constructing Quarks: A Sociological History of Particle Physics (1984) was one of the few texts that tackled ontological matters head on, and it shared with Hacking’s an emphasis on the role of experimental machineries in producing agreed-upon worlds. In his following book, The Mangle of Practice: Time, Agency, and Science (1995), Pickering would develop this insight into a full-fledged theory of temporal emergence based on the dialectic of resistance and accommodation.

An interesting continuation and counterpoint in this tradition is Karen Barad’s book, Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning (2007). Barad’s thesis, particularly her theory of agential realism, is avowedly and explicitly ontological, but this does not imply a return to traditional metaphysical problem-definitions. In fact, Barad speaks of ‘onto-epistemology’, or even of ‘onto-ethico-epistemology’, to describe her approach. The result is an aggregation of planes of analysis, rather than a turn from one to the other.

Arguments about the nature of quarks, bubble chambers and quantum physics might seem very distant from the sort of anthropo-somatic questions that preoccupy readers of this blog, but it is worth noting that this rarefied discussion has been the terrain where key elements of the current STS interest in ontology – the idioms of performativity and materialism in particular – were first tested.

The work that best represents this current interest in matters of ontology within STS is that of Annemarie Mol and John Law. Their papers on topologies (e.g., ‘Regions, Networks and Fluids: Anaemia and Social Topology’ in 1994; ‘Situating technoscience:  an inquiry into spatialities’, 2001) broke new ground in making explicit the argument about the multiplicity of the world(s), and served to develop a first typology of alternative modes of reality. Mol’s ethnography of atherosclerosis, The Body Multiple: Ontology in Medical Practice (2003), is of course the (provisional?) culmination of this brand of ‘empirical philosophy’, and a text that offers a template for STS-inflected anthropology (and vice versa).

One distinct contribution of this body of work – and this is a point made by Malcolm Ashmore in his review of The Body Multiple – is to extend STS modes of inquiry beyond the study of new or controversial entities, and draw the same kind of analytical intensity to realities – like that (or those) of atherosclerosis – whose univocal reality we tend to take for granted. For better and worse, STS grew out of an effort to understand how new facts and artifacts enter our world, and the field remains attached to all that is (or appears to be) new – even if the end-result of the analysis is often to challenge those claims to novelty. The current ‘ontological turn’ in STS would then represent an effort to excavate mundane layers of reality, to draw attention to the performed or enacted nature of that that appears old, settled or uncontroversial. I suspect this manoeuvre carries less value in Anthropology, where the everyday and the taken-for-granted is often the very locus of inquiry.

The other value of the ‘ontological turn’ is, in my view, to recast the question of politics – as both an object of study and a mode of engagement with the world. This recasting can take at least two different forms. There are those who argue that attending to the ontological, i.e., to the reality of plural worlds and the unavoidable condition of multinaturalism, intensifies (and clarifies) the normative implications of our analyses (see for instance the genealogical argument put forward very forcefully by Dimitris Papadopoulos in his article ‘Alter-ontologies: towards a constituent politics in technoscience’). A slightly different course of action is to think of ontology as a way of addressing the intertwining of the technological and the political. Excellent recent examples of this approach are Noortje Marres’s Material Participation: Technology, the Environment, and everyday Publics (2012) and Andrew Barry’s Material Politics: Disputes Along the Pipeline (2013).

In sum, and to stake out my own position, I think STS is best seen as a fairly tight bundle of analytical sensibilities – sensibilities that are manifested in an evolving archipelago of case studies. It is not a theory of the world (let alone a theory of being), and it quickly becomes trite and somewhat ritualistic when it is transformed into a laundry list of statements about what the world is or should be like. In this sense, an ‘ontological turn’ would run counter to the STS tradition, as I see it, if it implies asserting a particular ontology of the world, regardless of whether the claim is that that ontology is plural, multiple, fluid, relational, etc. This sort of categorical, pre-empirical position smothers the critical instincts that energize the field and have driven its evolution over the last three decades. Steve Woolgar and I have formulated this view in a recent piece for Social Studies of Science (‘The wrong bin bag:  a turn to ontology in science and technology studies?’), and a similar argument been made often and persuasively by Michael Lynch (e.g., “Ontography: investigating the production of things, deflating ontology”).

Javier Lezaun is James Martin Lecturer in Science and Technology Governance and Deputy Director at the Institute for Science, Innovation and Society in the School of Anthropology and Museum Ethnography at the University of Oxford. His research focuses on the politics of scientific research and its governance. He directs the research programme BioProperty, funded by the European Research Council, which investigates the role of property rights and new forms of ownership in biomedical research. Javier is also currently participating in research projects on the governance of climate geoengineering, and new forms of consumer mobilization in food markets.

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Ontological Turns Inside-Out (Struggle Forever)

By Jeremy Trombley. Posted on Thursday, January 16, 2014, at 4:35 pm.

It seems Ontology has finally gone mainstream in anthropology. Only a few years ago, it was something heard on the edges of the disciplinary discourse. Now you can’t throw a stick without running into a blog post, article, conference paper, or what-have-you that uses ontology as a central theme. Over at Somatosphere, Judith Farquhar has assembled a nice reading list for an introductory understanding of the “ontological turn” in anthropology. Then, over at Anthropological Research on the Contemporary (ARC), Lyle has a solid critiqueof this turn in anthropology – suggesting that it fails to change the form of inquiry to match its subject. It’s a running joke that anthropology has taken so many turns in the last  few decades that we’ve often ended up right where we started. I think there’s a truth to that, and I appreciate Lyle for calling out the underlying conservativism that can be found in this (or any) turn.

As a frequent (though not influential) supporter of the ontological turn in anthropology, I feel as though I should put in my thoughts on all of this. I can’t speak to the events at the AAA – I wasn’t there and I haven’t followed up on any of it as I’ve been obsessively working on an NSF proposal for the last two months (which I just submitted yesterday!!) – so I’m going to talk about some impressions that I get from this turn and then some of my thoughts on where things ought to go from my perspective. My first impression is much like Lyle’s. In the name of ontology, there seems to be a retreat to classical ethnography and broad, sweeping comparative analysis. The terms have changed – reflecting on “ontologies” rather than “cultures” – but the means, methods, and results are much the same. In this sense, it’s not really overcoming the Nature/Culture dualism so much as bringing everything into the cultural domain. I agree with Lyle when he says:

…the question is not about categorizing and typologizing multiple ontologies but rather of charting the historical emergence of new ontologies.”

He continues:

The stakes are not only ontological, but also ethical: how to live in this changed world? How to live together amidst these changed beings and groupings? How to make anthropological knowledge about these changed beings and lives? The point is not that ontology is not a useful question for anthropologists, and indeed forms a productive critique of the comparative form of cultural anthropology. Rather, the point is that an ontological critique must be coupled with a transformation of the procedures and form of anthropological inquiry. The question is where one goes after making this ontological “turn”: towards the contemporary, or towards the 19th century.”

I think that there is an element of this in the “ontological turn” most notably with John Law‘s and Annamarie Mol’s work – attempting to understand how the creation of new beings or systems of relation affect those beings and relations that already exist. This is expressed by the two (though Mol deserves credit for coming up with the term) in their conception of “ontological politics” (a concept that, to me, mirrors Latour and Stengers’s “cosmopolitics”). The way I see it, there can be no concrete ontology, not because we cannot know (this is the difference between this and earlier critiques) or access ontological reality, but because ontological reality is itself fundamentally weird and always in the process of being produced. Ontology is never settled, and that’s why we have to be cognizant of other ontologies, and attentive to the relationships between them. Furthermore, we have to be attentive to our own ontological commitments and effects. It’s not merely a question of understanding others’ ontologies, but of understanding our own as anthropologists. This is why I would ask that we take the “ontological turn” not left, right, or wrong, butinside-out. Turn it back on ourselves and our own practices rather than focusing once again on others. What kind of world are we creating through our practices as anthropologists? What kind of world do we want to create? And how can our methods and practices make that world come into being? These are the important questions an ontological perspective begins to address.

I still support an ontological anthropology, but one that is strange, weird, magical, and inside-out.

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A Reader’s Guide to the Ontological Turn – Addendum (Struggle Forever)

By Jeremy Trombley. Posted on Friday, January 17, 2014, at 11:57 am.

Somatosphere’s recently shared two posts (part 1 and part  2) of reader’s guides to the ontological turn, which are extremely useful and full of interesting books/articles/etc. that I hadn’t encountered before. However, there are some noteworthy exceptions, and so I feel compelled to add my own list of influential works in my ontological education. I don’t have tons of time at the moment, so I’ll just write it up as a list and hopefully you can click through and decide which are important to you. Here goes:

Blogs

Academic blogging has been a central feature of the ontological turn over the last several years, so I think it’s unfortunate that these have been left out of the recent reading lists. Much of my own education has taken place through reading and engaging with these blogs – I owe the greatest debt to all of these writers. Here are some of my favorites:

Larval Subjects by Levi Bryant

Synthetic_Zero by Michael, Arran, and DMF

Archive Fire by Michael

Attempts at Living by Arran James

Knowledge Ecology by Adam Robbert

Immanence by Adrian Ivakhiv

Circling Squares by Phillip

Formal Publications (books/articles/etc.)

These could also be considered author recommendations since I won’t list all books and articles by each individual.

Mind and Nature: A Necessary Unity by Gregory Bateson

The Cybernetic Brain by Andrew Pickering

After Method by John Law (also check out his website for tons of great essays and articles!)

The Democracy of Objects by Levi Bryant

A Thousand Years of Non-Linear History by Manuel De Landa

Ecologies of the Moving Image by Adrian Ivakhiv

Territories of Difference by Arturo Escobar

Reassembling the Social by Bruno Latour

Cosmopolitics by Isabelle Stengers

When Species Meet by Donna Haraway

Vibrant Matter by Jane Bennett

Capitalism and Christianity, American Style by William Connolly

The Ecological Thought by Tim Morton

O-Zone: A Journal of Object-Oriented Studies

That’s it for now. If I’ve forgotten anyone/anything please fill in by commenting! I will add to the comments too if anything else comes to mind.

Researchers Target Sea Level Rise to Save Years of Archaeological Evidence (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — Prehistoric shell mounds found on some of Florida’s most pristine beaches are at risk of washing away as the sea level rises, wiping away thousands of years of archaeological evidence.

“The largest risk for these ancient treasure troves of information is sea level rise,” said Shawn Smith, a senior research associate with the Center for Ocean-Atmospheric Prediction Studies at Florida State University.

But a joint project between Smith and the National Park Service is drawing attention to the problem to hopefully minimize the impact on the state’s cultural sites.

Smith and Margo Schwadron, an archaeologist with the National Park Service, have embarked on a project to examine past and future changes in climate and how we can adapt to those changes to save areas of shoreline and thus preserve cultural and archeological evidence.

“We’re kind of the pioneers in looking at the cultural focus of this issue,” Smith said, noting that most weather and ocean experts are concerned about city infrastructure for coastal areas.

To complete the project, the National Park Service awarded Smith a $30,000 grant. With that money, Smith and former Florida State University undergraduate Marcus Johnson spent hours compiling modern, colonial and paleo weather data.

The focus of their initial research is the Canaveral National Seashore and Everglades National Park, which both have prehistoric shell mounds, about 50 feet to 70 feet high. Researchers believe these shell mounds served as foundations for structures and settlements and later served as navigational landmarks during European exploration of the region.

Modern temperature and storm system information was easily available to researchers. But, to go hundreds and then thousands of years back took a slightly different approach.

Log books from old Spanish forts as well as ships that crossed the Atlantic had to be examined to find the missing information.

The result was a comprehensive data set for the region, so detailed that modern era weather conditions are now available by the hour.

Smith and Schwadron are trying to secure more funding to continue their work, but for now, they are making their data set available to the general public and other researchers in hopes of raising awareness about the unexpected effects of sea level rise.

The National Park Service has also published a brochure on climate change and the impact that sea level rise could have on the shell mounds found at Cape Canaveral.

Spirituality, Religion May Protect Against Major Depression by Thickening Brain Cortex (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — A thickening of the brain cortex associated with regular meditation or other spiritual or religious practice could be the reason those activities guard against depression — particularly in people who are predisposed to the disease, according to new research led by Lisa Miller, professor and director of Clinical Psychology and director of the Spirituality Mind Body Institute at Teachers College, Columbia University.

The study, published online by JAMA Psychiatry, involved 103 adults at either high or low risk of depression, based on family history. The subjects were asked how highly they valued religion or spirituality. Brain MRIs showed thicker cortices in subjects who placed a high importance on religion or spirituality than those who did not. The relatively thicker cortex was found in precisely the same regions of the brain that had otherwise shown thinning in people at high risk for depression.

Although more research is necessary, the results suggest that spirituality or religion may protect against major depression by thickening the brain cortex and counteracting the cortical thinning that would normally occur with major depression. The study, published on Dec. 25, 2013, is the first published investigation on the neuro-correlates of the protective effect of spirituality and religion against depression.

“The new study links this extremely large protective benefit of spirituality or religion to previous studies which identified large expanses of cortical thinning in specific regions of the brain in adult offspring of families at high risk for major depression,” Miller said.

Previous studies by Miller and the team published in theAmerican Journal of Psychiatry (2012) showed a 90 percent decrease in major depression in adults who said they highly valued spirituality or religiosity and whose parents suffered from the disease. While regular attendance at church was not necessary, a strong personal importance placed on spirituality or religion was most protective against major depression in people who were at high familial risk.

Journal Reference:

  1. Lisa Miller, Ravi Bansal, Priya Wickramaratne, Xuejun Hao, Craig E. Tenke, Myrna M. Weissman, Bradley S. Peterson.Neuroanatomical Correlates of Religiosity and SpiritualityJAMA Psychiatry, 2013; : 1 DOI:10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2013.3067

Scientists Discover New Pathway for Artificial Photosynthesis (Science Daily)

Jan. 14, 2014 — Humans have for ages taken cues from nature to build their own devices, but duplicating the steps in the complicated electronic dance of photosynthesis remains one of the biggest challenges and opportunities for chemists.

Humans have for ages taken cues from nature to build their own devices, but duplicating the steps in the complicated electronic dance of photosynthesis remains one of the biggest challenges and opportunities for chemists. (Credit: Image courtesy of DOE/Argonne National Laboratory)

Currently, the most efficient methods we have for making fuel — principally, hydrogen — from sunlight and water involve rare and expensive metal catalysts, such as platinum. In a new study, researchers at the U.S. Department of Energy’s Argonne National Laboratory have found a new, more efficient way to link a less expensive synthetic cobalt-containing catalyst to an organic light-sensitive molecule, called a chromophore.

Although cobalt is significantly less efficient than platinum when it comes to light-induced hydrogen generation, the drastic price difference between the two metals makes cobalt the obvious choice as the foundation for a synthetic catalyst, said Argonne chemist Karen Mulfort.

“Cobalt doesn’t have to be as efficient as platinum because it is just so much cheaper,” she said.

The Argonne study wasn’t the first to look at cobalt as a potential catalytic material; however, the paper did identify a new mechanism by which to link the chromophore with the catalyst. Previous experiments with cobalt attempted to connect the chromophore directly with the cobalt atom within the larger compound, but this eventually caused the hydrogen generation process to break down.

Instead, the Argonne researchers connected the chromophore to part of a larger organic ring that surrounded the cobalt atom, which allowed the reaction to continue significantly longer.

“If we were to directly link the chromophore and the cobalt atom, many of the stimulated electrons quickly fall out of the excited state back into the ground state before the energy transfer can occur,” Mulfort said. “By coupling the two materials in the way we’ve described, we can have much more confidence that the electrons are going to behave the way we want them to.”

One additional advantage of working with a cobalt-based catalyst, in addition to its relatively low price and abundance, is the fact that scientists understand the atomic-level mechanisms at play.

“There’s a lot of different ways in which we already know we can modify cobalt-based catalysts, which is important because we need to make our devices more robust,” Mulfort said.

Future studies in this arena could involve nickel- and iron-based catalysts — metals which are even more naturally abundant than cobalt, although they are not quite as effective natural catalysts. “We want to extrapolate from what we’ve gained by looking at this kind of linkage in respect to other catalysts,” Mulfort said.

Mulfort and her Argonne colleagues used the high-intensity X-rays provided by the laboratory’s Advanced Photon Source as well as precise spectroscopic techniques available at Argonne’s Center for Nanoscale Materials.

A paper based on the study appeared in the journal Physical Chemistry Chemical Physics. The research was supported by DOE’s Office of Science.

Journal Reference:

  1. Anusree Mukherjee, Oleksandr Kokhan, Jier Huang, Jens Niklas, Lin X. Chen, David M. Tiede, Karen L. Mulfort.Detection of a charge-separated catalyst precursor state in a linked photosensitizer-catalyst assemblyPhysical Chemistry Chemical Physics, 2013; 15 (48): 21070 DOI:10.1039/C3CP54420F

Brain Regions ‘Tune’ Activity to Enable Attention (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — The brain appears to synchronize the activity of different brain regions to make it possible for a person to pay attention or concentrate on a task, scientists at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis have learned.

 Scientists at the Neuroimaging Laboratory at Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis have learned that brain regions sync their activity levels to enable attention. Pictured (from left) are first author Amy Daitch, co-senior author Maurizio Corbetta, postdoctoral researcher Alicia Callejas and McDonnell Scholar Lenny Ramsey. (Credit: Robert J. Boston)

Researchers think the process, roughly akin to tuning multiple walkie-talkies to the same frequency, may help establish clear channels for communication between brain areas that detect sensory stimuli.

“We think the brain not only puts regions that facilitate attention on alert but also makes sure those regions have open lines for calling each other,” said first author Amy Daitch, a graduate student researcher.

The results are available in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

People who suffer from brain injuries or strokes often have problems paying attention and concentrating.

“Attention deficits in brain injury have been thought of as a loss of the resources needed to concentrate on a task,” said senior author Maurizio Corbetta, MD, the Norman J. Stupp Professor of Neurology. “However, this study shows that temporal alignment of responses in different brain areas is also a very important mechanism that contributes to attention and could be impaired by brain injury.”

Attention lets people ignore irrelevant sensory stimuli, like a driver disregarding a ringing cell phone, and pay attention to important stimuli, like a deer stepping onto the road in front of the car.

To analyze brain changes linked to attention, the scientists used grids of electrodes temporarily implanted onto the brains of patients with epilepsy. Co-senior author Eric Leuthardt, MD, associate professor of neurosurgery and bioengineering, uses the grids to map for surgical removal of brain tissues that contribute to uncontrollable seizures.

With patient permission, the grids also can allow Leuthardt’s lab to study human brain activity at a level of detail unavailable via any other method. Normally, Corbetta and his colleagues investigate attention using various forms of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), which can detect changes in brain activity that occur every 2 to 3 seconds. But with the grids in place, Corbetta and Leuthardt can study the changes that occur in milliseconds.

Before grid implantation, the scientists scanned the brains of seven epilepsy patients, using MRI to map regions known to contribute to attention. With the grids in place, the researchers monitored brain cells as the patients watched for visual targets, directing their attention to different locations on a computer screen without moving their eyes. When patients saw the targets, they pressed a button to let the scientists know they had seen them.

“We analyzed brain oscillations that reflect fluctuations in excitability of a local brain region; in other words, how difficult or easy it is for a neuron to respond to an input,” Daitch said. “If areas of the brain involved in detecting a stimulus are at maximum excitability, you would be much more likely to notice the stimulus.”

Excitability regularly rises and falls in the cells that make up a given brain region. But these oscillations normally are not aligned between different brain regions.

The researchers’ results showed that as patients directed their attention, the brain regions most important for paying attention to visual stimuli adjusted their excitability cycles, causing them to start hitting the peaks of their cycles at the same time. In regions not involved in attention, the excitability cycles did not change.

“If the cycles of two brain regions are out of alignment, the chances that a signal from one region will get through to another region are reduced,” Corbetta said.

Daitch, Corbetta and Leuthardt are investigating whether knowing not just the location, but also the tempo of the task, allows participants to bring the excitability of their brain regions into alignment more rapidly.

Journal Reference:

  1. A. L. Daitch, M. Sharma, J. L. Roland, S. V. Astafiev, D. T. Bundy, C. M. Gaona, A. Z. Snyder, G. L. Shulman, E. C. Leuthardt, M. Corbetta. Frequency-specific mechanism links human brain networks for spatial attention.Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2013; 110 (48): 19585 DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1307947110

Discovery of Quantum Vibrations in ‘Microtubules’ Inside Brain Neurons Supports Controversial Theory of Consciousness (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — A review and update of a controversial 20-year-old theory of consciousness published in Physics of Life Reviews claims that consciousness derives from deeper level, finer scale activities inside brain neurons. The recent discovery of quantum vibrations in “microtubules” inside brain neurons corroborates this theory, according to review authors Stuart Hameroff and Sir Roger Penrose. They suggest that EEG rhythms (brain waves) also derive from deeper level microtubule vibrations, and that from a practical standpoint, treating brain microtubule vibrations could benefit a host of mental, neurological, and cognitive conditions.

A review and update of a controversial 20-year-old theory of consciousness published in Physics of Life Reviews claims that consciousness derives from deeper level, finer scale activities inside brain neurons. (Credit: © James Steidl / Fotolia)

The theory, called “orchestrated objective reduction” (‘Orch OR’), was first put forward in the mid-1990s by eminent mathematical physicist Sir Roger Penrose, FRS, Mathematical Institute and Wadham College, University of Oxford, and prominent anesthesiologist Stuart Hameroff, MD, Anesthesiology, Psychology and Center for Consciousness Studies, The University of Arizona, Tucson. They suggested that quantum vibrational computations in microtubules were “orchestrated” (“Orch”) by synaptic inputs and memory stored in microtubules, and terminated by Penrose “objective reduction” (‘OR’), hence “Orch OR.” Microtubules are major components of the cell structural skeleton.

Orch OR was harshly criticized from its inception, as the brain was considered too “warm, wet, and noisy” for seemingly delicate quantum processes.. However, evidence has now shown warm quantum coherence in plant photosynthesis, bird brain navigation, our sense of smell, and brain microtubules. The recent discovery of warm temperature quantum vibrations in microtubules inside brain neurons by the research group led by Anirban Bandyopadhyay, PhD, at the National Institute of Material Sciences in Tsukuba, Japan (and now at MIT), corroborates the pair’s theory and suggests that EEG rhythms also derive from deeper level microtubule vibrations. In addition, work from the laboratory of Roderick G. Eckenhoff, MD, at the University of Pennsylvania, suggests that anesthesia, which selectively erases consciousness while sparing non-conscious brain activities, acts via microtubules in brain neurons.

“The origin of consciousness reflects our place in the universe, the nature of our existence. Did consciousness evolve from complex computations among brain neurons, as most scientists assert? Or has consciousness, in some sense, been here all along, as spiritual approaches maintain?” ask Hameroff and Penrose in the current review. “This opens a potential Pandora’s Box, but our theory accommodates both these views, suggesting consciousness derives from quantum vibrations in microtubules, protein polymers inside brain neurons, which both govern neuronal and synaptic function, and connect brain processes to self-organizing processes in the fine scale, ‘proto-conscious’ quantum structure of reality.”

After 20 years of skeptical criticism, “the evidence now clearly supports Orch OR,” continue Hameroff and Penrose. “Our new paper updates the evidence, clarifies Orch OR quantum bits, or “qubits,” as helical pathways in microtubule lattices, rebuts critics, and reviews 20 testable predictions of Orch OR published in 1998 — of these, six are confirmed and none refuted.”

An important new facet of the theory is introduced. Microtubule quantum vibrations (e.g. in megahertz) appear to interfere and produce much slower EEG “beat frequencies.” Despite a century of clinical use, the underlying origins of EEG rhythms have remained a mystery. Clinical trials of brief brain stimulation aimed at microtubule resonances with megahertz mechanical vibrations using transcranial ultrasound have shown reported improvements in mood, and may prove useful against Alzheimer’s disease and brain injury in the future.

Lead author Stuart Hameroff concludes, “Orch OR is the most rigorous, comprehensive and successfully-tested theory of consciousness ever put forth. From a practical standpoint, treating brain microtubule vibrations could benefit a host of mental, neurological, and cognitive conditions.”

The review is accompanied by eight commentaries from outside authorities, including an Australian group of Orch OR arch-skeptics. To all, Hameroff and Penrose respond robustly.

Penrose, Hameroff and Bandyopadhyay will explore their theories during a session on “Microtubules and the Big Consciousness Debate” at the Brainstorm Sessions, a public three-day event at the Brakke Grond in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, January 16-18, 2014. They will engage skeptics in a debate on the nature of consciousness, and Bandyopadhyay and his team will couple microtubule vibrations from active neurons to play Indian musical instruments. “Consciousness depends on anharmonic vibrations of microtubules inside neurons, similar to certain kinds of Indian music, but unlike Western music which is harmonic,” Hameroff explains.

Journal References:

  1. Stuart Hameroff and Roger Penrose. Consciousness in the universe: A review of the ‘Orch OR’ theoryPhysics of Life Reviews, 2013 DOI: 10.1016/j.plrev.2013.08.002
  2. Stuart Hameroff, MD, and Roger Penrose. Reply to criticism of the ‘Orch OR qubit’–‘Orchestrated objective reduction’ is scientifically justifiedPhysics of Life Reviews, 2013 DOI: 10.1016/j.plrev.2013.11.00
  3. Stuart Hameroff, Roger Penrose. Consciousness in the universePhysics of Life Reviews, 2013; DOI:10.1016/j.plrev.2013.08.002

The Way to a Chimpanzee’s Heart Is Through Its Stomach (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — The ability to form long-term cooperative relationships between unrelated individuals is one of the main reasons for human’s extraordinary biological success, yet little is known about its evolution and mechanisms. The hormone oxytocin, however, plays a role in it.

After hunting, chimpanzees share the meat of a red colobus monkey amongst them. (Credit: © Roman M. Wittig / Taï Chimpanzee Project)

Researchers of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig, Germany, measured the urinary oxytocin levels in wild chimpanzees after food sharing and found them to be elevated in both donor and receiver compared to social feeding events without sharing. Furthermore, oxytocin levels were higher after food sharing than after grooming, another cooperative behavior, suggesting that food sharing might play a more important role in promoting social bonding. By using the same neurobiological mechanisms, which evolved within the context of building and strengthening the mother-offspring bond during lactation, food sharing might even act as a trigger for cooperative relationships in related and unrelated adult chimpanzees.

Humans and a few other social mammals form cooperative relationships between unrelated adults that can last for several months or years. According to recent studies the hormone oxytocin, which facilitates bonding between mother and offspring, likely plays a role in promoting these relationships. In chimpanzees, for instance, increased urinary oxytocin levels are linked to grooming between bonding partners, whether or not they are genetically related to each other.

To examine the ways in which oxytocin is associated with food sharing, Roman Wittig and colleagues of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig have collected and analyzed 79 urine samples from 26 wild chimpanzees from Budongo Forest in Uganda within one hour after the chimpanzees either shared food or socially fed without sharing. The result: A chimpanzee’s urine contained significantly higher levels of oxytocin after sharing food with another group member than just after feeding socially regardless whether the animal was the donor or the receiver of the food. “Increased urinary oxytocin levels were independent of whether subjects gave or received food, shared with kin or non-kin, shared with an established bond partner or not, or shared meat or other food types,” says Roman Wittig.

In addition, the researchers found that the oxytocin levels associated with food sharing were higher than those associated with grooming, indicating that the rarer food sharing has a stronger bonding effect than the more frequently occurring grooming. “Food sharing may be a key behavior for social bonding in chimpanzees,” says Wittig. “As it benefits receivers and donors equally, it might even act as a trigger and predictor of cooperative relationships.”

The researchers further suggest that food sharing likely activates neurobiological mechanisms that originally evolved to support mother-infant bonding during lactation. “Initially, this mechanism may have evolved to maintain bonds between mother and child beyond the age of weaning,” says Wittig. “It may then have been hitch-hiked and is now also promoting bond formation and maintenance in non-kin cooperative relationships.”

The Latin roots of the word companion (‘com = with’ and ‘panis = bread’) may indicate a similar mechanism to build companionship in humans. Whether human urinary oxytocin levels also increase after sharing a meal with others will be a subject for future studies.

Journal Reference:

  1. R. M. Wittig, C. Crockford, T. Deschner, K. E. Langergraber, T. E. Ziegler, K. Zuberbuhler. Food sharing is linked to urinary oxytocin levels and bonding in related and unrelated wild chimpanzeesProceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 2014; 281 (1778): 20133096 DOI: 10.1098/rspb.2013.3096

Megafloods: What They Leave Behind (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — South-central Idaho and the surface of Mars have an interesting geological feature in common: amphitheater-headed canyons. These U-shaped canyons with tall vertical headwalls are found near the Snake River in Idaho as well as on the surface of Mars, according to photographs taken by satellites. Various explanations for how these canyons formed have been offered — some for Mars, some for Idaho, some for both — but in a paper published the week of December 16 in the online issue ofProceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,Caltech professor of geology Michael P. Lamb, Benjamin Mackey, formerly a postdoctoral fellow at Caltech, and W. M. Keck Foundation Professor of Geochemistry Kenneth A. Farley offer a plausible account that all these canyons were created by enormous floods.

Stubby Canyon, Malad Gorge State Park, Idaho. (Credit: Michael Lamb)

Canyons in Malad Gorge State Park, Idaho, are carved into a relatively flat plain composed of a type of volcanic rock known as basalt. The basalt originated from a hotspot, located in what is now Yellowstone Park, which has been active for the last few million years. Two canyons in Malad Gorge, Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon, are characterized by tall vertical headwalls, roughly 150 feet high, that curve around to form an amphitheater. Other amphitheater-headed canyons can be found nearby, outside the Gorge — Box Canyon, Blue Lakes Canyon, and Devil’s Corral — and also elsewhere on Earth, such as in Iceland.

To figure out how they formed, Lamb and Mackey conducted field surveys and collected rock samples from Woody’s Cove, Stubby Canyon, and a third canyon in Malad Gorge, known as Pointed Canyon. As its name indicates, Pointed Canyon ends not in an amphitheater but in a point, as it progressively narrows in the upstream direction toward the plateau at an average 7 percent grade. Through Pointed Canyon flows the Wood River, a tributary of the larger Snake River, which in turn empties into the Columbia River on its way to the Pacific Ocean.

Geologists have a good understanding of how the rocks in Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon achieved their characteristic appearance. The lava flows that hardened into basalt were initially laid down in layers, some more than six feet thick. As the lava cooled, it contracted and cracked, just as mud does when it dries. This produced vertical cracks across the entire layer of lava-turned-basalt. As each additional sheet of lava covered the same land, it too cooled and cracked vertically, leaving a wall that, when exposed, looks like stacks of tall blocks, slightly offset from one another with each additional layer. This type of structure is called columnar basalt.

While the formation of columnar basalt is well understood, it is not clear how, at Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon, the vertical walls became exposed or how they took on their curved shapes. The conventional explanation is that the canyons were formed via a process called “groundwater sapping,” in which springs at the bottom of the canyon gradually carve tunnels at the base of the rock wall until this undercutting destabilizes the structure so much that blocks or columns of basalt fall off from above, creating the amphitheater below.

This explanation has not been corroborated by the Caltech team’s observations, for two reasons. First, there is no evidence of undercutting, even though there are existing springs at the base of Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon. Second, undercutting should leave large boulders in place at the foot of the canyon, at least until they are dissolved or carried away by groundwater. “These blocks are too big to move by spring flow, and there’s not enough time for the groundwater to have dissolved them away,” Lamb explains, “which means that large floods are needed to move them out. To make a canyon, you have to erode the canyon headwall, and you also have to evacuate the material that collapses in.”

That leaves waterfall erosion during a large flood event as the only remaining candidate for the canyon formation that occurred in Malad Gorge, the Caltech team concludes.

No water flows over the top of Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon today. But even a single incident of overland water flow occurring during an unusually large flood event could pluck away and topple boulders from the columnar basalt, taking advantage of the vertical fracturing already present in the volcanic rock. A flood of this magnitude could also carry boulders downstream, leaving behind the amphitheater canyons we see today without massive boulder piles at their bottoms and with no existing watercourses.

Additional evidence that at some point in the past water flowed over the plateaus near Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon are the presence of scour marks on surface rocks on the plateau above the canyons. These scour marks are evidence of the type of abrasion that occurs when a water discharge containing sediment moves overland.

Taken together, the evidence from Malad Gorge, Lamb says, suggests that “amphitheater shapes might be diagnostic of very large-scale floods, which would imply much larger water discharges and much shorter flow durations than predicted by the previous groundwater theory.” Lamb points out that although groundwater sapping “is often assumed to explain the origin of amphitheater-headed canyons, there is no place on Earth where it has been demonstrated to work in columnar basalt.”

Closing the case on the canyons at Malad Gorge required one further bit of information: the ages of the rock samples. This was accomplished at Caltech’s Noble Gas Lab, run by Kenneth A. Farley, W. M. Keck Foundation Professor of Geochemistry and chair of the Division of Geological and Planetary Sciences.

The key to dating surface rocks on Earth is cosmic rays — very high-energy particles from space that regularly strike Earth. “Cosmic rays interact with the atmosphere and eventually with rocks at the surface, producing alternate versions of noble gas elements, or isotopes, called cosmogenic nuclides,” Lamb explains. “If we know the cosmic-ray flux, and we measure the accumulation of nuclides in a certain mineral, then we can calculate the time that rock has been sitting at Earth’s surface.”

At the Noble Gas Lab, Farley and Mackey determined that rock samples from the heads of Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon had been exposed for the same length of time, approximately 46,000 years. If Lamb and his colleagues are correct, this is when the flood event occurred that plucked the boulders off the canyon walls, leaving the amphitheaters behind.

Further evidence supporting the team’s theory can be found in Pointed Canyon. Rock samples collected along the walls of the first kilometer of the canyon show progressively more exposure in the downstream direction, suggesting that the canyon is still being carved by Wood River. Using the dates of exposure revealed in the rock samples, Lamb reconstructed the probable location of Pointed Canyon at the time of the formation of Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon. At that location, where the rock has been exposed approximately 46,000 years, the surrounding canyon walls form the characteristic U-shape of an amphitheater-headed canyon and then abruptly narrow into the point that forms the remainder of Pointed Canyon. “The same megaflood event that created Woody’s Cove and Stubby Canyon seems to have created Pointed Canyon,” Lamb concludes. “The only difference is that the other canyons had no continuing river action, while Pointed Canyon was cut relatively slowly over the last 46,000 years by the Wood River, which is not powerful enough to topple and pluck basalt blocks from the surrounding plateau, resulting in a narrow channel rather than tall vertical headwalls.”

Solving the puzzle of how amphitheater-headed canyons are created has implications reaching far beyond south-central Idaho because similar features — though some much larger — are also present on the surface of Mars. “A very popular interpretation for the amphitheater-headed canyons on Mars is that groundwater seeps out of cracks at the base of the canyon headwalls and that no water ever went over the top,” Lamb says. Judging from the evidence in Idaho, however, it seems more likely that on Mars, as on Earth, amphitheater-headed canyons were created by enormous flood events, suggesting that Mars was once a very watery planet.

Journal Reference:

  1. M. P. Lamb, B. H. Mackey, K. A. Farley. Amphitheater-headed canyons formed by megaflooding at Malad Gorge, IdahoProceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2013; 111 (1): 57 DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1312251111

Altering the Community of Gut Bacteria Promotes Health and Increases Lifespan (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — Scientists at the Buck Institute for Research on Aging have promoted health and increased lifespan in Drosophila by altering the symbiotic, or commensal, relationship between bacteria and the absorptive cells lining the intestine. The research, appearing in the January 16, 2014 edition of Cell, provides a model for studying many of the dysfunctions that are characteristic of the aging gut and gives credence to the growing supposition that having the right balance of gut bacteria may be key to enjoying a long healthy life.

Even though recent research in humans has linked the composition of gut flora with diet and health in the elderly and the list of age-related diseases associated with changes in gut bacteria include cancer, diabetes, and inflammatory bowel disease, lead author and Buck faculty Heinrich Jasper, PhD, says there is no systematic understanding of how we go from having a young, healthy gut to one that is old and decrepit. “Our study explores age-related changes in the gut that include increased oxidative stress, inflammation, impaired efficiency of the immune response, and the over-proliferation of stem cells,” said Jasper. “It puts these changes into a hierarchical, causal relationship and highlights the points where we can intervene to rescue the negative results of microbial imbalance.”

Jasper says the bacterial load in fly intestines increases dramatically with age, resulting in an inflammatory condition. The imbalance is driven by chronic activation of the stress response gene FOXO (something that happens with age), which suppresses the activity of a class of molecules (PGRP-SCs, homologues of PGLYRPs in humans) that regulate the immune response to bacteria. PGRP-SC suppression deregulates signaling molecules (Rel/NFkB) that are important to mount an effective immune response to gut bacteria. The resulting immune imbalance allows bacterial numbers to expand, triggering an inflammatory response that includes the production of free radicals. Free radicals, in turn, cause over-proliferation of stem cells in the gut, resulting in epithelial dysplasia, a pre-cancerous state.

Jasper said the most exciting result of their study occurred when his group increased the expression of PGRP-SC in epithelial cells of the gut, which restored the microbial balance and limited stem cell proliferation. This enhancement of PGRP-SC function, which could be mimicked by drugs, was sufficient to increase lifespan of flies. “If we can understand how aging affects our commensal population — first in the fly and then in humans — — our data suggest that we should be able to impact health span and life span quite strongly, because it is the management of the commensal population that is critical to the health of the organism.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Linlin Guo, Jason Karpac, Susan L. Tran, Heinrich Jasper.PGRP-SC2 Promotes Gut Immune Homeostasis to Limit Commensal Dysbiosis and Extend LifespanCell, 2014; 156 (1-2): 109 DOI: 10.1016/j.cell.2013.12.018

Violence, Infectious Disease and Climate Change Contributed to Indus Civilization Collapse (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — A new study on the human skeletal remains from the ancient Indus city of Harappa provides evidence that inter-personal violence and infectious diseases played a role in the demise of the Indus, or Harappan Civilization around 4,000 years ago.

Evidence for maxillary infection in individual G.I.S.15. The lesions included porosity, alveolar resorption, abscessing at the right canine and third premolar, and antemortem tooth loss (a = right ventral view). This individual also had inflammatory changes to the palatine process of the maxilla leading to localized bone destruction and perforation (b = inferior view of palate). There is evidence for porosity and inflammation at the inferior margin of the pyriform aperture, porosity and deformation of the infraorbital foramen caused by infection of the left maxillary sinus (c: ventral view). (Credit: Gwen Robbins Schug, K. Elaine Blevins, Brett Cox, Kelsey Gray, V. Mushrif-Tripathy. Infection, Disease, and Biosocial Processes at the End of the Indus Civilization. PLoS ONE, 2013; 8 (12): e84814 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0084814)

The Indus Civilization stretched over a million square kilometers of what is now Pakistan and India in the Third Millennium B.C. While contemporaneous civilizations in Egypt and Mesopotomia, are well-known, their Indus trading partners have remained more of a mystery.

Archaeological research has demonstrated that Indus cities grew rapidly from 2200-1900 B.C., when they were largely abandoned. “The collapse of the Indus Civilization and the reorganization of its human population has been controversial for a long time,” lead author of the paper published last month in the journal PLOS ONE, Gwen Robbins Schug, explained. Robbins Schug is an associate professor of anthropology at Appalachian State University.

Climate, economic, and social changes all played a role in the process of urbanization and collapse, but little was known about how these changes affected the human population.

Robbins Schug and an international team of researchers examined evidence for trauma and infectious disease in the human skeletal remains from three burial areas at Harappa, one of the largest cities in the Indus Civilization. The results of their analysis counter longstanding claims that the Indus civilization developed as a peaceful, cooperative, and egalitarian state-level society, without social differentiation, hierarchy, or differences in access to basic resources.

The data suggest instead that some communities at Harappa faced more significant impacts than others from climate and socio-economic strains, particularly the socially disadvantaged or marginalized communities who are most vulnerable to violence and disease. This pattern is expected in strongly socially differentiated, hierarchical but weakly controlled societies facing resource stress.

Robbins Schug’s and colleagues’ findings add to the growing body of research about the character of Indus society and the nature of its collapse.

“Early research had proposed that ecological factors were the cause of the demise, but there wasn’t much paleo-environmental evidence to confirm those theories,” Robbins Schug said. “In the past few decades, there have been refinements to the available techniques for reconstructing paleo-environments and burgeoning interest in this field.”

When paleoclimate, archaeology, and human skeletal biology approaches are combined, scientists can glean important insights from the past, addressing long-standing and socially relevant questions.

“Rapid climate change events have wide-ranging impacts on human communities,” Robbins Schug said. “Scientists cannot make assumptions that climate changes will always equate to violence and disease. However, in this case, it appears that the rapid urbanization process in Indus cities, and the increasingly large amount of culture contact, brought new challenges to the human population. Infectious diseases like leprosy and tuberculosis were probably transmitted across an interaction sphere that spanned Middle and South Asia.”

Robbins Schug’s research shows that leprosy appeared at Harappa during the urban phase of the Indus Civilization, and its prevalence significantly increased through time. New diseases, such as tuberculosis, also appear in the Late Harappan or post-urban phase burials. Violent injury such as cranial trauma also increases through time, a finding that is remarkable, she said, given that evidence for violence is very rare in prehistoric South Asian sites generally.

“As the environment changed, the exchange network became increasingly incoherent. When you combine that with social changes and this particular cultural context, it all worked together to create a situation that became untenable,” she said.

The results of the study are striking, according to Robbins Schug, because violence and disease increased through time, with the highest rates found as the human population was abandoning the cities. However, an even more interesting result is that individuals who were excluded from the city’s formal cemeteries had the highest rates of violence and disease. In a small ossuary southeast of the city, men, women, and children were interred in a small pit. The rate of violence in this sample was 50 percent for the 10 crania preserved, and more than 20 percent of these individuals demonstrated evidence of infection with leprosy.

Robbins Schug said lessons from the Indus Civilization are applicable to modern societies.

“Human populations in semi-arid regions of the world, including South Asia, currently face disproportionate impacts from global climate change,” the researchers wrote. “The evidence from Harappa offers insights into how social and biological challenges impacted past societies facing rapid population growth, climate change and environmental degradation. Unfortunately, in this case, increasing levels of violence and disease accompanied massive levels of migration and resource stress and disproportionate impacts were felt by the most vulnerable members of society.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Gwen Robbins Schug, K. Elaine Blevins, Brett Cox, Kelsey Gray, V. Mushrif-Tripathy. Infection, Disease, and Biosocial Processes at the End of the Indus Civilization.PLoS ONE, 2013; 8 (12): e84814 DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0084814

Genomes of Modern Dogs and Wolves Provide New Insights On Domestication (Science Daily)

Jan. 16, 2014 — Dogs and wolves evolved from a common ancestor between 9,000 and 34,000 years ago, before humans transitioned to agricultural societies, according to an analysis of modern dog and wolf genomes from areas of the world thought to be centers of dog domestication.

This chart depicts wolf and dog lineages as they diverge over time. (Credit: Freedma, et al / PLoS Genetics)

The study, published in PLoS Geneticson January 16, 2014, also shows that dogs are more closely related to each other than wolves, regardless of geographic origin. This suggests that part of the genetic overlap observed between some modern dogs and wolves is the result of interbreeding after dog domestication, not a direct line of descent from one group of wolves.

This reflects a more complicated history than the popular story that early farmers adopted a few docile, friendly wolves that later became our beloved, modern-day companions. Instead, the earliest dogs may have first lived among hunter-gatherer societies and adapted to agricultural life later.

“Dog domestication is more complex than we originally thought,” said John Novembre, associate professor in the Department of Human Genetics at the University of Chicago and a senior author on the study. “In this analysis we didn’t see clear evidence in favor of a multi-regional model, or a single origin from one of the living wolves that we sampled. It makes the field of dog domestication very intriguing going forward.”

The team generated the highest quality genome sequences to date from three gray wolves: one each from China, Croatia and Israel, representing three regions where dogs are believed to have originated. They also produced genomes for two dog breeds: a basenji, a breed which originates in central Africa, and a dingo from Australia, both areas that have been historically isolated from modern wolf populations. In addition to the wolves and dogs, they sequenced the genome of a golden jackal to serve as an “outgroup” representing earlier divergence.

Their analysis of the basenji and dingo genomes, plus a previously published boxer genome from Europe, showed that the dog breeds were most closely related to each other. Likewise, the three wolves from each geographic area were more closely related to each other than any of the dogs.

Novembre said this tells a different story than he and his colleagues anticipated. Instead of all three dogs being closely related to one of the wolf lineages, or each dog being related to its closest geographic counterpart (i.e. the basenji and Israeli wolf, or the dingo and Chinese wolf), they seem to have descended from an older, wolf-like ancestor common to both species.

“One possibility is there may have been other wolf lineages that these dogs diverged from that then went extinct,” he said. “So now when you ask which wolves are dogs most closely related to, it’s none of these three because these are wolves that diverged in the recent past. It’s something more ancient that isn’t well represented by today’s wolves.”

Accounting for gene flow between dogs and wolves after domestication was a crucial step in the analyses. According to Adam Freedman, a postdoctoral fellow at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) and the lead author on the study, gene flow across canid species appears more pervasive than previously thought.

“If you don’t explicitly consider such exchanges, these admixture events get confounded with shared ancestry,” he said. “We also found evidence for genetic exchange between wolves and jackals. The picture emerging from our analyses is that these exchanges may play an important role in shaping the diversification of canid species.”

Domestication apparently occurred with significant bottlenecks in the historical population sizes of both early dogs and wolves. Freedman and his colleagues were able to infer historical sizes of dog and wolf populations by analyzing genome-wide patterns of variation, and show that dogs suffered a 16-fold reduction in population size as they diverged from wolves. Wolves also experienced a sharp drop in population size soon after their divergence from dogs, implying that diversity among both animals’ common ancestors was larger than represented by modern wolves.

The researchers also found differences across dog breeds and wolves in the number of amylase (AMY2B) genes that help digest starch. Recent studies have suggested that this gene was critical to domestication, allowing early dogs living near humans to adapt to an agricultural diet. But the research team surveyed genetic data from 12 additional dog breeds and saw that while most dog breeds had high numbers of amylase genes, those not associated with agrarian societies, like the Siberian husky and dingo, did not. They also saw evidence of this gene family in wolves, meaning that it didn’t develop exclusively in dogs after the two species diverged, and may have expanded more recently after domestication.

Novembre said that overall, the study paints a complex picture of early domestication.

“We’re trying to get every thread of evidence we can to reconstruct the past,” he said. “We use genetics to reconstruct the history of population sizes, relationships among populations and the gene flow that occurred. So now we have a much more detailed picture than existed before, and it’s a somewhat surprising picture.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Adam H. Freedman, Ilan Gronau, Rena M. Schweizer, Diego Ortega-Del Vecchyo, Eunjung Han, Pedro M. Silva, Marco Galaverni, Zhenxin Fan, Peter Marx, Belen Lorente-Galdos, Holly Beale, Oscar Ramirez, Farhad Hormozdiari, Can Alkan, Carles Vilà, Kevin Squire, Eli Geffen, Josip Kusak, Adam R. Boyko, Heidi G. Parker, Clarence Lee, Vasisht Tadigotla, Adam Siepel, Carlos D. Bustamante, Timothy T. Harkins, Stanley F. Nelson, Elaine A. Ostrander, Tomas Marques-Bonet, Robert K. Wayne, John Novembre. Genome Sequencing Highlights the Dynamic Early History of DogsPLoS Genetics, 2014; 10 (1): e1004016 DOI:10.1371/journal.pgen.1004016

Fluxos paulistas (Fapesp)

Núcleo de Estudos de População da Unicamp lança atlas sobre os 200 anos de imigração em São Paulo

CAROLINA ROSSETTI DE TOLEDO | Edição 215 – Janeiro de 2014

Trem levava imigrantes do porto de Santos para as lavouras de café no interior do estado (foto de 1920)

Trem levava imigrantes do porto de Santos para as lavouras de café no interior do estado (foto de 1920)

Ao longo de mais de 200 anos, o tecido social paulista foi moldado de maneira singular pela chegada de mais de 5 milhões de migrantes de várias nacionalidades e regiões do Brasil. As idas e vindas dessas comunidades provocaram profundas alterações na dinâmica social e serviram como potentes motores econômicos da indústria e da agricultura do estado. A capital paulista foi espaço privilegiado deste movimento. Seus bairros mais tradicionais são testemunhos vivos do desenvolvimento urbano pautado por influxos italianos, japoneses, portugueses e, mais recentemente, bolivianos, coreanos, senegaleses e haitianos. A qualidade cosmopolita e empreendedora de São Paulo tem como raiz a herança imigrante. Com o objetivo de mapear a dinâmica migratória de 1794 a 2010, revelando as mudanças e particularidades das trajetórias migrantes nos vários períodos econômicos do estado paulista, o Núcleo de Estudos de População da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Nepo-Unicamp) lançou, em dezembro, o Atlas temático do Observatório das Migrações em São Paulo.

A iniciativa é coordenada pela cientista social da Unicamp Rosana Baeninger e teve apoio da FAPESP e do Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq). O Atlas é resultado de um projeto temático iniciado em 2009 e que concluiu sua primeira fase em 2013. O estudo das migrações em São Paulo envolveu 16 pesquisadores do Nepo, do Instituto de Economia, do Núcleo de Estudos de Políticas Públicas e da Faculdade de Ciências Aplicadas da Unicamp e das universidades Estadual Paulista (Unesp), Federal de São Carlos (UFSCar), Federal de São Paulo (Unifesp) e da Faculdade Anhembi-Morumbi, além de 40 estudantes de iniciação científica, mestrado, doutorado e pós-doutorado. O trabalho incluiu mais de 500 entrevistas com famílias de imigrantes e a coleta de dados censitários, registros do porto de Santos, estudos demográficos e certidões de casamento.

O próximo passo da pesquisa é avançar no estudo das migrações contemporâneas, investigando o impacto social, econômico e urbano das novas levas imigrantes em São Paulo, como os coreanos instalados da região industrial de Piracicaba e no setor de semijoias em Limeira, os haitianos na construção civil de Campinas e Franca, e os bolivianos nas confecções de São Paulo, Americana e Indaiatuba. “O Observatório das Migrações notou que, depois de 200 anos de imigração, São Paulo continua sendo a porta de entrada das imigrações internacionais no Brasil”, diz Rosana.

Reflexos na economia
O objetivo do Atlas é recuperar as distintas fases das migrações do estado desde 1794 até os dias atuais e articular as levas imigrantes e seus reflexos nas diversas fases da economia paulista. O primeiro período histórico contemplado no Atlas, de 1794 a 1888, envolve as migrações internas de cerca de 500 mil homens livres e escravos, bem como os primeiros imigrantes europeus, trazidos para trabalhar nas lavouras de café. A falta de censos demográficos desse período levou os pesquisadores a investigar os registros de casamentos e dados paroquiais de Campinas e São Carlos, por meio dos quais perceberam que parte significativa dos escravos dessas regiões vinha do quadrilátero do açúcar e do sul de Minas Gerais, assim como das províncias do Rio de Janeiro e da Bahia. O levantamento revelou a intensa mobilidade espacial das migrações internas no estado, um aspecto até então pouco estudado da história de São Paulo no século XIX. “Procuramos cobrir uma lacuna na literatura e mostrar como a migração interna e externa são fenômenos muito interligados que continuam a impactar a formação social paulista”, explica Rosana.

Durante 1885 e 1927 entraram em terras paulistas por volta de 2,5 milhões de imigrantes estrangeiros atraídos pela expansão da cafeicultura e crescente urbanização. A primeira expansão da cafeicultura foi concentrada inicialmente nas regiões de Campinas até Araraquara. No início do século XX, o plantio do café se expande rumo à ocupação do território para o oeste do estado. Trabalhadores recém-desembarcados em Santos rapidamente ocupam as novas fronteiras agrícolas. Esse foi o grande período das imigrações europeias incentivadas pelo governo brasileiro. A maior comunidade a chegar a São Paulo entre os anos de 1872 e 1929 foi a italiana, seguida pela portuguesa, espanhola, alemã e japonesa.

Padrões de ocupação
Cada nacionalidade assumiu um padrão de ocupação diferente. Enquanto a de portugueses em São Paulo acompanhou a expansão da fronteira agrícola para oeste, os japoneses tiveram uma dispersão maior pelo estado, reunindo suas famílias nas cidades próximas ao porto de Iguape, no Vale do Ribeira, até a região entre Araçatuba e Presidente Prudente. O rico conjunto de mapas que compõe o Atlas detalha a dinâmica de imigração de todas as nacionalidades de imigrantes entre os anos de 1920 e 2010.

Em 1927 foi encerrado o subsídio à imigração internacional e a crise econômica global alterou a dinâmica imigratória. A elite industrial paulistana cresceu e o empresariado de origem imigrante estabeleceu raízes em Ribeirão Preto, Franca, São Carlos e Bauru, criando ricos polos industriais nas regiões. Os anos 1970 testemunharam a crescente pulverização dos fluxos migratórios rumo ao interior, padrão que continua até hoje por conta da melhor qualidade e menor custo de vida. Em razão da modernização agrícola e difusão da indústria, orientada pela instalação de eixos rodoviários do estado, o interior vem ganhando progressivamente uma relevância populacional, política e econômica. “As cidades interioranas têm forças endógenas e seu desenvolvimento se deve muito aos fluxos migratórios”, diz Rosana. A pesquisa mostra, por exemplo, como a presença de libaneses e japoneses estimulou o florescimento de zonas de comércio, ao passo que os italianos, portugueses e alemães cultivaram a agricultura e impulsionaram a indústria de São Paulo. Entre 1872 e 1950 estima-se que mais de 1 milhão de italianos entraram no estado, seguidos por 1 milhão de portugueses, 600 mil espanhóis, 200 mil japoneses, 200 mil alemães e 100 mil libaneses.

Bolivianos 
em São Paulo, em 2012: leva mais recente de imigrantes

Bolivianos 
em São Paulo, em 2012: leva mais recente de imigrantes

Os conflitos políticos na Europa em meados do século XX provocaram grandes movimentos de dispersão populacional. Nesse período, São Paulo testemunhou a chegada de novas nacionalidades. “A partir de 1930, os especialistas tinham um olhar mais centrado na imigração interna de nordestinos que vieram trabalhar em São Paulo, mas nossa pesquisa mostra como foi importante a chegada de uma nova leva de imigrantes de mão de obra qualificada, especialmente depois da guerra, como os gregos, poloneses, russos e ucranianos que chegaram ao estado impulsionados por conjunturas políticas muito específicas”, explica a pesquisadora. Diferentemente dos períodos anteriores, a imigração do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial é quase inteiramente urbana e serviu para acelerar o crescimento das cidades paulistas em um ritmo inédito. Ao longo da década de 1950 houve um elevado crescimento populacional na Região Metropolitana da capital, que passou de 2.653.860 habitantes em 1950 para 4.739.406 em 1960, onde as migrações rurais e urbanas, em especial de nordestinos, permitiram que a metrópole tivesse mão de obra disponível para fazer deslanchar sua próxima etapa econômica.

A chegada de imigrantes ajudou no desenvolvimento econômico e expansão demográfica, mas encontrou um crescimento urbano desorganizado gerando, consequentemente, maior demanda por serviços públicos. Um dos objetivos do Observatório das Migrações é aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as imigrações e, assim, auxiliar na implementação de políticas públicas mais eficientes. Diferentemente dos fluxos anteriores, a imigração contemporânea é pautada por maior mobilidade. Os imigrantes agora viajam com maior velocidade e nem sempre vêm com a intenção de se estabelecer definitivamente, como entre 1850 e 1950.

“A rotatividade migratória depende de onde o capital internacional tem excedentes. Hoje, com um Nordeste mais dinamizado, o fluxo de trabalhadores desta região tende a diminuir, por exemplo. Ao entender essa dinâmica do fluxo de capital global é possível perceber a demanda por mão de obra nas cidades paulistas e as necessidades mais pontuais por políticas de atendimento à saúde e educação”, diz Rosana. Para ela, existe hoje um contingente populacional de imigrantes “invisíveis” em São Paulo, como bolivianos, peruanos, paraguaios, coreanos, chineses e senegaleses, angolanos que chegaram para trabalhar na indústria têxtil e no comércio. Estima-se que esses contingentes cheguem a mais de 500 mil pessoas vivendo na cidade. “Temos uma diversidade maior do que em outras épocas. Isso vai demandar uma estrutura diferenciada de políticas públicas que reflitam sobre a segunda geração desses fluxos de imigração, assim como sobre a interiorização da imigração internacional e as sucessivas idas e vindas das comunidades imigrantes.”

O Observatório das Migrações também concluiu em 2013 a publicação dos últimos volumes de uma série de 12 estudos sobre as dinâmicas migratórias de São Paulo. A coleção Por Dentro do Estado de São Paulo mapeia o impacto dos fluxos migratórios em várias regiões do estado e está disponível aqui.

Projeto
Observatório das Migrações em São Paulo (Fases e faces do fenômeno migratório no estado de São Paulo) (nº 2009/06502-2); Modalidade Projeto Temático; Coord.Rosana Aparecida Baeninger/Unicamp; Investimento R$ 368.845,20 (FAPESP) / R$ 37.000,00 (CNPq)

David Graeber: Sobre o Fenômeno dos Empregos de Merda

Um texto do antropólogo David Graeber que explica porque é que em vez de diminuir, o horário de trabalho não pára de crescer.

constructivist-job-illustration-e1379098388568

Nos últimos anos na Europa e nos Estados Unidos o horário de trabalho tem vindo a aumentar. Em Portugal a jornada de trabalho para a Função Pública amentou das 35 para as 40 horas perante a passividade quase total dos sindicatos oficiais. Em Espanha, a CNT e a CGT reivindicam há muito as 30 horas semanais. Há pouco mais de 80 anos os economistas acreditavam que na viragem do século XX para o XXI, devido aos progressos tecnológicos (que continuam a verificar-se) o tempo de trabalho diário não ultrapassaria as 3 ou as 4 horas. O antropólogo anarquista e membro do Occupy Wall Street, David Graeber, explica a inutilidade dos empregos (e dos trabalhos) de merda criados nas últimas décadas. Que só servem para nos prender aos locais de trabalho, não para produzir ou fazer quaisquer trabalhos socialmente relevantes.

David Graeber

No ano de 1930 John Maynard Keynes previu que, até ao final do século XX, a tecnologia teria avançado o suficiente para que países como a Grã-Bretanha ou os Estados Unidos pudessem implementar a semana laboral de 15 horas. Não faltam motivos para acreditar que tinha razão, dado que a nossa tecnologia actual o permitiria. E, no entanto, isso não aconteceu. Em vez disso, a tecnologia inventou novas formas para que trabalhemos mais. A fim de alcançar este objectivo, foram criados novos trabalhos, que não têm, efectivamente, nenhum sentido. Enormes quantidades de pessoas, especialmente na Europa e nos Estados Unidos, passam toda a sua vida profissional na execução de tarefas que, no fundo, consideram completamente desnecessárias. É uma situação que provoca um dano moral e espiritual profundo. É uma cicatriz que marca a nossa alma colectiva. Mas quase ninguém fala disso.

Por que é que nunca se materializou a utopia prometida por Keynes – uma utopia ainda aguardada com grande expectativa nos anos 60? A explicação mais generalizada hoje em dia é que Keynes não soube prever o aumento massivo do Consumismo. Face à alternativa entre menos horas de trabalho ou mais brinquedos e prazeres, teríamos escolhido colectivamente a segunda opção. É uma fábula muito bonita, mas basta apenas um momento de reflexão para vermos que isso não pode ser realmente verdade. De facto temos assistido à criação de uma variedade infinita de novos empregos e indústrias, desde a década de 20, mas muito poucos têm alguma coisa a ver com a produção e distribuição de sushi, iPhones ou de calçado desportivo de moda.

Então, quais são, precisamente, esses novos postos de trabalho? Um relatório comparando o emprego nos EUA entre 1910 e 2000, dá-nos uma imagem muito clara (que, sublinho se vê praticamente reflectida no Reino Unido). Ao longo do século passado, diminuiu drasticamente o número de trabalhadores empregados no serviço doméstico, na indústria e no sector agrícola. Ao mesmo tempo, “a nível profissional, os directores, os administrativos, os vendedores e os trabalhadores dos serviçostriplicaram, crescendo de um quarto a três quartos do emprego total. Por outras palavras, os empregos no sector produtivo, tal como previsto, muitos trabalhos produtivos automatizaram-se (ainda que se conte a totalidade dos trabalhadores da indústria a nível mundial, incluindo a grande massa de trabalhadores explorados da Índia e da China, estes trabalhadores já não representam uma percentagem da população mundial tão elevada como era habitual).

Mas ao contrário de possibilitar uma redução massiva do horário laboral de maneira a que todas as pessoas tenham tempo livre para se ocuparem dos seus próprios projectos, prazeres, visões e ideias, temos visto um aumento do tempo de trabalho tanto no “sector de serviços” como no administrativo. Isto inclui a criação de novas indústrias, como os serviços financeiros ou de telemarketing e a expansão de sectores como o direito empresarial, a gestão do ensino e da saúde, os recursos humanos e as relações públicas. E estes números nem sequer reflectem todas as pessoas cujo trabalho é fornecer serviços administrativos, técnicos, ou de segurança para essas indústrias, para não mencionar toda uma gama de sectores secundários (tratadores de cães, entregadores de pizza 24 horas) que devem a sua existência ao facto do resto da população passar tanto tempo a trabalhar noutros sectores.  <!–more–>

Estes são os trabalhos a que proponho chamar de “empregos de merda.”

É como se alguém estivesse a inventar trabalhos apenas para nos terem ocupados. É aqui, precisamente, que reside o mistério. E isso é exactamente o que não devia acontecer no capitalismo. Claro que, nos antigos e ineficientes estados socialistas como a União Soviética, onde o emprego era considerado tanto um direito como uma obrigação sagrada, o sistema criava todos os empregos que fizessem falta, (era este o motivo que levava a que nas lojas soviéticas fossem “precisos” três empregados para vender um só bife). Mas, é claro, este é o tipo de problema que é suposto ser corrigido com a concorrência dos mercados. De acordo com a teoria económica dominante, desperdiçar dinheiro em postos de trabalho desnecessários é o que menos interessa a uma companhia que queira ter lucro. Mas ainda assim, e sem se perceber muito bem porquê, é isso que acontece.

Ainda que muitas empresas se dediquem a reduzir o número de trabalhadores de forma cruel, estes despedimentos – e o aumento de responsabilidade para os que permanecem -, recaem invariavelmente sobre os que se dedicam a fabricar, transportar, reparar e manter as coisas.

Devido a uma estranha metamorfose, que ninguém é capaz de explicar, o número de administrativos assalariados parece continuar a aumentar.  O resultado, e isto acontecia também com os trabalhadores soviéticos, é que cada vez há mais empregados que, teoricamente, trabalham 40 ou 50 horas semanais, mas que, na prática, só trabalham as 15 horas previstas por Keynes, já que levam o resto do dia a organizarem ou a participarem em seminários motivacionais, actualizando os seus perfis do Facebook ou fazendo downloads de vídeos e musica.

É claro que a reposta não é económica, mas sim moral e política. A classe dirigente descobriu que uma população feliz e produtiva com abundante tempo livre nas suas mãos representa um perigo mortal (recordemos o que começou a acontecer na primeira vez em que houve uma pequena aproximação a algo deste tipo, nos anos 60). Por outro lado, o sentimento de que o trabalho é um valor moral em si mesmo e que quem não esteja disposto a submeter-se a uma disciplina laboral intensa durante a maior parte da sua vida não merece nada, é algo que lhes é muito conveniente.

Certa vez, ao contemplar o crescimento aparentemente interminável de responsabilidades administrativas nos departamentos académicos britânicos, imaginei uma possível visão do inferno. O inferno é um conjunto de indivíduos que passam a maior parte do seu desempenhando tarefas de que nem gostam nem fazem especialmente bem. Imaginemos que se contratam uns marceneiros altamente qualificados e que, de repente, descobrem que o seu trabalho consistirá em passarem grande parte do dia a fritarem peixe. Não é que a tarefa realmente necessite de ser feita – há apenas um número muito limitado de peixes que é preciso fritar. Ainda assim, todos eles tornam-se obcecados com a suspeita de que alguns dos seus companheiros possam passar mais tempo a talhar madeira do que a cumprirem as suas responsabilidade como fritadores de peixe que, rapidamente, vamos encontrar pilhas intermináveis de inútil peixe mal frito, acumulado por toda a oficina, acabando, todos eles, por se dedicarem exclusivamente a isso.

Acho que esta é realmente uma descrição bastante precisa da dinâmica moral da nossa própria economia.

CapturarEstou consciente de que argumentos como este vão ter objecções imediatas. “Quem és tu para determinar quais os trabalhos que são ‘necessários’? O que é necessário, afinal? És professor de antropologia, explica-me a ‘necessidade’ disso? “. (E, na verdade muitos leitores de imprensa cor-de-rosa classificariam o meu trabalho como a definição por excelência de um investimento social desperdiçado). E, em certo sentido, isso é obviamente verdadeiro. Não há uma forma objectiva de medir o valor social.

Não me atreveria a dizer a uma pessoa que está convencida de estar a contribuir com algo importante para a humanidade, de que, na verdade, está equivocada. Mas o que se passa com aqueles que têm a certeza de que os seus trabalhos não servem para nada? -Não há muito tempo atrás retomei o contacto com um amigo de escola que não via desde os meus 12 anos. Fiquei espantado ao descobrir que nesse intervalo de tempo, ele se tinha tornado poeta, e, foi vocalista de uma banda de rock indie. Inclusivamente, tinha ouvido algumas das suas músicas na rádio sem ter ideia que o cantor era meu amigo de infância. Ele era, obviamente, uma pessoa inovadora e genial, e o seu trabalho tinha, sem dúvida, melhorado e alegrado a vida de muitas pessoas em todo o mundo. No entanto, depois de um par de álbuns sem sucesso, perdeu o contrato com a editora e atormentado com dívidas e uma filha recém-nascida, acabou, como ele descreveu, por “tomar a opção que, por exclusão, muitas pessoas sem rumo escolhem: a Faculdade de Direito”. Agora é um advogado de negócios e trabalha numa proeminente empresa de Nova York. Ele foi o primeiro a admitir que o seu trabalho era totalmente sem sentido, não contribuindo em nada para a humanidade e que, na sua própria opinião, nem sequer deveria existir.

Chegados aqui há uma série de perguntas que podemos fazer. A primeira seria: o que é que isto revela sobre a nossa sociedade que parece gerar uma procura extremamente limitada para poetas e músicos talentosos, mas uma procura aparentemente infinita de especialistas em direito empresarial. (Resposta: Se 1% da população controla a maior parte da riqueza disponível, o denominado “mercado” reflectirá o que essa ínfima minoria, e ninguém a não serem eles, acha que é útil ou importante). Mas, ainda mais, isto mostra que a maioria das pessoas nesses empregos estão conscientes desta realidade. Na verdade, creio que nunca conheci nenhum advogado corporativo que não achasse que o seu trabalho é uma estupidez. O mesmo é válido para quase todos os novos sectores anteriormente mencionados. Há toda uma classe de profissionais assalariados que se os encontrarmos numa festa e lhes confessarmos que nos dedicamos a algo que pode ser considerado interessante (como, por exemplo, a antropologia) evitam falar da sua profissão. Mas, depois de algumas bebidas, é vê-los a fazerem discursos inflamados sobre a estupidez e a inutilidade do seu trabalho.

Há aqui uma profunda violência psicológica. Como é que podemos fazer uma discussão séria sobre a dignidade laboral quando há tanta gente que, no fundo, acha que o seu trabalho nem sequer deveria existir? Inevitavelmente, isto dá lugar ao ressentimento e a uma raiva muito profunda. No entanto, é no engenho peculiar da nossa sociedade que os governantes encontraram uma maneira – como no exemplo dos fritadores de peixe – de garantir que a raiva é dirigida precisamente contra aqueles que realizam tarefas úteis. Parece mesmo haver na nossa sociedade uma regra geral segundo a qual quanto um trabalho é mais benéfico para os outros, pior é a sua remuneração. Mais uma vez é difícil encontrar uma avaliação objectiva, mas uma maneira fácil de ter uma ideia seria perguntarmo-nos: que aconteceria se todo este grupo de trabalhadores simplesmente desaparecesse?  Diga o que se disser sobre enfermeiros, empregados do lixo ou mecânicos, é óbvio que se eles desaparecessem numa nuvem de fumo, os resultados seriam imediatos e catastróficos. Um mundo sem professores ou trabalhadores portuários não tardaria a estar em apuros e um mundo sem escritores de ficção científica ou músicos de ska seria, sem dúvida, um mundo pior. Ainda não está totalmente claro quanto sofreria a humanidade se todos os investidores de capital privado, lobyistas, investigadores, seguradores, operadores de telemarketing, oficiais de justiça ou consultores legais se esfumassem da mesma forma. (Há quem suspeite que tudo melhoraria sensivelmente). No entanto, para além de um punhado de bem elogiadas excepções, como, por exemplo, os médicos, a “regra” mantém-se com surpreendente frequência.

Ainda mais perversa é a noção generalizada de que é assim que as coisas devem ser. Este é um dos segredos do êxito do populismo de direita. Podemos comprová-lo quando a imprensa sensacionalista suscita o ressentimento contra os trabalhadores do metro por paralisarem Londres durante um conflito laboral. O simples facto de que os trabalhadores do metro possam paralisar toda a cidade de Londres demonstra a necessidade do trabalho que desempenham, mas é precisamente isso que parece incomodar tantas pessoas. Nos Estados Unidos vão ainda mais longe; os Republicanos tiveram muito êxito propagando o ressentimento relativamente aos professores ou aos operários do sector automóvel ao chamar a atenção para os seus salários e prestações sociais supostamente excessivos (e não contra os administradores escolares e gestores da indústria automóvel que são quem realmente causa os problemas, o que é significativo).

É como se eles nos estivessem a dizer: “mas sim, tens a sorte de poder ensinar crianças! Ou fazer carros! Fazeis trabalhos de verdade! E, como se fosse pouco, tendes a desfaçatez de reclamar pensões de reforma e cuidados de saúde equivalentes às da classe média!?”

Se alguém tivesse desenhado um regime de trabalho com o fim exclusivo de manter os privilégios do mundo financeiro dificilmente podia ter feito melhor. Os trabalhadores que realmente produzem sofrem uma exploração e uma precariedade constantes. Os restantes dividem-se entre o estrato aterrorizado e universalmente desprezado dos desempregados e outro estrato maior, que basicamente recebe um salário em troca de não fazer nada, em lugares desenhados para que se identifiquem com a sensibilidade e a perspectiva da classe dirigente (directores, administradores, etc.) – e em particular dos seus avatares financeiros – a qual, ao mesmo tempo, promove o crescente ressentimento contra aqueles cujo trabalho tem um valor social claro e indiscutível. Evidentemente que este sistema não é fruto de um plano inicialmente previsto, mas emergiu como o resultado de quase um século de tentativas e erros. E é a única explicação possível para o facto de, apesar da nossa capacidade tecnológica, não se ter implantado ainda a jornada laboral de três ou quatro horas.

“On the Phenomenon of Bullshit Jobs” by David Graeber, aqui http://www.strikemag.org/the-summer-of/

Traduzido pelo CLE a partir da versão espanhola. http://guerrillatranslation.com/2013/09/24/el-fenomeno-de-los-curros-inutiles/

Learning How to Die in the Anthropocene (New York Times)

November 10, 2013, 3:00 pm

By ROY SCRANTON

Jeffery DelViscio

I.

Driving into Iraq just after the 2003 invasion felt like driving into the future. We convoyed all day, all night, past Army checkpoints and burned-out tanks, till in the blue dawn Baghdad rose from the desert like a vision of hell: Flames licked the bruised sky from the tops of refinery towers, cyclopean monuments bulged and leaned against the horizon, broken overpasses swooped and fell over ruined suburbs, bombed factories, and narrow ancient streets.

Civilizations have marched blindly toward disaster because humans are wired to believe that tomorrow will be much like today.

With “shock and awe,” our military had unleashed the end of the world on a city of six million — a city about the same size as Houston or Washington. The infrastructure was totaled: water, power, traffic, markets and security fell to anarchy and local rule. The city’s secular middle class was disappearing, squeezed out between gangsters, profiteers, fundamentalists and soldiers. The government was going down, walls were going up, tribal lines were being drawn, and brutal hierarchies savagely established.

I was a private in the United States Army. This strange, precarious world was my new home. If I survived.

Two and a half years later, safe and lazy back in Fort Sill, Okla., I thought I had made it out. Then I watched on television as Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans. This time it was the weather that brought shock and awe, but I saw the same chaos and urban collapse I’d seen in Baghdad, the same failure of planning and the same tide of anarchy. The 82nd Airborne hit the ground, took over strategic points and patrolled streets now under de facto martial law. My unit was put on alert to prepare for riot control operations. The grim future I’d seen in Baghdad was coming home: not terrorism, not even W.M.D.’s, but a civilization in collapse, with a crippled infrastructure, unable to recuperate from shocks to its system.

And today, with recovery still going on more than a year after Sandy and many critics arguing that the Eastern seaboard is no more prepared for a huge weather event than we were last November, it’s clear that future’s not going away.

This March, Admiral Samuel J. Locklear III, the commander of the United States Pacific Command, told security and foreign policy specialists in Cambridge, Mass., that global climate change was the greatest threat the United States faced — more dangerous than terrorism, Chinese hackers and North Korean nuclear missiles. Upheaval from increased temperatures, rising seas and radical destabilization “is probably the most likely thing that is going to happen…” he said, “that will cripple the security environment, probably more likely than the other scenarios we all often talk about.’’

Locklear’s not alone. Tom Donilon, the national security adviser,said much the same thing in April, speaking to an audience at Columbia’s new Center on Global Energy Policy. James Clapper, director of national intelligence, told the Senate in March that “Extreme weather events (floods, droughts, heat waves) will increasingly disrupt food and energy markets, exacerbating state weakness, forcing human migrations, and triggering riots, civil disobedience, and vandalism.”

On the civilian side, the World Bank’s recent report, “Turn Down the Heat: Climate Extremes, Regional Impacts, and the Case for Resilience,” offers a dire prognosis for the effects of global warming, which climatologists now predict will raise global temperatures by 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit within a generation and 7.2 degrees Fahrenheit within 90 years. Projections from researchers at the University of Hawaii find us dealing with “historically unprecedented” climates as soon as 2047. The climate scientist James Hansen, formerly with NASA, has argued that we face an “apocalyptic” future. This grim view is seconded by researchers worldwide, including Anders LevermannPaul and Anne Ehrlich,Lonnie Thompson and manymanymany others.

This chorus of Jeremiahs predicts a radically transformed global climate forcing widespread upheaval — not possibly, not potentially, but inevitably. We have passed the point of no return. From the point of view of policy experts, climate scientists and national security officials, the question is no longer whether global warming exists or how we might stop it, but how we are going to deal with it.

II.

There’s a word for this new era we live in: the Anthropocene. This term, taken up by geologistspondered by intellectuals and discussed in the pages of publications such as The Economist and the The New York Times, represents the idea that we have entered a new epoch in Earth’s geological history, one characterized by the arrival of the human species as a geological force. The biologist Eugene F. Stoermer and the Nobel-Prize-winning chemist Paul Crutzen advanced the term in 2000, and it has steadily gained acceptance as evidence has increasingly mounted that the changes wrought by global warming will affect not just the world’s climate and biological diversity, but its very geology — and not just for a few centuries, but for millenniums. The geophysicist David Archer’s 2009 book, “The Long Thaw: How Humans are Changing the Next 100,000 Years of Earth’s Climate,” lays out a clear and concise argument for how huge concentrations of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere and melting ice will radically transform the planet, beyond freak storms and warmer summers, beyond any foreseeable future.

The Stratigraphy Commission of the Geological Society of London — the scientists responsible for pinning the “golden spikes” that demarcate geological epochs such as the Pliocene, Pleistocene, and Holocene — have adopted the Anthropocene as a term deserving further consideration, “significant on the scale of Earth history.” Working groups are discussing what level of geological time-scale it might be (an “epoch” like the Holocene, or merely an “age” like the Calabrian), and at what date we might say it began. The beginning of the Great Acceleration, in the middle of the 20th century? The beginning of the Industrial Revolution, around 1800? The advent of agriculture?

Every day I went out on mission in Iraq, I looked down the barrel of the future and saw a dark, empty hole.

The challenge the Anthropocene poses is a challenge not just to national security, to food and energy markets, or to our “way of life” — though these challenges are all real, profound, and inescapable. The greatest challenge the Anthropocene poses may be to our sense of what it means to be human. Within 100 years — within three to five generations — we will face average temperatures 7 degrees Fahrenheit higher than today, rising seas at least three to 10 feet higher, and worldwide shifts in crop belts, growing seasons and population centers. Within a thousand years, unless we stop emitting greenhouse gases wholesale right now, humans will be living in a climate the Earth hasn’t seen since the Pliocene, three million years ago, when oceans were 75 feet higher than they are today. We face the imminent collapse of the agricultural, shipping and energy networks upon which the global economy depends, a large-scale die-off in the biosphere that’s already well on its way, and our own possible extinction. If homo sapiens (or some genetically modified variant) survives the next millenniums, it will be survival in a world unrecognizably different from the one we have inhabited.

Jeffery DelViscio

Geological time scales, civilizational collapse and species extinction give rise to profound problems that humanities scholars and academic philosophers, with their taste for fine-grained analysis, esoteric debates and archival marginalia, might seem remarkably ill suited to address. After all, how will thinking about Kant help us trap carbon dioxide? Can arguments between object-oriented ontology and historical materialism protect honeybees from colony collapse disorder? Are ancient Greek philosophers, medieval theologians, and contemporary metaphysicians going to keep Bangladesh from being inundated by rising oceans?

Of course not. But the biggest problems the Anthropocene poses are precisely those that have always been at the root of humanistic and philosophical questioning: “What does it mean to be human?” and “What does it mean to live?” In the epoch of the Anthropocene, the question of individual mortality — “What does my life mean in the face of death?” — is universalized and framed in scales that boggle the imagination. What does human existence mean against 100,000 years of climate change? What does one life mean in the face of species death or the collapse of global civilization? How do we make meaningful choices in the shadow of our inevitable end?

These questions have no logical or empirical answers. They are philosophical problems par excellence. Many thinkers, including Cicero, Montaigne, Karl Jaspers, and The Stone’s own Simon Critchley, have argued that studying philosophy is learning how to die. If that’s true, then we have entered humanity’s most philosophical age — for this is precisely the problem of the Anthropocene. The rub is that now we have to learn how to die not as individuals, but as a civilization.

III.

Learning how to die isn’t easy. In Iraq, at the beginning, I was terrified by the idea. Baghdad seemed incredibly dangerous, even though statistically I was pretty safe. We got shot at and mortared, and I.E.D.’s laced every highway, but I had good armor, we had a great medic, and we were part of the most powerful military the world had ever seen. The odds were good I would come home. Maybe wounded, but probably alive. Every day I went out on mission, though, I looked down the barrel of the future and saw a dark, empty hole.

“For the soldier death is the future, the future his profession assigns him,” wrote  Simone Weil in her remarkable meditation on war, “The Iliad or the Poem of Force.” “Yet the idea of man’s having death for a future is abhorrent to nature. Once the experience of war makes visible the possibility of death that lies locked up in each moment, our thoughts cannot travel from one day to the next without meeting death’s face.” That was the face I saw in the mirror, and its gaze nearly paralyzed me.

I found my way forward through an 18th-century Samurai manual, Yamamoto Tsunetomo’s “Hagakure,” which commanded: “Meditation on inevitable death should be performed daily.” Instead of fearing my end, I owned it. Every morning, after doing maintenance on my Humvee, I’d imagine getting blown up by an I.E.D., shot by a sniper, burned to death, run over by a tank, torn apart by dogs, captured and beheaded, and succumbing to dysentery. Then, before we rolled out through the gate, I’d tell myself that I didn’t need to worry, because I was already dead. The only thing that mattered was that I did my best to make sure everyone else came back alive. “If by setting one’s heart right every morning and evening, one is able to live as though his body were already dead,” wrote Tsunetomo, “he gains freedom in the Way.”

I got through my tour in Iraq one day at a time, meditating each morning on my inevitable end. When I left Iraq and came back stateside, I thought I’d left that future behind. Then I saw it come home in the chaos that was unleashed after Katrina hit New Orleans. And then I saw it again when Sandy battered New York and New Jersey: Government agencies failed to move quickly enough, and volunteer groups like Team Rubicon had to step in to manage disaster relief.

Now, when I look into our future — into the Anthropocene — I see water rising up to wash out lower Manhattan. I see food riots, hurricanes, and climate refugees. I see 82nd Airborne soldiers shooting looters. I see grid failure, wrecked harbors, Fukushima waste, and plagues. I see Baghdad. I see the Rockaways. I see a strange, precarious world.

Our new home.

The human psyche naturally rebels against the idea of its end. Likewise, civilizations have throughout history marched blindly toward disaster, because humans are wired to believe that tomorrow will be much like today — it is unnatural for us to think that this way of life, this present moment, this order of things is not stable and permanent. Across the world today, our actions testify to our belief that we can go on like this forever, burning oil, poisoning the seas, killing off other species, pumping carbon into the air, ignoring the ominous silence of our coal mine canaries in favor of the unending robotic tweets of our new digital imaginarium. Yet the reality of global climate change is going to keep intruding on our fantasies of perpetual growth, permanent innovation and endless energy, just as the reality of mortality shocks our casual faith in permanence.

The biggest problem climate change poses isn’t how the Department of Defense should plan for resource wars, or how we should put up sea walls to protect Alphabet City, or when we should evacuate Hoboken. It won’t be addressed by buying a Prius, signing a treaty, or turning off the air-conditioning. The biggest problem we face is a philosophical one: understanding that this civilization is already dead. The sooner we confront this problem, and the sooner we realize there’s nothing we can do to save ourselves, the sooner we can get down to the hard work of adapting, with mortal humility, to our new reality.

The choice is a clear one. We can continue acting as if tomorrow will be just like yesterday, growing less and less prepared for each new disaster as it comes, and more and more desperately invested in a life we can’t sustain. Or we can learn to see each day as the death of what came before, freeing ourselves to deal with whatever problems the present offers without attachment or fear.

If we want to learn to live in the Anthropocene, we must first learn how to die.