Todos os posts de renzotaddei

Avatar de Desconhecido

Sobre renzotaddei

Anthropologist, professor at the Federal University of São Paulo

>Economia de baixo carbono trará riscos, diz economista (JC)

>
JC e-mail 4142, de 23 de Novembro de 2010

Sergio Besserman falou a executivos em SP

O aquecimento global, na visão do economista Sergio Besserman, desenha um amplo horizonte de oportunidades de negócios – o problema está no outro lado da moeda. “Estamos falando de altíssimo risco”, disse na segunda-feira (22/11) a uma plateia de executivos de grandes empresas, em São Paulo. “Sofrerão os mais pobres, infelizmente, e os empresários”, prosseguiu. “Empresas vão nascer e morrer aos borbotões. Terão que se reinventar.”

Segundo ele, a transição para uma economia de baixo carbono “virá, é inevitável, só não se sabe quando.” É nesse caminho de incerteza que terão que ser feitas as apostas de negócios, continuou, durante palestra no seminário Mudanças Climáticas – O Papel das Empresas. “Estamos falando de mudar os paradigmas de consumo, da mais acelerada transformação tecnológica de toda a história da Humanidade, de mudar todas as estruturas da civilização calcada em combustíveis fósseis. Não será uma transição suave.” O desafio, disse, é o de reordenar o mundo.

Branca Americano, secretária nacional de Mudanças Climáticas do Ministério do Meio Ambiente falou sobre a próxima rodada de negociações do acordo climático, em Cancún, no México, a partir da segunda-feira. “Ficou claro que todo mundo tem medo deste monstro chamado acordo legalmente vinculante”, disse. “Os Estados Unidos não entram nele, a China também não. O jeito, então, será fazer avanços graduais.”

Branca lembrou que a conferência de Copenhague terminou com um “acordo fraco que criou um vácuo nas negociações.” A estratégia para Cancún, a CoP-16, é tentar acordar um pacote de decisões. Fala-se em adaptação, tecnologia, financiamento e Redd+, o mecanismo para redução de emissões de desmatamento e degradação.

Trata-se do primeiro passo para dar valor às florestas. É possível que seja aprovado o primeiro estágio para projetos do gênero. Para isto, países com florestas começariam a realizar inventários florestais, a conhecer suas florestas e seus estoques de carbono, a fazer monitoramento por satélite – um contexto já dominado pelo Brasil. “O carbono das florestas é um bem tangível. Tem que haver um reconhecimento sobre este valor”, diz.

Branca lançou a ideia de um “selo Brasil” para produtos de baixo carbono feitos em uma economia à base de energia renovável e limpa. Os empresários pareceram gostar da sugestão. “A marca Brasil pode ser interessante para todos”, disse Sergio Leão, diretor de sustentabilidade da Odebrecht.

(Daniela Chiaretti, Valor Econômico, 23/11/2010)

>Planeta passa longe de meta do clima (JC)

>
JC e-mail 4142, de 23 de Novembro de 2010

Mesmo que todos os países cortem muito suas emissões de CO2, a Terra ainda aquecerá mais que 2ºC, diz ONU

Se tudo der certo e todos os países fizerem o máximo para conter emissões de carbono nos próximos anos, o mundo ainda estará longe de cumprir a meta de limitar o aquecimento global a 2ºC.

O quão longe acaba de ser calculado por um grupo internacional de cientistas: 5 bilhões de toneladas de gás carbônico estarão “sobrando” na atmosfera em 2020.

Ou seja, para cumprir o que se comprometeram a fazer na conferência do clima de Copenhague e evitar um possível aquecimento descontrolado da Terra, os países não apenas teriam de endurecer suas metas de corte de emissão como ainda precisariam desligar todo o sistema de transporte do globo.

O recado foi dado hoje pelo Pnuma (Programa das Nações Unidas para o Meio Ambiente), num relatório intitulado “The Emissions Gap” (“A Lacuna das Emissões”).

O documento será entregue em Helsinque à chefe da Convenção do Clima da ONU, Cristiana Figueres.

Seus autores passaram seis meses avaliando 223 cenários de emissões de CO2 construídos a partir das metas voluntárias de corte de carbono propostas por vários países no Acordo de Copenhague, o pífio documento que resultou da conferência.

O resumo da ópera é que, se a humanidade quiser ter 66% de chance de manter o aquecimento global abaixo de 2ºC no fim deste século, o nível global de emissões em 2020 terá de ser de 44 bilhões de toneladas de CO2 equivalente- ou seja, a soma de todos os gases-estufa “convertidos” no potencial de aquecimento do CO2.

Se nada for feito, as emissões podem chegar a 56 bilhões de toneladas em 2020. “Isso elimina a chance dos 2ºC, e pode nos colocar no caminho de 5ºC de aquecimento em 2100”, disse à Folha Suzana Kahn Ribeiro, pesquisadora da Coppe-UFRJ, uma das autoras do relatório.

A implementação estrita do acordo também não resolve: as emissões globais cairiam para 52 bilhões de toneladas, ainda uma China de distância da meta de 2ºC.

Por “implementação estrita” os pesquisadores querem dizer duas coisas. Primeiro, as nações estão contando duas vezes emissões cortadas na área florestal. Se um país pobre planta florestas para vender créditos de carbono a um país rico, a dedução deveria estar apenas na conta do país rico. Mas costuma estar na de ambos.

“Na própria lei brasileira do clima está escrito que as reduções de emissão podem ser obtidas por MDL [venda de créditos de carbono para nações ricas]”, diz Ribeiro.
Outro ponto espinhoso é a venda de créditos em excesso por países como a Rússia, cujas emissões já são menores que as metas de Kyoto. O país ficou com créditos sobrando.

Conta só fecha com sequestro de carbono

Para chegar mais perto do almejado teto de 2ºC no aquecimento global, os países terão de adotar o que o relatório chama de “cumprimento estrito de metas condicionais”.

Ou seja, das reduções que alguns países dizem que farão se outros fizerem- a UE, por exemplo, se compromete a passar de 20% para 30% de corte em relação a 1990 se os EUA também avançarem nas suas metas.

O “gap”, neste caso, seria de “apenas” 5 bilhões de toneladas.

Segundo Suzana Kahn Ribeiro, a única forma de fechar o buraco é aumentar não só a ambição, como também as chamadas “emissões negativas”, ou seja, o sequestro maciço de carbono para compensar emissões industriais e também de energia.

Ela vê nisso uma oportunidade para o Brasil, no setor de plásticos verdes (produzidos a partir de biomassa), por exemplo.

Apesar da mensagem desalentadora, a ONU deverá usar o documento para enxergar a metade cheia do copo: afinal, o cumprimento estrito dos compromissos deixaria o planeta com 60% do caminho andado para evitar o aquecimento exagerado.

(Claudio Ângelo, Folha de SP, 23/11/2010)

>How to beat the media in the climate street fight (Nature)

>
Published online 3 November 2010 | Nature 468, 7 (2010)

Researchers must take a more aggressive approach to counter shoddy journalism and set the scientific record straight, says Simon L. Lewis.

Simon L. Lewis

When science hits the news, researchers often moan about the quality of the coverage. A sharp reminder of the issue rolls round this month — the anniversary of the global media frenzy over the release of e-mails from climate researchers at the University of East Anglia, UK. So what should scientists do when reporting quality falls off a cliff? Earlier this year, I was seriously misrepresented by a newspaper and thrown into a political storm. Rather than take it lying down, I set the record straight. It has been an odd journey, and I think there are lessons for how we scientists should deal with the media.

In January, the absurd claim from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) that Himalayan glaciers would melt by 2035 launched a hunt to find other exaggerated risks of climate change. A British blogger, Richard North, found an IPCC statement that part of the Amazon rainforest may be at risk from droughts, referenced to an environment group’s report, not the scientific literature. North dubbed it Amazongate, and told the world that the IPCC view “seems to be a complete fabrication”.

As a tropical-forest expert, I found my telephone ringing for three days. Journalists asked me to comment on the IPCC line that “up to 40% of the Amazonian forests could react drastically to even a slight reduction in precipitation”. My short answer was that in context, the statement was broadly correct; but the wording was not careful, and the IPCC should have cited the primary literature. My comments were broadcast across the BBC, but for most news outlets it was a non-story.

The Sunday Times saw it differently. Its reporter, Jonathan Leake, asked both leading and genuinely inquisitive questions. I sent him scientific papers, and we discussed them. He agreed to read the finished piece to me over the telephone before publication. It stated, correctly, that the future of the Amazon is very uncertain, because the available data are limited. I was quietly pleased that I had ‘spun’ what I saw as a blogger’s anti-IPCC tirade into a story about the science. Yet I was wrong. The newspaper headline was “UN climate panel shamed by bogus rainforest claim”, and worse, I was the expert quoted to support it. The article had been completely rewritten, essentially parroting North’s blog, to include new quotes from me (genuine, but heavily edited and misleadingly taken out of context), and fabricated assertions about my views. An accompanying editorial called for the IPCC chairman to resign.

I was furious. Worse, the two conflicting versions of my views — on the BBC and in The Sunday Times — constituted a serious affront to my professional credibility. But what could I do? I added a comment under the online version of the article that my views were not accurately reported, and sent a letter for publication to The Sunday Times.

Weeks later the misleading article had been reproduced over 20,000 times on the Internet. My letter had been ignored and website comment deleted. Furthermore, my words and standing as an expert were being used by other newspapers to allege widespread corruption by IPCC scientists. As an Editorial on climate disinformation in this journal said at the time: “Scientists must now emphasize the science, while acknowledging that they are in a street fight.” I needed to fight back.

“Closing the newspaper with a sigh is not enough.”

After advice from a friend in public relations and press officers at scientific organizations, I filed an official complaint to the Press Complaints Commission, the UK media watchdog. The commission could order the newspaper to print a correction, but would that happen and was it enough? I needed to make the complaint itself a story.

I contacted The Guardian newspaper, which published an article about my complaint. To reach the US audience, I handed the full complaint as an exclusive to perhaps the world’s most influential political climate-change blog, Joe Romm’s http://climateprogress.org.

For a scientist to take such an active media role was unorthodox, but it felt good. And it worked. It was widely recognized that the story was wrong and I had been badly treated. The New York Times featured me in a front-page article.

The Sunday Times offered to publish a single-line apology. I knew others had extracted greater concessions and kicked harder. It eventually agreed to remove the article from its website, and replace it with a formal correction and apology, also printed prominently in the newspaper. The retraction was reported around the world.

Environmental commentators hailed the apology as vindication for the IPCC (which it wasn’t quite, as its statements were not faultless). Climate sceptics launched a counter-attack by claiming that no apology was due because the IPCC statement was not perfect. But for me the storm had passed.

What lessons are there for scientists in politically charged areas who find themselves in a similar position? Do your research. What is the reporter’s track record? Anticipate that every sentence you say or write may be dissected and interpreted in the least charitable manner possible. And if things go wrong, seek advice from public-relations experts, and where necessary, media lawyers. In my experience, science-media professionals are almost as lost as scientists themselves, when dealing with topics as emotive as climate change.

The media dictate what most people know about contemporary scientific debates. Given the need for informed policy, scientists need to learn to better read and engage with this media landscape. Closing the newspaper with a sigh is not enough.

Simon L. Lewis is a Royal Society research fellow and reader in global change science at the University of Leeds. e-mail:s.l.lewis@leeds.ac.uk

>Time to Take Action on Climate Communication (Science)

>
LETTERS

According to broad international agreement, a global warming increase beyond 2°C is unacceptable (1). Because of the physics of the climate system, we must ensure that global emissions of greenhouse gases peak and start to decline rapidly within a decade in order to have a reasonable chance of meeting the 2°C goal (2). Humankind has waffled and delayed for decades; further delay risks serious consequences for people and the ecosystems on which we rely.

Because the potential consequences of climate change are so high, the science community has an obligation to help people, organizations, and governments make informed decisions. Yet existing institutions are not well suited to this task. Therefore, we call for the science community to develop, implement, and sustain an independent initiative with a singular mandate: to actively and effectively share information about climate change risks and potential solutions with the public, particularly decision-makers in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. Moreover, we call on philanthropic funding institutions to endorse and provide sustained support for the initiative.

The initiative must make concerted efforts to provide people, organizations, and governments with critical information, to address misperceptions, and to counter misinformation and deception. In doing so, it will have to overcome psychological and cultural barriers to learning and engagement (3–5).

The initiative should be judged against two critical outcomes: (i) improved understanding of risks and potential solutions by people, organizations, and governments, and (ii) more informed decision-making—and less avoidance of decision-making—about how to manage those risks. The initiative should be an embodiment of what Fischhoff calls “non-persuasive communication.” It should not advocate specific policy decisions; good decision-making involves weighing the best available information with the values of the decision-makers and those affected by the decisions.

The initiative should recruit a full range of climate scientists, decision scientists, and communication professionals into the effort (6, 7) to ensure both sound scientific information and effective communication. In addition, it should build bridges to other communities of experts—such as clergy, financial managers, business managers, and insurers—who help people, organizations, and governments assess and express their values. Scientists and nonscientists alike inevitably interpret climate science information in the context of other information and values; the initiative should mobilize experts who can facilitate appropriate and useful interpretations.

Despite the politically contentious nature of climate change policy, the initiative must be strictly nonpartisan. In the face of efforts to undermine public confidence in science, it must become a trusted broker of un biased information for people on all sides of the issue.

At this potentially critical moment for human civilization, it is imperative that people, organizations, and governments be given the resources they need to participate in constructive civic, commercial, and personal decision-making about climate change risks and solutions.

Thomas E. Bowman1,*, Edward Maibach2, Michael E. Mann3, Richard C. J. Somerville4, Barry J. Seltser5, Baruch Fischhoff6, Stephen M. Gardiner7, Robert J. Gould8, Anthony Leiserowitz9 and Gary Yohe10

1Climate Solutions Project, Bowman Global Change, Signal Hill, CA 90755, USA.
2Center for Climate Change Communication, Department of Communication, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030, USA.
3Department of Meteorology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802, USA.
4Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92093, USA.
5(Retired) U.S. Government Accountability Office, Washington, DC 20001, USA.
6Department of Social and Decision Sciences, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, PA 15213, USA.
7Department of Philosophy and Program on Values in Society, University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195, USA.
8Partnership for Prevention, Washington, DC 20036, USA.
9Yale Project on Climate Change Communication, School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale University, New Haven, CT 06511, USA.
10Department of Economics and College of the Environment, Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT 06459, USA.
*To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: tom@bowmanglobalchange.com

REFERENCES

(1) Group of 8, “Responsible leadership for a sustainable future” (G8 Summit, L’Aquila, Italy, 2009).
(2) M. Meinshausenet al., Nature 458, 1158 (2009). CrossRefMedlineWeb of Science
(3) National Research Council, Evaluating Progress of the U.S. Climate Change Science Program: Methods and Preliminary Results (National Academies Press, Washington, DC, 2007).
(4) National Research Council, Informing Decisions in a Changing Climate (National Academies Press, Washington, DC, 2009).
(5) National Research Council, Informing an Effective Response to Climate Change (National Academies Press, Washington, DC, 2010).
(6) B. Fischhoff, Environ. Sci. Technol. Online 41, 7207 (2007).
(7) T. E. Bowman, E. Maibach, M. E. Mann, S. C. Moser, R. C. J. Somerville, Science 324, 36-b (2009).

>The Economy Is Not Coming Back

>
by Gilles d’Aymery

Part I: A Short History of the Maelstrom

(Swans – September 20, 2010) Another mid-term election is looming in the United States. Next November, the electorate will choose the political team that in the midst of a recession and widely-held fears about the future will carry the day. One side will win. It matters not though, because neither of the two contesting political parties is willing to face reality: The U.S. is not in a so-called great recession. It is in a latent depression. What has stopped it from becoming a full-fledged depression has been the willingness of the elites, both under the Bush II and Obama administrations, to resort to age-old Keynesian policies to stem the hemorrhage — soup kitchen lines have so far been substituted by government checks in the mail. Some argue that governments’ actions have not been enough to stem the recessionary times. Others claim that too much has been done, and time has come to cut spending and taxes in order to let the economy run to its natural ever-growing self. Again, it matters not, whatever position is taken. Do or don’t, the economy is not coming back, and it should not. The Republican plan to cut spending (an age-old endeavor) will only bring more pain and social devastation. The Democratic plan to pump up the economy through deficit spending will only delay the actuality that the bind we all are in is a Catch-22. The economy that we have been used to in the past half-century is simply not going to come back. This three-part analysis will attempt to show the historical making of the dire and deepening crisis we all face, then try to demonstrate why the past paradigm won’t and shouldn’t come back, and end with a few suggestions that hopefully will lead to a future that is not predicated on the dead end the few want the many to embrace.

To fully grasp the extent of the current crisis one needs to take a short and much abridged walk through history. Human relationships have long been a story of antagonisms among the haves and the have-nots. In the feudalism era sharecroppers and peasants were peons of landowners and the divine royalties. The rise of the entrepreneurial class with the advent of the Industrial Revolution and capitalism led to a (often violent) change in leadership. The bourgeoisie overthrew the old order and the working masses migrated from the land to the mines and the factories and the shipyards, etc. Working conditions were execrable and the exploitation of the laborers was so prevalent (1) that they benefited the happy few and led to la belle époque, the Gilded Age, for the moneyed class whose rate of profits was very high and to labor demands for more equitable sharing of the created wealth and humane working conditions — demands that were met with recurring violent and bloody repressions. The class struggles, which can be defined in layman’s terms as profits for the few vs. the well being of the many (and private property vs. collective ownership), became the order of the era, increasingly influenced by political economists and philosophers. (2) The 1917 Russian Revolution threatened the moneyed class more than ever even though their hold on power with its resulting excesses in the accumulation of wealth could not be tamed until the Great Depression hit. In its wake, reformists like FDR and socialist parties in Europe cut their feathers substantially. Progressive taxation on income, estate, and capital was put in place; salaries among the wealthiest and the average workers trimmed from a ratio of about 400:1 to 30:1; social programs instituted… It must be remembered that workers’ rights, unions, public education, health care, Social Security, public services, women’s rights, civil rights, secular regimes, etc., are all a legacy of the left, which shed so much blood and tears to achieve these gains (even though the record ought to be tempered by the same left’s avocation of the “civilizing mission” in far away lands — i.e., colonialism). Nonetheless, the moneyed class became so worried about the loss of their privileges and the spread of socialist ideas that they, in Europe and in the U.S., supported Mussolini’s Fascism and Hitler’s National Socialism until well into World War Two when Hitler, instead of focusing on their interests — the destruction of the Soviet Union and communist expansion in Europe — launched an attack on their own countries and interests.

In 1945, Europe lay in ruins, its infrastructure and industries devastated, its people impoverished, lacking food and services (like electricity and water). Communist parties, particularly in France and Italy, gained strong traction and the influence of the Soviet Union loomed large. Threatened by the advance of leftist ideas, the powers-that-be chose to join them half way. Western elites devised a reconstruction plan based on Keynesian-Fordism — state control and planning of the economy to varying degrees, mass post-Taylorism production, progressive taxation, collective bargaining through strong unions, and the transfer of gains in productivity to the salaried work force in the form of higher wages, which greased the wheel of demand for industrial production. The USA was an intimate participant in that process through the European Recovery Program (the Marshall Plan) passed by Congress in 1947, which was motivated by three objectives: First, to create new markets for American products (the U.S. was producing 55% of worldwide manufactured products in 1945 and feared a potential domestic recession could happen if new markets were not developed). Second, to neutralize and work against the growing influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist parties in Western Europe. Third, an altruistic desire to alleviate the dire conditions Europeans faced…which could lead to social unrest and bring on political developments that its second objective aimed to prevent (American idealism has always been mated with a heavy dose of pragmatic self-interest).

That political-economic plan was apt enough to generate what has been known, with some exaggeration as facts show, (3) by Jean Fourastié’s famous saying: les trente glorieuses (the “thirty glorious years”). By the late 1960s, Keynesian-Fordism was running out of steam and in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis stagflation became the order of the day. In the atmosphere of malaise that took over the Western world, long-time opponents of Keynesian-Fordism found ready followers. Free-market evangelists like the classical liberals Friedrich Hayek, the author of The Road to Serfdom (Routledge, 1944), Milton Friedman of the Chicago School of Economics, the Randian Ludwig von Mises, and others (Karl Popper comes to mind) (4) became the intellectual force behind post-Fordist globalization (5) as they advocated their ideology — low taxes, small government with minimal interference in the economy, little regulations if any, no redistributive policies that could lead to any kind of entitlements, individualism, free will, etc. By the early 1970s Keynesian-Fordism had by and large been nailed into the dustbin of history. In 1979, Margaret Thatcher became the British prime minister, and in 1981, Ronald Reagan the president of the United States.

Frédéric Lordon, a French economist and research director at the National Center of Scientific Research (CNRS) has called this historical reactionary watershed the reconquista of the moneyed class. (6) It must be noted that during that period — approximately 1965-1975 — the national corporations that were answering to and constrained by their respective governments turned into transnational entities (what was then called multinationals). Their allegiance was increasingly answering to the interests of their shareholders and no longer to the political whim or the demands of their workers. Coupled with the internationalization of the financial services, the moneyed class, les possédants (“those who possess”) as Lordon calls them, were now in a position to blackmail the political class — besides, concurrently, bribing it through campaign contributions. “If you do not lower our taxes we can move our headquarters to another country,” threatened the managerial class, adding, “if you do not allow working flexibility and deregulate industry, we’ll relocalize in more favorable climates.” Finally, they concluded in a crescendo, “you politicians have to get rid or substantially lower social services, those dreaded entitlements.”

Bought politicians and heedless governments relented. The age of detaxation and deregulation had begun in earnest. Taxes were smashed; (7) regulations were lessened; working flexibility — a neutral expression to mean the contraction of wages and hiring/firing at will — was instituted, and trade unions weakened. As Lordon reminds us, the goal was to starve the beast but the beast (the workers) was not willing to starve and kept fighting heartedly for the rights gained over a century of blood and tears. The result: public debt. What taxes did not finance any longer was substituted by national debt. Wealth was being transferred from the whole to the few though a simple mechanism — financial gains for the few, debt for the many.

How could the masses get on board with this scheme? It had little to do with the so-called unsophisticated and uneducated masses (the Mises/Rand paradigm) — though disinformation has been a part of the tragedy. Of late, a few mainstream economists and commentators (e.g., Robert Reich, Paul Krugman, Michael Hudson, Bob Herbert, et al.) have documented that wages have been remaining flat for about forty years (8) while, writes Reich, “In the late 1970s, the richest 1 percent of American families took in about 9 percent of the nation’s total income; by 2007, the top 1 percent took in 23.5 percent of total income.” (9) The facts are slowly seeping out. Yet, they appear to have not reached the consciousness of the overwhelming majority of the people. Why? Of course, there have been relentless PR campaigns vaunting trickle-down economics, the rising tide lifting all boats, the influence of the Laffer curve on the partisans of supply-side economists, and all other shibboleth lines, for example “freedom” and “greed is good.” But objective socioeconomic conditions have been in play, which served to hide reality from reaching consciousness.

What happened can be seen in how the American elites handled the reconquista. Let’s take a look at it in the United States. First, as Reich states, “women streamed into the paid work force. By the late 1990s, more than 60 percent of mothers with young children worked outside the home (in 1966, only 24 percent did).” Second, people started to work longer hours. However, these two factors were not enough to keep households ahead, and the elites were fully aware that a discontented populace tends to translate into social unrest. So, a devilishly smart scheme was devised, based on credit and real estate.

After a long decline that began in the mid 1960s the rate of profits bottomed out in the early 1980s before ascending again (see note #3), a result of stagnating wages and therefore wealth transfer to the rich. Yet, the economy was in recession with high inflation and unemployment (the latter reaching 10.8% in December 1982). The inflation was eventually tamed through the drastic policies enacted by the Fed under the chairmanship of Paul Volcker, which benefited creditors; further tax cuts were passed (1984 and ’87), which benefited the wealthy; and access to credit was vastly expanded, which permitted the vast majority of households to keep afloat — for a while. Credit cards multiplied like enzymes (10) as did consumer credits. Everything could be purchased on credit (vehicles, home appliances, students’ fees, etc.). Private debts skyrocketed. Still, it was not enough to keep the economy growing. Policies to help the value of real estate rising indefinitely and home ownership enlarged were deliberately put in place by both Republican and Democrat administrations. These policies can be traced back to the New Deal, but were widely expanded from the 1970s onward. Home ownership as part of economic security and the realization of the American Dream became the major engine of the economy. It was achieved through a mix of fiscal and monetary policies (11) and access to easy credit guaranteed and securitized by Government Sponsored Enterprises — the best known being Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — and governmental agencies such as the Federal Housing Administration, which is a part of the Department of Housing and Urban Development and others (e.g. Ginnie Mae). These policies became increasingly financially “sophisticated” under the stewardship of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. (12) The end result has been exceptional, that is, out of the ordinary: The value of real estate in the USA has risen spectacularly for four decades (except for a short and slight downturn in the early 1990s) with returns on investment superior to those of financial services (13) — until the proverbial feces hit the fan in a combination of a series of perfect storms.

Let’s recapitulate this short history with a graphical helping hand.

Forty years of socioeconomic trends in the U.S. (14)

This graphic, developed in-house and certainly imperfect (for instance, it does not take into account the war economy that has been so dominant since WWII), brings together the various socioeconomic developments that have taken place in the U.S. and have led to the perfect multiple storms and the resulting wreckage to the world that will remain with us for years — if not decades. The olive line at the bottom illustrates how wages, after steadily rising in the wake of WWII, have remained flat. The green line shows how taxes have abruptly been reduced for the benefit of the wealthy, which, in turn, have raised public debt (the pink line) as conflicting interests could not allow the slashing of social services and thus forced the moneyed class and its political companions (often the same crowd) to delay — not forsake — “starving of the beast,” which they have relentlessly tried to accomplish for decades. (15) For the majority — at least 80% of the American people — the loss in wages was compensated by cheap credit and plastic debt (the red line), and since it was not enough to keep up with the Joneses and the PR, the very last recourse was to gamble on the rise of value in real estate (the blue line). Equity loans were taken out in abandon; mortgages refinanced not just once, but twice or more, in the belief that the value of property would keep rising forever. Much of the raised funds were spent on consumer products, vacations in exotic places, instant gratification, etc. A few borrowers attended to their children’s needs — the college tuitions that are bringing graduates to become debt peons even before they have entered productive life. Reich noted that “from 2002 to 2007, American households extracted $2.3 trillion from their homes.” Money was of no concern. It grew on trees. One president advocated going to Disneyland and driving to the mall and to shop. A vice president asserted that deficits didn’t matter. Any dissenter or skeptical observer was tagged un-American, thus ignored. Life was good, asserted the masters of the universe. People heard and wanted to believe the message and acted accordingly.

Sometime in 2005 cracks began to appear on Main Street. Households had maxed out their credit lines. The great wealth creation, it turned out, had been borrowed. The financial sector began to notice an increase in consumer defaults in 2006, which started to put a squeeze on their balance sheets. The burgeoning crisis moved to Wall Street. The meltdown took off in earnest with the Bear Sterns collapse in March 2008 and the FDIC seizure of IndyMac in July 2008. By the fourth quarter of that same year, Lehman Brothers was no more, AIG had to be rescued, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac taken over by the government, and the financial sector had to be bailed out through the Troubled Asset Relief Program and huge interventions by the Fed. By then the crisis had spread to the entire world. Economic activity came to a screeching halt and business embarked on an abrupt deleveraging of its work force, thus compounding the damage done to the economy. The latent depression was in full force. It carries on to this very day.

The consequence can be seen, for anyone who is not blindly following a dismal ideology, that for decades le beau monde has peddled over the voices of reason — and still does to this very day — arguing that laissez-faire would bring heaven to earth. The result is here for all to see. Many will ask for more of the same in the name of sheer ignorance and emotional convictions based on an ideology they do not master, to the benefit of a class to which they do not belong — not even considering the ecological bind that will bring us all to the realization that a paradigm change is not only required but needed if the survival of all species is a desired and chosen outcome.

Notes
1.  For an example among many, see the 1850 internal regulations of a company located in Chaumont, France.  (back)
2.  To cite but a few: Saint-Simon, Fourier, Proudhon, Owen, Engels, Marx, Lenin, Luxemburg, etc.  (back)
3.  The model began to fall apart in the early 1960s when the rate of profit flattened before taking a plunge until the early 1980s — a fact that is largely ignored by mainstream economists. For more on this topic, see “The causes of the post-war economic boom,” International Review,October 29, 2008. The rate of profit and the dynamic of capital accumulation in capitalism are best understood and explained by people who are rooted in the Marxist tradition and knowledgeable enough to make sense of them — a tradition and knowledge this author regrettably does not possess.  (back)
4.  George Soros’s hero, Karl Popper, was one of the founders in 1947 of the Mont Pelerin Society, a society that advocates classical liberalism. Other founders included Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, and George Stigler.  (back)
5.  For a more extended review of this topic, please see “Flexible Relations and Post-Fordist Globalization,” by Taimur Rahman, chowk.com, April 23, 2003.  (back)
6.  “La dette publique, ou la reconquista des possédants,” by Frédéric Lordon, Blog of Le Monde Diplomatique, May 26, 2010. For readers who can read French, this is the clearest exposé of events that have taken place in the past 40 years, which have decimated the masses for the benefits of the few. Lordon is to my knowledge the only economist that has been able to undertake a serious contextual analysis with an impressive sense of humor. Highly recommended.  (back)
7.  The trend toward lower taxes began earlier in the U.S. under the Kennedy administration. In 1963, Kennedy proposed a plan to lower income taxes across the board. The plan was passed in 1964 by the Johnson administration. All marginal tax rates were cut, the top one from 91% to 77%., then 70% in 1965, 50% in 1982, 38.5% in 1987, 28% in 1988, up to 31% in 1991, 39.6% in 1993, and 35% in 2003. See U.S. Federal Individual Income Tax Rates History, 1913-2010 at the Web site of the Tax Foundation.  (back)
8.  They actually have contracted. The latest Census data shows that “the median household income fell 0.7% to $49,777 in 2009, down 4.2% since 2007, when the recession started.”  (back)
9.  “How to End the Great Recession,” by Robert Reich, The New York Times, September 2, 2010.  (back)
10.  “Between 1989 and 2006, the nation’s total credit card charges increased from about $69 billion a year to more than $1.8 trillion.” Seecreditcards.com for broad statistics on credit cards.  (back)
11.  With inflation kept in check due to downward pressures on wages and the growing import of ever-cheaper consumer products, the Fed has been able to keep the federal funds rate low, slashing it even more in times of recession (e.g., 1975, 1982, 1989, 2001, 2007) — see Fed Ratesand the actions taken by the Federal Open Market Committee.

Fiscal policies include the full deduction of interests paid on mortgages, and an entire panoply of tax credits that are offered to home buyers in various circumstances (first-time buyers, etc.).  (back)

12.  See “Bill Clinton’s drive to increase homeownership went way too far,” by Peter Coy, Business Week, February 27, 2008, and the remarks on homeownership by George W. Bush at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, June 18, 2002 (i.e., in the midst of a recession).  (back)
13.  For a very detailed analysis of the crisis in the U.S., I highly recommend the work of Onubre Einz published at criseusa.blog.lemonde.fr on the Web site of Le Monde. Regarding real estate policies, consumerism, private and public debts, and wages, please refer to “Faut-il dégrader la dette souveraine des USA ou des Trois Krash financiers?“, March 21, 2010. Einz’s research and analysis are quite comprehensive and comprehensible, even for people who have no economic background. His work would certainly deserve to be translated in English.  (back)
14.  This graph, developed by the author, is only an approximate representation of five trends that have taken place in the USA in the last 40 years. It is statistically researched but not statistically formulated — and the author does not profess to be a graphic designer! It is an aperçu of an historical period.  (back)
15.  Note that public debt began to explode under the Reagan administration and has grown even further after the public bailout of private financial interests (TARP). Note too that the debt grew commensurably with the tax cuts showered upon the wealthy, those people who needed those “breaks” the least.  (back)

Part II: The Reasons it Won’t

(Swans – October 18, 2010) The thinking in some quarters where so-called “experts” abound is that the road to recovery and the creation of much needed jobs ought to be driven by demand. Consumption spending, goes that thinking, will lead businesses to invest in productive assets, banks to lend again, and bring the unemployed masses back into the workforce. Since the private sector is unable or unwilling to do its part, it is then up to the government to pick up the tab and stimulate the economy. As an economic mini-commentator has put it, “[G]overnment spending must increase to make up for the slack in demand and reduce unemployment. That means larger budget deficits until households have patched their balance sheets and can spend again at pre-crisis levels.” (1) This is a perfectly reasonable Keynesian methodology that has worked in times past. However, it misses the fact that the economic crisis is the result of both over-production — a tremendous overhang of productive assets — and over-consumption fueled by cheap credit and ballooned household debt, compounded by the shenanigans of the financial sector (2) orchestrated at the highest levels of political power by “brilliant” men. (3) It also misses the point that this crisis is the “mother of all crises.” It has hit production, consumption, public and private debts, ecological disasters, all in the midst of a financial system that remains in shambles, as Raghuram Rajan clearly explains in an October 12, 2010, Der Spiegel interview. (4)

In the wake of these tsunamis, the Federal Reserve (Fed) and the US Treasury went to work and injected trillions of dollars in the financial sector through monetary and fiscal policies and in Main Street through an economic stimulus. Although some economists argue that the Obama stimulus package ($850 billion-plus) has been insufficient as it did not match the output gap — that it was, in the words of Larry Summers, only a tool to avoid “catastrophic failure” (real, deep, 1930s-like Depression), a sort of “insurance package” — these policies have served their purpose. Deep depression has so far been forestalled and unemployment kept in check, albeit at a hidden increasing rate. But recovery has not taken place. Why? And why won’t it?
As stated in Part I, the U.S. is in a latent depression. No public stimulus or austerity measures can overlook or change the actualities. The system is in a bind.

First of all, the country is crippled by a staggering amount of household debt. According to the Fed, household debt amounted to almost $14 trillion in the second quarter of 2010, only $200 billion less than a year ago. Credit card liabilities declined to $832 billion from $915 billion for the same period, largely the result of bank write-offs (known as charge-offs).Defaulters, of course, lose their credit rating and won’t be able to borrow in the future, except at usurious rates. (Some homeowners stopped paying their mortgage in order to pay their revolving debts.) (5) Total student loan debt is a mere $830 billion. (“The cost of a college education has risen, in real dollars, by 250 to 300 percent over the past three decades,” according to Christopher Shea of The Boston Globe.) (6)

Secondly, these debts have been compounded by the residential real estate crash — the mother of all bubbles — in which some $8 trillion in equity have vanished. Median house prices have dropped between 20 and 30 percent (and even more in some states like Florida and California). Over six million households have already lost their homes to foreclosure. Another 4.2 million are in or near foreclosure. At the peak of the market in 2006, 69 percent of Americans “owned” (through their lenders) a home. It is now down to 65 percent, and notwithstanding the recent foreclosure moratorium there may be over 3 million other homes lost in the next couple of years. Which means that there is a huge oversupply of houses on the market. Note that this situation has a direct impact on job creation since people, unable to sell their homes without bearing a substantial loss, can hardly relocate (even if they could get a job elsewhere). In other words, the work force has lost its mobility due to the real estate freeze. Add to this dire state of affairs the soaring commercial vacancies (and defaults) that has also led to a huge oversupply of office buildings and stores, and it then becomes quite understandable that the construction sector, the major engine of the US economy, is going to remain in the doldrums for years to come. (7)

So, the U.S. is confronted with both an overhang of debt and an oversupply of depreciated or idle assets (which includes not only construction, but many other sectors, especially in transportation).

Thirdly, the country is also confronted with the Baby-Boom Generation that will begin retiring next year. According to Wikipedia, “The United States Census Bureau considers a baby boomer to be someone born during the demographic birth boom between 1946 and 1964.” That’s about seventy-six million people or close to 25 percent of the population. Over 4 million will be retiring every year until 2030. The boomer generation is also known as the spending generation. Boomers have kept the consuming pedal to the floor for the past 40 years, and, but for a minority, are utterly unprepared for retirement, many depending on their home equity (and Social Security) to make ends meet, and seeing that equity melt like an Alpine glacier. The few that managed to save see those savings being quickly eroded by the monetary policies enacted by the Fed (near-zero interest rates, rampant inflation that most probably will increase in the future due to, again, deliberate Fed actions). Older people do naturally spend less — except in health care — but older people who have lost a big chunk of their assets (both in equity and in cash) have to become by necessity a thrifty lot. Their spending is not coming back and there are no new spenders to replace them.

Fourthly, any increase in consumption spending directly leads to a rise in the US trade deficit, which for 2010 may reach $500 billion. (8) While about 47 percent of US importations are what is called “related party trading” — that is, US-funded companies that have moved their manufacturing facilities to low-wage countries and repatriated their vast profits for the benefit of their shareholders — imports have only a marginally positive effect on domestic employment (a few high-end engineering and some low-paid retail jobs), (9) except for dock workers and transportation. Simply put, foreign trade is not going to boost the economy. Manufacturing, or “reindustrialization” — that fetish of politicians and unions — won’t do the trick either, because as Jagdish Bhagwati, a professor of economics and law at Columbia University, has shown, “There is no proof that economic health depends on manufacturing.” The issue is nonetheless moot, for the manufacturing jobs that have been “relocalized” over the years will not come back anytime soon. Why would anyone want to pay, say, $1,000 for an iPod made in America with a tiny profit margin for Apple, when one can get the same device made in China for a fraction of the price (and a huge profit margin for Apple)? A manufacturing facility would be built in the U.S. and workers hired, but the device would no longer be affordable — a self-defeating proposition that would lead inevitably to layoffs and plant closing. One cannot escape the logic and the contradictions of the system — call it capitalistic or not.

One could throw into the mix the continued contraction of wages, which certainly won’t help consumers increase their spending, and the massive upsurge in government anti-poverty programs, (10) but enough depressing news for today!

To recap: Evident over-production and over-supplies worldwide, a crippling US-led debt burden, trade imbalances that may well turn into proactive protectionist policies (i.e., trade wars), an entire generation drifting toward graveyards (not just in the U.S.), unable to spend any longer, manufacturing dreams that cannot be realized as people are willing to work pennies on the dollar to desperately dig their way out of poverty, and a dearth of intellectual knowledge are not going to bring the economy back to what it should not have been in the first place.

However, since the USA is a gambling nation par excellence (and history), it appears that the elites are going to do a double-down bet.

Ben Bernanke, a so-called “expert” on the Great Depression and head of the Fed, who has been wrong every step of the way, (11) intends to further monetize the federal debt through a second round of quantitative easing. He may also recommend a more direct injection of liquidity targeted to consumers through a suspension of the payroll tax. Meanwhile, in an effort to help American exports (and weaken the exports of European competitors and emerging countries), he keeps weakening the dollar — an action that is creating new distortions in the global economy as Raghuram Rajan explains in theDer Spiegel interview, and could turn into an ugly global currency war and lead to a world of beggar-thy-neighbour policy.(12) (The US Congress, quick to blame China for America’s ills, is calling for the imposition of tariffs on Chinese products.)
As made plain above, American consumers who have kept the world economy growing through their irresponsible credit binge are not going to “spend again at pre-crisis levels” for a long time, if ever. They simply cannot afford the game anymore. No one can, and no one should. There are externalities that are much larger than daily life. Pre-crisis spending should be dwarfed in light of the ecological disasters humanity faces.

Notes

1. “Red Flags for the Economy”, by Mike Whitney, CounterPunch, July 6, 2010. (back)

2. The theoretical analysis by John Bellamy Foster on how money got disconnected from productive endeavors, and how the financial sector ended accounting for 40 percent of profits in the U.S. explains in great details this point. See, “The Financialization of Accumulation,” Monthly Review, October 2010. (back)

3. One sterling example is Larry Summers, who oversaw the repeal of Glass-Steagall, successfully helped engineer the deregulation of financial markets, blocked all attempts to regulate derivatives, etc. In 1999, Summers was a member of the triumvirate with Robert Rubin and Alan Greenspan known as the “Committee that Saved the World” — neoliberal ideologues that have consistently been proven wrong and are directly responsible for the long-term socio-economic crisis that will carry on for many years. See Professor Bill Mitchell (University of Newcastle, NSW Australia) December 2009 blog entry “Being shamed and disgraced is not enough” for a pertinent analysis of their exploits. Mitchell cites Ayn Rand saying in 1959, “I am opposed to all forms of control. I am for an absolute laissez fair free unregulated economy. Let me put it briefly I am for the separation of state and economics.” (back)

4. Raghuram Rajan, currently an economics professor at the Booth School of Business at the University of Chicago, used to be Economic Counsellor and Director of the IMF’s Research Department Financial Markets, Financial Fragility, and Central Banking (September 2003 – January 2007). On August 27, 2005, Rajan delivered a speech at A Symposium Sponsored by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, entitled, “The Greenspan Era: Lessons for the Future.” In that speech, which at this writing remains posted on the IMF Web site, Rajan warned in very diplomatic terms of the looming dangers of “a catastrophic financial crisis” and called for what he modestly called “Prudential supervision” of the financial sector. According to Charles Ferguson, the director and producer of the recently released documentary Inside Job, “When Rajan finished speaking, Summers rose up from the audience and attacked him, calling him a ‘Luddite,’ dismissing his concerns, and warning that increased regulation would reduce the productivity of the financial sector. (Ben Bernanke, Tim Geithner, and Alan Greenspan were also in the audience.)” — see “Larry Summers and the Subversion of Economics,” in The Chronicle Review,October 3, 2010. (back)

5. See “Bank Losses Lead to Drop in Credit Card Debt,” by Christine Hauser, The New York Times, September 24, 2010.http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/25/business/25credit.html (back)

6. Christopher Shea: “The End of Tenure?” The New York Times Book Review, September 5, 2010, p.27. (back)

7. One could make the case that a means t o resolve the housing crisis would be to actually bulldoze all vacant homes and building development. It would create jobs in the short term for hordes of demolition crews and then, once the swamp is sanitized, construction workers would start building again — the good old creative destruction paradigm. Problem is that the banks would go the way of the Dodo and the Masters of the Universe tends to shy away from their own demise. (back)

8. As an example: This household had to rebuild a rotten deck from scratch: The pressure-treated wood and plywood came from Canada. The stainless steel screws (2,400 of them!) were made in Thailand. Only the composite boards (Trex) were made in the U.S. We also bought a LCD/DVD TV combo (a Toshiba 19″), which was made in Thailand. A small adjustable gate to keep the dogs on the deck was made in China, and four pair of socks were made in South Korea. One would think that a clay “Superstone” covered baker (to bake bread) by “Sassafras” — a small business located in Chicago — would have come from either Italy or France, but one would be wrong. It was made in Taiwan. We also had to put in place a new leach field for our recurring clogged septic tank. Here, at least, our hardship benefited the US economy, as the needed rocks and labor originated locally, though the pipes and the contractor’s backhoe may well have been manufactured abroad. (back)

9. For further exploration on the topic of trade (and manufacturing), see Bill Mitchell’s blog entry “What you consume or what you produce?”in which he refers to a 2009 UC Irvine study that examined the pros and cons of manufacturing Apple’s iPods in China, and found that “the iPod supports nearly twice as many jobs offshore as in the U.S., yet wages paid in the U.S. are over twice as much as those paid overseas.” (back)

10. Excerpted from “Record number in government anti-poverty programs,” by Richard Wolf, USA TODAY, August 31, 2010: More than 50 million Americans are on Medicaid, up 17 percent since December 2007. More than 40 million people get food stamps, up almost 50 percent in the same period. More than 4.4 million people are on welfare, an 18 percent increase. Close to 10 million receive unemployment insurance. Unemployment insurance trust funds in 30 states are insolvent. (back)

11. To grasp Bernanke’s real “expertise,” one has to only read the comments he made in 2005 and 2006:

July 1, 2005: Bernanke: “We’ve never had a decline in house prices on a nationwide basis. So, what I think what is more likely is that house prices will slow, maybe stabilize, might slow consumption spending a bit. I don’t think it’s going to drive the economy too far from its full employment path, though.” (We did have an actual decline in house prices in the early 1990s.)

February 15, 2006: Bernanke: “Housing markets are cooling a bit. Our expectation is that the decline in activity or the slowing in activity will be moderate, that house prices will probably continue to rise.” (The housing market was beginning to implode at the very time Bernanke made this statement…) (back)
12. Brazil’s finance minister Guido Mantega recently said, “We’re in the midst of an international currency war, a general weakening of currency. This threatens us because it takes away our competitiveness.” See “Currencies clash in new age of beggar-my-neighbour,” by Martin Wolf, The Financial Times, September 28, 2010. (Free registration required.) (back)

Part III: The Reasons it Shouldn’t

“This meeting is part of the world’s efforts to address a very simple fact — we are destroying life on Earth.”

—Achim Steiner, head of the U.N. Environment Program, Nagoya, Japan, October 18, 2010

“We are nearing a tipping point, or the point of no return for biodiversity loss. Unless proactive steps are taken for biodiversity, there is a risk that we will surpass that point in the next 10 years.”

—Ryu Matsumoto, Japanese Environment Minister, Nagoya, Japan, October 18, 2010 (1)

(Swans – November 15, 2010) The first part of this long essay presented an abridged history of the road to the current deep socioeconomic crisis that some observers had predicted, even though no one could pinpoint the exact timing of the implosion. The second part submitted that there are objective factors that explain why the economy is not going “to come back” any time soon. But, more importantly, profound and intensifying environmental and ecological crises militate in favor of not having the economy revert to the shape and form it had. Some of these crises are the object of this third part. In short, to return to business as usual will lead to collective suicide, which Mother Nature will trigger in the not so distant future.

According to the WWF (2) 2010 Living Planet Report, “human demand outstrips nature’s supply.” “In 2007,” the report states, “humanity’s Footprint exceeded the Earth’s biocapacity by 50%.” The Global Footprint Network (GFN) has calculated that on August 21, 2010, the world reached Earth Overshoot Day — that is, “the day of the year in which human demand on the biosphere exceeds what it can regenerate.” As GFN president Mathis Wackernagel stated: “If you spent your entire annual income in nine months, you would probably be extremely concerned. The situation is no less dire when it comes to our ecological budget. Climate change, biodiversity loss, deforestation, water and food shortages are all clear signs: We can no longer finance our consumption on credit. Nature is foreclosing.” Though these environmental organizations are promoting policies that are essentially based on demographic and increasingly economic Malthusianism — independent researcher Michael Barker has written in-depth analyses, particularly in regard to the WWF, in these pages (3) — they do acknowledge the gravity of the situation. As the WWF report states, “An overshoot of 50% means it would take 1.5 years for the Earth to regenerate the renewable resources that people used in 2007 and absorb CO2 waste. … CO2 and other greenhouse gas emissions from human activities are far more than ecosystems can absorb.” In other words, the world, or to be more precise, some parts of the world, over-produces and over-consumes natural resources that are being depleted at an exponential rate. That’s the main reason for not having US (and other rich nations’) households “spend again at pre-crisis levels.” (4) The socioeconomic paradigm built on capital accumulation, perpetual material growth, and financial profits for the infinitesimal few must be not just overhauled but buried, and replaced by an equitable new arrangement that takes into account all natural ecosystems.

Fossil fuels

Fossil fuels have been feeding the materialistic economic paradigm, whether under capitalism or socialism, since the early 1800s. Their use increased moderately between 1850 and 1950, thereafter shooting up like a rocket. (5)

According to the US Energy Information Administration, “in 2007 primary sources of energy consisted of petroleum 36.0%, coal 27.4%, natural gas 23.0%, amounting to an 86.4% share for fossil fuels in primary energy consumption in the world.” Today, worldwide transportation depends on oil for 90 percent of its needs. There is not one sector of the economy that is independent of fossil fuels. From 1990 to 2008 the global consumption of fossil fuels has increased as follows: oil: 25 percent, with a stabilization since the beginning of the economic crisis; coal: 48 percent; and natural gas: 54 percent. (6)

With these few facts in mind, where does the world stand in regard to fossil fuels?

Petroleum

Since the beginning of the current latent depression, as oil consumption has flattened or slightly decreased, the topic of peak oil has by and large disappeared in the mainstream media. Were it not for the Blogosphere (7) that keeps bringing facts of oil depletion to the fore, one would believe that everything is fine and dandy — and, anyway, the alarmists are deemed radicals (right or left) and as such are discounted. However, what to make of Charles Maxwell, a senior energy analyst at Weeden & Co. — certainly not a “radical” — who has written and talked extensively about The Gathering Storm? (8)

Or what about Robert Hirsch? Swans readers may recall Hirsch’s 2005 report “Peaking of World Oil Production: Impacts, Mitigation, and Risk Management” that was highlighted on January 29, 2007, in the dossier, “Energy Resources And Our Future,” by Admiral Hyman G. Rickover. In that report, Hirsch, an oilman par excellence, showed the dire challenges the world faces and how to possibly mitigate them. What happened to that report is best explained by Hirsch himself, which he did in a potent interview (in English) with the French Le Monde on September 16, 2010 (the report was shelved by both the Bush and Obama administrations).

Still, Hirsch remains adamant. In The Impending World Energy Mess, co-authored with Roger Bezdek and Robert Wendling (Apogee Prime, October 2010), Hirsch makes the case that oil production is on the decline; that no quick fixes are available; and that societal priorities will have to change drastically.

The research done by the British Chatham House, the UK Industry Taskforce on Peak Oil & Energy Security, the German military analysis, and other US military reports, like the “2010 Joint Operating Environment” (pdf) shows that oil-consuming countries are bracing themselves for the decline of oil and the risks of conflicts it will engender. But for a few scientists supported and financed by energy conglomerates and pro-growth lobbies, the scientific community has by and large reached the conclusion that the decline of oil was not reversible — a conclusion reached as early as 1998 by the Paris-based International Energy Agency though this crucial information was left out of its annual World Energy Outlook report under pressure from powerful players. (9) Keep in mind that peak oil does not mean the end of oil, as some doomsayers claim. It denotes the end of cheap oil on the one hand and on the other the physical (and economic) inability to find new reserves proportionately to the oil being consumed.

Peak oil deniers and advocates of abiogenic oil need to ponder why oil companies take so many risks to hunt for oil deep in the seas for poor and marginal results in oil supplies, all the while causing recurring ecological disasters, or engage in such environmentally-destructive projects as the Canadian oil sands — one of the worst ecological projects in the entire world that is bound to destroy the boreal forest in an area the size of Florida, devour hundreds of million cubic meters of fresh water and 600 million cubic feet of natural gas every day, and dramatically increase the emissions of carbon dioxide while yielding a relatively low energy return on investment (EROI), or energy returned on energy invested (EROEI) — that is, the amount of energy needed to produce energy. (10) In other words, the world is using more and more energy to produce less and less of it at an ever faster-growing financial and environmental cost.

But since a picture is worth a thousand words, readers may want to look at the superb photographic work of Canadian photographer Edward Burtynsky, which is exhibited on the Web site of the Corcoran Gallery of Art in Washington D.C. (11) Paul Roth, the curator of the exhibition, wrote in the catalog:

…..Edward Burtynsky shows the man-made world—the human ecosystem—that has risen up around the production, use, and dwindling availability of our paramount energy source. The mechanics and industry of extraction and refinement; the development, products, and activities associated with transportation and motor culture; and the wreckage, obsolescence, and human cost that lies at the End of Oil. These photographs are about man, and what he has made of the earth. (12)
In 1980 the worldwide production of petroleum (in thousand barrels per day) was 63,963.116. It went up to 66,217.937 in 1990, and reached 85,477.530 in 2008. (13)

Natural gas

Natural gas is generally seen as both abundant and less polluting than oil and coal, which is factually correct. However, what the proponents of natural gas do not mention is the huge environmental consequences of its extraction, especially when using hydraulic fracturing, known as fracking, that take up huge amounts of water and chemicals and contaminate ground water. Fracking, as a June 2010 Vanity Fair report indicated, has become a “colossal mess.” The real environmental costs of extracting natural gas are widely underestimated or ignored by the proponents of using this fuel as a “bridge to the future.” (14)

Whatever T. Boone Pickens’s proselytizing and the lobbying of vested interests to expand the use of this “clean fuel,” we face, in the words of Professor Francis Shor, “a toxic cancer,” which will lead to “an unprecedented assault on the environment that may very well doom future generations of residents of the United States to a slow, but sure, toxic death.” (15)

In 1980 the worldwide production of natural gas (in billion cubic feet) was 53,375. It went up to 73,788 in 1990, and reached 109,789 in 2008.

Coal

According to Greenpeace (16) “coal is the largest driver of global warming pollution on the planet and a primary driver of toxic air pollutants like mercury and nitrogen oxide. But coal combustion also results in millions of tons of solid waste in the form of coal ash and scrubber sludge.” Whether through Mountaintop removal mining or traditional in situ extraction, the environmental impact on humans and natural ecosystems is ominous. China, the largest producer and consumer of coal for the country’s generation of electricity by a factor of 3:1 in relation to the USA (the second largest), is a case in point. (17)

A September 15, 2010, report (18) by Greenpeace, “The True Cost of Coal,” notes:

China depends on coal for more than 70 pct of its energy needs.

For the last 8 years China has added new coal plants once a week in average. It has 1,400 coal plants.

The combustion of 4 tons of coal produces 1 ton of ashes. China produces 375 million tons of ashes a year, 2.5 times more than in 2002.
Greenpeace estimates that only 30 percent of these ashes are recycled. Environmental accidents similar to the 2008 Kingston Fossil Fuel Plant spill in Tennessee (19) are prone to increasingly happen.

Coal, in a nutshell, is the most polluting fuel (air, water, soil, and animal species) that ought to be phased out as quickly as possible. Instead, production and consumption are increasing exponentially.

In 1980 the worldwide production of coal (in thousand short tons) was 4,181,850. It went up to 5,346,680 in 1990, and reached 7,271,749 in 2008.

What these fossil fuels have in common is their significant production/consumption growth over time, which brings to mind the Exponential Expiration Time that Dr. Albert A. Bartlett, an emeritus professor of physics at the University of Colorado at Boulder, popularized in his famous 1978 presentation, “Arithmetic, Population, and Energy” — a presentation he has revised and augmented over the years. Bartlett has often bemoaned human “inability to understand the exponential function” and the general ignorance of the “doubling time.” — “The growth in any doubling time is greater than the total of all the preceding growth!” (20)

Missing from his paper, however, is another trait that these fossil fuels share.

Emissions of carbon dioxide

According to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), China passed the U.S. to become the largest emitter of carbon dioxide in 2007. In 2008 (the year of reference for this article), China emitted 6,533.544 million metric tons of CO2 and the U.S. 5,832.819. However, these numbers are distorted, as they do not reflect the amount of CO2 the U.S. has “exported” toward China and other emerging economies through the relocalization of parts of its manufacturing sector (which this research has been unable to estimate). Neither are these figures taking into account the respective emissions per capita. In this latter case, the U.S. emits almost 4 times (3.92 to be precise) as much as China. (21) Still, these two countries emitted 40.7 percent of worldwide CO2 emissions in 2008.

More ominous is the worldwide growth of CO2 emissions in the past three decades. In 1980 (the farthest back the EIA statistics go), total emissions were 18,488.253 million metric tons. A decade later, in 1990, they were 21,677.327. By 2000, they had reached 23.876.592; and by 2008, 30,377.313. To put this growth in perspective, suffice it to note that in a mere 28 years the emissions of carbon dioxide have increased by a sheer 64.31 percent!

Climate change and global warming

According to an October 28, 2010, report by the French Sciences Academy, “Climate Change” (PDF, in French), (22) “the concentration of CO2 has been increasing continually since the middle of the 19th century, due principally to industrial activities, going from 280 parts per million around 1870 to 388 ppm in 2009. (Climatologists show that the safe upper limit is 350 ppm.) The rate of growth measured since 1970 is about 500 times higher than the slow growth observed in the last 5,000 years. … The origin of this growth is for more than half due to the burning of fossil fuels, and the rest is due to deforestation and in a small part the production of cement.” (p. 4) Sea levels, the report states, have risen 0.7 mm per year between 1870 and 1930, and began rising faster ever after, reaching a current 3.4 mm per year. Land glaciers and sea ice sheet, from Greenland to Antarctica, are all melting and receding rapidly. (23)

Correlated with the rise of carbon dioxide is the increasing acidification of the oceans that has taken place in the past 30 years or so. The depletion of oxygen in the seas is creating ever-larger ocean dead zones. More troubling yet, starting in 1950 phytoplankton, the very basis of the food chain, has declined by 40 percent, which will affect “everything up the food chain, including humans.”

Surely, the “merchants of doubt,” like Fred Singer, William Nierenberg, Fred Seitz, and Patrick Michaels, who are backed by some of the biggest polluters on the planet, will keep questioning and dismissing the science as they used to do for the ozone hole, acid rain, and even the dangers of smoking. Cordula Meyer calls them “The Traveling Salesmen of Climate Skepticism” in “Science as the Enemy” (Der Spiegel, October 8, 2010) (24) For these people more research must be done and no action is warranted — a message that is compliantly passed on in the MSM. (With a twinkle of irony, even rambunctious muckrakers join those professional skeptics!) (25) Like peak oil deniers, climate change Homo ignoramus are a species that are hard, if not impossible, to break, although one would wish they’d become extinct sooner rather than later. At the very least, one would hope that in the economic realm of this piece, they would acknowledge human-made destruction of the oceans, like plastic garbage and the depletion of fisheries.

Accumulation of plastic in the oceans

Last July, the Sea Education Association (SEA) of Woods Hole, Massachusetts, reported having found a huge plastic garbage patch, possibly the size of Texas, in the North Atlantic gyre that rivals the northern Pacific “superhighway of trash” that Charles Moore discovered in 1997. Another one has been found in the Indian Ocean, and according to SEA chief scientist Giora Proskurowski, the south Pacific and south Atlantic are affected as well. Scientists estimate that 200 species are put at risk by this plastic garbage and no one knows how long it will take to have humans affected through the food chain. But effects are there to be seen.

Here again, a picture is worth a thousand words. Chris Jordan, the Seattle-based photographer, has documented extensively in his “Message from the Gyre” the damages that our throwaway consumerist culture inflicts on the animal lives. In light of Jordan’s photographic documentation, no additional word is needed to depict the insanity of the current socioeconomic system.

The destruction of fisheries

If the scallops may become a past palate-endearing delight in relatively short order due to the acidification of the oceans, the heavily subsidized fishing industry is working against the clock to literally exterminate all fish stocks around the globe. As late as the nineteen nineties, fisheries were considered limitless. Meantime the stocks of halibut, cod, sole, yellowtail flounder, and hake have been utterly depleted. The bluefin tuna is getting closer and closer to extinction due to overfishing and “The Black Market in Bluefin.” In a fascinating, and must-read August 2, 2010, New Yorker essay, “The Scales Fall,” Elizabeth Kolbert tells how cods were once believed to be inexhaustible (they have essentially disappeared). Kolbert notes:

In 1964, the annual global catch totaled around fifty million tons; a U.S. Interior Department report from that year predicted that it could be “increased at least tenfold without endangering aquatic stocks.” Three years later, the department revised its estimate; the catch could be increased not by a factor of ten but by a factor of forty, to two billion tons a year.
“Peak fish,” Kolbert writes, took place in the late 1980s when “the total world catch topped out at around eighty-five million tons, which is to say, roughly 1.9 billion tons short of the Interior Department’s most lunatic estimate.” She adds: “For the past two decades, the global catch has been steadily declining. It is estimated that the total take is dropping by around five hundred thousand tons a year.”

Daniel Pauly, a professor at the Fisheries Centre of the University of British Columbia, warns that we are “[sliding] toward a marine dystopia.” He notes that “[I]n the past 50 years, we have reduced the populations of large commercial fish, such as bluefin tuna, cod, and other favorites, by a staggering 90 percent.” Pauly insists that the world is witnessing an “aquacalypse.” (26) He states that “[F]ish are in dire peril, and, if they are, then so are we”; and concludes that “governments [must free themselves] from their allegiance to the fishing-industrial complex.”

In guise of a conclusion

There is a direct relation between our neoliberal socioeconomic system based on capital accumulation and over-production and the destruction of the earth’s ecosystems. So the statement Mike Whitney made on July 6, 2010, (“Government spending must increase to make up for the slack in demand and reduce unemployment. That means larger budget deficits until households have patched their balance sheets and can spend again at pre-crisis levels.”) appears to be poorly thought out or particularly irresponsible in light of the damages the policy he advocates would inflict on the environment. From peak oil to peak fish, from CO2 emissions to the extinction of species, from global warming to climate change, all indicators point in the same direction. The pursuit of limitless growth as currently designed is nothing less than a suicidal pact that Mother Nature will in the not so distant future trigger.

It must be noted that the partisans of new-Keynesian demand stimulation through government spending — people like Dean Baker, Michael Hudson, Paul Krugman, et al. — rarely, if ever, take into consideration in their research and advocacy the natural world and the ecological consequences of the neoliberal order. Is it because they all reason from within, and are active supporters of that paradigm?

But again, the socioeconomic paradigm built on capital accumulation, perpetual material growth, and financial profits for the infinitesimal few must be not just overhauled but buried, and replaced by an equitable new arrangement that takes into account all natural ecosystems. Humanity needs to build a new socio-ecological paradigm. Such a transformation can only be attained through revolutionary thinking and processes.

Notes

1. Both statements were made at the opening session of the Tenth Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity in Nagoya, Japan.

According to Der Spiegel, “20 percent of the planet’s 380,000 plant species are in danger of becoming extinct, primarily due to habitat destruction. […] Of 5,490 species of mammals, 1,130 are threatened and 70 percent of the world’s fish population is in danger from over-fishing.”

In a nutshell, Mother Earth is facing a mass extinction of natural species and habitats due to human activities that overwhelmingly originated in the materially rich Northern Hemisphere, which has been scarifying the biosphere ever since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. (back)

2. The WWF, which was formerly known as the World Wildlife Fund, was created in 1961 in Gland, Switzerland. It is one of the largest environmental NGOs with over “1,300 conservation projects around the world.” It promotes free-market corporate environmentalism and advocates neoliberal solutions to mitigate the many ecological crises that the world faces — what Michael Barker calls “eco-imperialism.” (back)

3. See Barker’s research on these organizations (and more), particularly “The Philanthropic Roots Of Corporate Environmentalism,” Swans Commentary, November 3, 2008. (back)

4. See Part II of “The Economy Is Not Coming Back,” Swans Commentary, October 18, 2010. (back)

5. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Global_Carbon_Emissions.svg (back)

6. See a picture on Der Spiegel to visualize the increase of fossil fuels consumption in only 18 years. (back)

7. E.g., the Energy Bulletin, The Oil Drum, Hubbert Peak of oil Production, etc. (back)

8. See his recent interview with Wally Forbes, of Forbes magazine (not a particularly leftist publication!), “Bracing For Peak Oil Production By Decade’s End.” Says Maxwell:

“The use of petroleum in the world is now up to about 30 billion barrels per year. The rate at which we have found new supplies of petroleum over the last 10 years has fallen to an average of only about 10 billion barrels per year.

“We’re obviously in an unsustainable situation. We are now using up a greater number of barrels that we have found in the recent past and that we have reserved in the ground. We are now beginning to use it up relatively quickly — with scary consequences for the future.” (back)

9. See “How the global oil watchdog failed its mission,” by Lionel Badal, Oil Man (a Blog from Le Monde), May 18, 2010. See also “Peak oil alarm revealed by secret official talks,” by Terry Macalister and Lionel Badal, The Observer, August 22, 2010. (back)

10. In the 1930s one barrel of oil yielded 100 barrels; that is, the EROI was 100:1. By the 1970s the EROI was down to 30:1. Today, it is closer to 11/18:1 (in the U.S.) and 20:1 worldwide. See the March 2010 report by the Oil Drum. In comparison, the Canadian oil sands’ EROI is about 5.2:1 (see http://www.theoildrum.com/node/3839). Worse, US ethanol based on corn yields an EROI of about 1.25:1 (one unit of energy consumed to produce 1.25 unit of energy — and the calculation does not even take into account the economic and environmental costs of the Gulf of Mexico dead zone generated by fertilizer run-off from corn-producing Midwest agribusiness through the Mississippi River, or the dramatic rise in the price of food stuff, which has so negatively impacted US neighbors in Mexico. (back)

11. Some of the pictures have also been published on the Web site of Foreign Policy. (One needs to log on to the site because the article and the pictures have been archived.) (back)

12. Oil, the catalog for the exhibition, was published by Steidl/Corcoran in 2009. Excerpts can be seen on the Web site of Edward Burtynsky where this excerpt was found.
See http://edwardburtynsky.com/Oil_Book_Gallery/

Furthermore, a 2006 documentary, Manufactured Landscapes, featured the work of Burtynsky. To learn more about this documentary and view more pictures, see http://pingmag.jp/2007/04/12/manufactured-landscapes/. (back)

13. Except where indicated all the figures used in this piece come from the US Energy Information Administration, International Energy Statistics — a very comprehensive set of worldwide statistics by country and geographical zones regarding production and consumption of fossil fuels, electricity, renewables, emission of carbon dioxide, and other key indicators.

Here are some 2008 stats worth keeping in mind:

(CO2 emissions are for year 2008; primary energy consumption is for year 2007.)

Total CO2 emissions for 2008: 30,377.313 (Million Metric Tons)

CO2 Emissions from the Consumption of Petroleum (Million Metric Tons)

USA: 2,435.952
All Europe: 2,193.769
Japan: 572.862
Russia: 373.394
All Africa: 455.341
China: 1,000.439
India: 384.390

C02 Emissions from the Consumption and Flaring of Natural Gas (Million Metric Tons)

USA: 1,271.699
All Europe: 1,119.080
Japan: 200.124
Russia: 908.287
All Africa: 261.741
China: 151.117
India: 84.943

CO2 Emissions from the Consumption of Coal (Million Metric Tons)

USA: 2,125.168
All Europe: 1,344.736
Japan: 441.203
Russia: 447.701
All Africa: 391.251
China: 5,381.998
India: 1,025.549

Total Primary Energy Consumption (Quadrillion Btu)

USA: 101.554
All Europe: 85.002
Japan: 22.473
Russia: 28.355
All Africa: 14.546
China: 73.219
India: 17.255

(For comparison: In 2000, the U.S. consumed 98.5 Quads: See “United States’ Gargantuan Energy Appetite,” by Gilles d’Aymery, Swans Dossier, October 21, 2002.) (back)
14. See the [T. Boone] PickensPlan. (back)

15. See “Frick-Fracking Away, Or Frackicide,” by Francis Shor, Swans Commentary, November 15, 2010. (back)

16. See “Coal ash is a global problem,” Greenpeace, September 15, 2010. (back)

17. While Greenpeace focuses its attention on China and in so doing may inadvertently (or willingly) add to the fashionable China-bashing that is currently taking place in Western political circles and media, it should not be forgotten that on a per capita basis, the U.S. consumes 3,460.5 thousand short tons versus 2,469.14 in China (2009) — and even the per capita consumption should be carefully examined since high and low consumptions are very dependent on social classes. (back)

18. “The True Cost of Coal – An Investigation into Coal Ash in China.” The full report in PDF format can be downloaded from
http://www.greenpeace.org/usa/Global/usa/planet3/publications/gwe/2010/coal-ash2010-ENG-RPT.pdf (back)

19. “On December 22, 2008, in the US state of Tennessee, the retaining wall of a five-hectare ash pond collapsed, spilling 500 million gallons (2 million cubic meters) of coal ash. The spill destroyed houses, polluted the earth, rivers, and air, causing hundreds of millions of dollars in losses. According to the Tennessee Valley Authority, owner of the Kingston Fossil Fuel Plant, the ash covered more than 160 hectares of roads and lands, affecting an area greater than the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill.” The True Cost of Coal, p.5. (back)

20. While his presentation is most valuable and worth pondering, it has a major weakness: Professor Bartlett falls into the ideological trap of demographic Malthusian catastrophe — like so many Western ethnocentric scholars and others (politicians, pundits, etc.) do time and again. The ecological conundrum is not related or correlated to population growth — there is plenty of food, water, and land for the world to take in more people. It has to do with the ratio of production/consumption per capita. Evidently, the world cannot emulate the US model of “growth” — see the ecological footprint of national populations worldwide (The U.S. has an average ecological footprint of 8 global hectares per capita compared to 2 for China) — but the U.S. could and should develop a different model that would put needs before profits and embark on an entire retooling of its productive forces. China cannot be blamed for following a path to development that mimics that of the U.S. and other so-called wealthy nations (“so-called” because they are all essentially bankrupt). As said with some humor as early as 1996, get rid of the hypocrisy whereby the U.S. and other “advanced” nations want to keep their way of life all the while denying other nations to follow the same destructive path to “wealth” and China, as well as most countries in the world, will respond positively. (back)

21. While quite a telling indicator, CO2 emissions per capita is also a skewed indicator because it does not differentiate among energy users. For instance, the US armed forces’ emissions; or wealthy Americans (e.g., Bill Gates) with very large estates and constant traveling with private jets; or owners of suburban McMansions driving around in their gas-guzzler SUVs; or, again, more modest households. Still here are a few examples of per capita emissions of CO2 in million metric tons for 2008: USA: 19.2 — Russia: 12.3 — Germany: 10 — Japan: 9.5 — UK: 9.4 — France: 6.5 — China: 4.9 — India: 1.3 — All of Africa: 1.1.

This tends to demonstrate the erroneous advocacy of demographic Malthusians. Compare the emissions of CO2 by the African continent (967.8 million inhabitants in 2008) to India’s (1,140.6 million) and the U.S. (304 million). Once again, it’s not the number of people that drives the dire ecological and economic challenges the world must confront. It’s the ratio of production/consumption per capita. (back)

22. A summary of the report is available in a Microsoft PowerPoint presentation (also in French). (back)

23. “The Arctic is sending us perhaps the clearest message that climate change is occurring much more rapidly than scientists previously thought. In the summer of 2007, sea ice was roughly 39% below the summer average for 1979-2000, a loss of area equal to nearly five United Kingdoms.” See 350.org. (back)

24. As Meyer writes, “[T]he professional skeptics tend to use inconsistent arguments. Sometimes they say that there is no global warming. At other times, they point out that while global warming does exist, it is not the result of human activity. Some climate change deniers even concede that man could do something about the problem, but that it isn’t really much of a problem. There is only one common theme to all of their prognoses: Do nothing. Wait. We need more research.” (back)

25. For instance, Alexander Cockburn, the publisher and co-editor of the center-right-leaning libertarian newsletter and Web site CounterPunch, contends that the science is flawed and the results doctored by a bevy of scientists that are lining their pockets with ever-increasing grants from the government and private foundations. (back)

26. See “Aquacalypse Now: The End of Fish,” in The New Republic, September 28, 2009. (back)

© Gilles d’Aymery 2010. All rights reserved.

About the Author

Gilles d’Aymery on Swans — with bio. He is Swans’ publisher and co-editor.

FDA Wants Cigarette Packs to Include Images of Corpses, Diseased Lungs (ABC News)

Graphic Warnings on U.S. Cigarette Packs May Curb Smoking, Advocates Say

By LARA SALAHI, ABC News Medical Unit

Nov. 10, 2010

The modest one-liners of the dangers of smoking, now featured on cigarette packs, may soon turn into gory images and messages that will cover nearly half the pack.

The U.S. Food and Drug Administration unveiled 36 jarring labels Wednesday aimed at escalating efforts to warn smokers of the fatal consequences of cigarette smoking. These labels represent the agency’s exercise of its new authority over tobacco products and the most significant change in cigarette warnings since companies were forced to add the mandatory Surgeon General’s warning in 1965.

Some of the proposed images include a man smoking from a tracheotomy hole, a cadaver labeled to show it died from lung disease, and a pained infant exposed to smoke.

For decades federal regulators and health experts have warned that cigarettes are deadly. But Matthew L. Myers, president of the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, called the ramped-up measures “a timely and much-needed shot in the arm.”

“The current warnings are more than 25 years old, go unnoticed on the side of cigarette packs and fail to effectively communicate the serious health risks of smoking,” said Myers.

Although smoking rates have declined overall since the 1960s, health officials noted that rates have leveled off in the last decade. About 21 percent of U.S. adults, and nearly 20 percent of high school students smoke cigarettes, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

The agency’s goal is to reduce the 443,000 deaths associated with tobacco use each year.

Previous studies suggest that graphic health warnings displayed in other countries worked better than text warnings to motivate smokers to quit, and nonsmokers not to start.

Images used on cigarette packs in countries like Canada are so disturbing that some smokers buy covers for their cigarette packs to block out the images.

“Having a coordinated policy, having these warnings, making them so visible, making them real is, in my opinion and in the opinion of the American Cancer Society, going to be a very positive step forward,” said Dr. Len Lichtenfeld, deputy chief medical officer for the American Cancer Society.

Experts Say Fear Messages May Not Work for Long

But some experts wonder how long the proposed fear messages will work.

“The point of putting these pictures is the shock value, and research tells us shock value on its own rarely works,” said Timothy Edgar, associate professor and graduate program director of health communication at Emerson College in Boston, Mass.

Most Americans already know that smoking is dangerous — the message that the FDA is trying to convey, said Edgar. And while the campaign may dissuade some smokers at the start of the campaign, the communication tactic may not spur many to kick the habit for good, if at all.

“I think people are still going to have a hard time saying, yes that’s me on that label,” said Edgar. “There’s a physical addiction involved in this as well. It’s not an absolute choice for many who smoke.”

According to Joy Schmitz, professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at the University of Texas medical school in Houston, the intended message will more likely reach younger adults, or those who may have just picked up the habit.

“It might give them pause for concern or contemplation as to their choice of smoking when they see the pretty dramatic scene on the packages,” said Schmitz.

But evidence suggests effective messages not only communicate the danger but also offer ways to help change behavior, said Edgar.

“There’s none of that here,” said Edgar, who suggested the campaign should also offer direct actions for people to take to quit smoking.

“Simply showing someone that there is a severe outcome or they’re personally responsible is not enough. They need to know there’s something they can do about it,” he said.

Schmitz agreed.

“It needs to be combined with the anti-smoking policies, restricting smoking in the environment, as well as promoting effective evidence-based smoking cessation treatments that are available,” she said.

The FDA will accept public comment on the proposed labels through January 2011, and will select nine to use by June 2011. The agency will then require all manufacturers to use the labels on all U.S. sold cigarettes by October 22, 2012.



>Scientists Scramble to Bridge the Uncertainty Gap in Climate Science (N.Y. Times)

>
By AMANDA PETERKA of Greenwire
November 9, 2010

Skeptics of climate change — a good number of them about to take seats in Congress — often point to uncertainties or holes in the science as reasons for delaying or not taking action.

But uncertainty is the modus operandi of science, as Vaughan Turekian, chief international officer at the American Association for the Advancement of Science, describes it. Scientists report not only what is known but to what degree it is known.

“Science is never an open and closed case,” Turekian said.

Still, there is a fundamental difference between the way the public and policymakers see uncertainty and the way scientists do, which creates a gap that needs constant bridging, scientists say.

“When scientists talk about results they rarely focus on the things they know with great certainty. It seems counterintuitive to people who are not scientists, talking so much about what we don’t know,” said James McCarthy, a professor of oceanography at Harvard University.

“If you were to hear someone say, ‘I know with 100 percent certainty that the Earth’s climate will change or not,’ that would be a statement to walk away from because you would know right away that a scientist hasn’t made that statement.”

There are several coordinated efforts under way to bridge the gap. John Abraham, an associate engineering professor at Minnesota’s St. Thomas University, is creating a “climate rapid response team” of scientists who are open to addressing the politics of global warming. The American Geophysical Union, separately, is establishing a bank of climate scientists to serve as experts on global warming.

It is probably no coincidence that policy debates involving environmental issues have often been long and contentious. A number of environmental debates, including those over acid rain and the depletion of the ozone layer, have centered on scientific uncertainties.

Judith Curry, chairwoman of the School of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences at the Georgia Institute of Technology, blames climate scientists. She said the reason uncertainty has been especially played up in climate science is because “climate scientists were so vehement in their overconfidence, which just didn’t stand up given the complexity of the problem. … Trying to hide uncertainties just ends up compromising the scientists and confusing the policymaking process.”

Uncertainty, she said, should be used as information in the decisionmaking process. But for lawmakers, it is not easy to incorporate uncertainty into policy or to prove to constituents that an action is necessary. Moreover, the public is not well aware of how uncertainty is handled in science, according to Robert Costanza, director of the Institute for Sustainable Solutions at Portland State University In Oregon.

“That’s part of the problem, and that’s why the public opinion can be so easily manipulated because of that lack of basic understanding,” he said.

Government mechanisms

In the 1970s and 1980s, the United States had an Office of Technology Assessment, which analyzed complex scientific concepts, producing studies for Congress on subjects like the nation’s energy future and ecosystem management and giving advice on how to address issues. The office was defunded during the anti-big government wave that followed the release of the 1994 Republican document called “Contract with America” and the Republican takeover of the Senate during the first term of the Clinton administration.

Many other countries in Europe still have similar mechanisms, though, to assess the quality of scientific information. It is something the United States should consider again, said Thomas Dietz, vice chairman of the science panel in America’s Climate Choices, a study done by the National Academy of Sciences.

“We need to have a mechanism to take scientific understanding and make it available both to policymakers and to the public,” said Dietz, assistant vice president for environmental research at Michigan State University. “A lot of issues we don’t seem to have much space for a public discussion that doesn’t become heated and a matter of talking points and pundits.”

Scientists are waiting for integrity standards to come out of the Office of Science and Technology Policy, required by President Obama in a March 2009 executive order and a year-and-a-half overdue. Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility recently filed a lawsuit to obtain documents relating to the overdue standards. Without them, it has been difficult for government agencies to agree on policies for transparency, collaboration and public participation in data gathering and decisionmaking based on that data.

With the lack of government mechanisms, boosting science education in the United States might help the public understand the state of science and how to make decisions in the face of uncertainty, Dietz said. The most recent World Economic Forum report ranked the United States 48th in math and science education.

Strengthening science education, agreed Turekian, would strength critical thinking. And that, he said, is necessary to understand the complexity around climate change because the better you understand how scientific information is gathered, the better you understand the information itself.

“When you think about critical thinking, you don’t take as given either facts or counterfacts that are just imposed on you,” he said. “Rather, you take the time to sort of critically assess which uncertainties are more important and which uncertainties have nothing to do with the broader trends.”

The broader trends, he said, are understood: If atmospheric carbon dioxide is increased, there will be certain increases in temperature. The uncertainties that need more understanding are the feedback effects from increasing temperature, such as what warming would do to the makeup of clouds, and if clouds would lead to even more warming if they change.

That level of detail does not need to be known to put in place measures akin to insurance policies to guard against the range of effects, scientists tend to agree, though they also tend to stay out of the policy debate.

Costanza has tried to combine a precautionary principle with a polluter-pays principle in incorporating uncertainty into policy. The concept can also apply to environmental disasters like oil spills.

In his idea, companies that pollute or emit carbon dioxide must take out bonds that cover worst-case scenarios that would be held until uncertainty is removed. This would create an incentive for emitters to reduce uncertainty by funding independent research or adopting cleaner practices.

“If they don’t see it in financial terms, they’re going to try to avoid it or manage or manipulate the uncertainty rather than reducing it,” he said. “All it takes is a little muddying of the water so there’s not a clear answer to delay action for years and years. It takes a lot less money and effort to muddy the water than it does to clear the water.”

Copyright 2010 E&E Publishing. All Rights Reserved.

>Repensar a esquizofrenia (Fapesp)

>
11/11/2010

Agência FAPESP – Esquizofrenia é o assunto em destaque na capa da edição desta quinta-feira (11/11) da Nature, que avalia em editorial e em três artigos os avanços obtidos nos últimos cem anos na compreensão desse transtorno psíquico severo.
No editorial, a revista destaca que a pesquisa científica tem revelado as “complexidades assombrosas” da esquizofrenia, mas também tem mostrado novas rotas para o diagnóstico e o tratamento.

“Nos últimos anos, tem se avaliado que essa coleção de sintomas – que tipicamente se manifesta no início da vida adulta – representa um estágio posterior da enfermidade e que a própria enfermidade pode vir a ser uma coleção de síndromes, mais do que uma condição única”, destaca o editorial.

No primeiro artigo, Thomas Insel, do National Institute of Mental Health, nos Estados Unidos, faz uma revisão do conhecimento acumulado sobre o tema. Segundo ele, o futuro do assunto reside em “repensar” a esquizofrenia como um distúrbio do desenvolvimento neurológico.

“Esse novo foco poderá levar a novas oportunidades para a compreensão de mecanismos e para o desenvolvimento de tratamentos para o transtorno. Tratamentos têm sido experimentados há décadas, mas com pouca evolução e resultados na maioria das vezes insatisfatórios”, disse.

A esquizofrenia é uma desordem mental debilitante que afeta cerca de 1% da população mundial. No segundo artigo, Andreas Meyer-Lindenberg, da Universidade de Heidelberg, na Alemanha, discute como as novas tecnologias de obtenção de imagens estão deixando os aspectos apenas funcionais e estruturais para focar também nos mecanismos dos riscos da enfermidade.

Para o cientista, essas novas estratégias, como o uso de imagens em genética, possibilitam uma visão muito importante do sistema neural mediado pelo risco hereditário e ligado a variantes comuns associadas à esquizofrenia.

O artigo sugere que a caracterização dos mecanismos do transtorno por meio do desenvolvimento de tais técnicas poderá somar forças com os atuais projetos de pesquisa que visam à busca de tratamentos.

No terceiro artigo, Jim van Os, da Universidade Maastricht, na Holanda, e colegas fazem uma revisão do conhecimento atual a respeito das influências ambientais na esquizofrenia e os desafios que essas relações abrem para a pesquisa na área.

Os autores argumentam que mais pesquisas são necessárias para tentar descobrir a interação entre genética e ambiente que determina como a expressão da vulnerabilidade na população geral pode dar origem a mais psicopatologias severas.

Os artigos Rethinking schizophrenia (doi:10.1038/nature09552), de Thomas R. Insel, The environment and schizophrenia (doi:10.1038/nature09563), de Jim van Os e outros, e From maps to mechanisms through neuroimaging of schizophrenia (doi:10.1038/nature09569), de Andreas Meyer-Lindenberg, podem ser lidos por assinantes da Nature em http://www.nature.com.

Study of Facebook Users Connects Narcissism and Low Self-Esteem (Scientific American)

If your status update was “I’m so glamorous,” you might not really think much of yourself

By John H. Tucker November 2, 2010

Image: Dan Saelinger Getty Images

Are you a narcissist? Check your recent Facebook activity.

Social-networking sites offer users easy ways to present idealized images of themselves, even if those ideals don’t always square with their real-world personalities. Psychology researcher Soraya Mehdizadeh has discovered a way to poke through the offline-online curtain: she has used Facebook to predict a person’s level of narcissism and self-esteem.

Mehdizadeh, who conducted the study as an undergraduate at Toronto’s York University, gained access to the Facebook accounts of 100 college students and measured activities like photo sharing, wall postings and status updates; she also studied how frequently users logged on and how often they remained online during each session. Her findings were published recently in Cyberpsychology, Behavior and Social Networking.

After measuring each subject using the Narcissism Personality Inventory and Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, Meh­dizadeh, who graduated from York this past spring, discovered narcissists and people with lower self-esteem were more likely to spend more than an hour a day on Facebook and were more prone to post self-promotional photos (striking a pose or using Photoshop, for example). Narcissists were also more likely to showcase themselves through status updates (using phrases like “I’m so glamorous I bleed glitter”) and wall activity (posting self-serving links like “My Celebrity Look-alikes”).

Self-esteem and narcissism are often interrelated but don’t always go hand in hand. Some psychologists believe that narcissists—those who have a pervasive pattern of grandiosity, a need for admiration, as well as a lack of empathy—unconsciously inflate their sense of self-importance as a defense against feeling inadequate. Not enough empirical research has been produced to confirm that link, although Mehdizadeh’s study seems to support it. Because narcissists have less capacity to sustain intimate or long-term relationships, Mehdizadeh thinks that they would be more drawn to the online world of virtual friends and emotionally detached communication.

Although it seems that Facebook can be used by narcissists to fuel their inflated egos, Mehdizadeh stops short of proclaiming that excessive time spent on Facebook can turn regular users into narcissists. She also notes that social-networking sites might ultimately be found to have positive effects when used by people with low self-esteem or depression.

“If individuals with lower self-esteem are more prone to using Facebook,” she says, “the question becomes, ‘Can Facebook help raise self-esteem by allowing patients to talk to each other and help each other in a socially interactive environment?’ I don’t think it’s necessarily a bad thing that people with low self-esteem use Facebook.”

Editor’s note: This article was published in the print issue with the title, “Status Update: ‘I’m So Glamorous’.”

>New documentary recounts bizarre climate changes seen by Inuit elders (Globe and Mail)

>
Movies
By GUY DIXON
Globe and Mail – Tuesday, Oct. 19, 2010

Imagine how this feels: The land and weather are turning erratic and dangerous. Warmer, unpredictable winds are coming from strange directions. Severe floods threaten to wash away towns. And native animals, the food supply, aren’t behaving as they used to, their bodies less capable in the changing climate.

Even stranger is the fact that the sun now appears to set many kilometres off its usual point on the horizon, and the stars are no longer where they should be. Is the Earth shifting on its axis, causing the very look of the sun and stars to change?

These are the drastic conditions Northern Canadians, whose lives depend from childhood on their knowledge of the most minute details of the Arctic land and skies, say they see all around them. These observations by Inuit elders are detailed in a groundbreaking new documentary, Inuit Knowledge and Climate Change, by acclaimed Nunavut filmmaker Zacharias Kunuk (The Fast Runner, The Journals of Knud Rasmussen) and environmental scientist Ian Mauro.

The documentary – screening at Toronto’s imagineNATIVE film and media arts festival this weekend and streaming live at isuma.tv – is the first to ask Inuit elders to describe the severe environmental changes in the Arctic they are seeing and to do so in their own language. The tone of the film is intimate. The elders aren’t trying to cross a language barrier, or even speak to the Southern scientific community. They’re simply imparting their expert knowledge and wisdom – and the result will undoubtedly cause controversy.

“Over the years, nobody has ever listened to these people. Every time [the discussion is] about global warming, about the Arctic warming, it’s scientists that go up there and do their work. And policy makers depend on these findings. Nobody ever really understands the people up there,” Kunuk says.

It quickly becomes clear that the film, which blends scenes of Inuit life with elders sharing their insights, is an invaluable document. The elders describe in precise detail how seal, for instance, a staple in their diet, are behaving troublingly due to the thinning ice, how warmer winds are changing the snow and ice banks, making overland navigation difficult, and how major floods are hitting communities.

Yet the elders talk about all this without anger, only a tinge of sadness. Kunuk says this is an Inuit characteristic, based on the belief that the world is forever changing, whether at the hand of man or through natural cycles. “We know for a fact that way up in the high Arctic, there are mummified tree trunks [showing that the Earth’s climate was once totally different]. Also, when Inuit hunters talk about animals, they always talk about cycles, everything goes in cycles. We just have to adapt to it.”

However, the faintest trace of anger does arise when the elders talk about polar bears. Contrary to what conservationists and scientists say, the elders interviewed in the film believe the polar-bear population is increasing. They say more bears finding their way into communities, and the animals are being traumatized by scientists, who are putting radio collars around the bears’ necks and doing other research that disturbs their natural life, usually spent in almost total isolation and silence.

Most startling for the filmmakers, though, was the Inuits’ belief that along with pollution and environmental changes, caused mainly by Southerners, the Earth has actually changed its tilt. The filmmakers kept hearing this theory in different communities. Perplexed, they contacted the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration for answers, but experts said this was impossible.

When the filmmakers presented some of their findings at the Copenhagen conference on climate change last year, the media picked up on these views of the Inuit subjects, film co-director Ian Mauro says, and alarm bells started to ring in the scientific community. “We had a litany of scientists come back to us, responding after seeing this news, saying, ‘This was great to be speaking to indigenous people about their views, but if you continue to perpetuate this fallacy that the Earth had tilted on its axis, [the Inuit] …. would lose all credibility.’ And so there was really this backlash by the scientific community.”

Still, the Inuit insist they see changes in the sun’s course and the position of the stars in the night sky. “These elders, when they were growing up, they were told to go out every morning, before having anything to eat. They were told to go out at the age of 5 every morning to observe the weather,” Kunuk says. “So when they started talking about the sun and the sunset, I was puzzled too. Everywhere I went, each community, I was getting the same answer: The sun does not settle where it used to. I mean, it [causes] alarm.”

The scientific explanation is that the warming Arctic air is causing temperature inversions, which in turn cause the light of the sunset to refract so that the sun appears to be setting a few kilometres off-kilter. “There is so much garbage in the air, it’s refraction that’s causing our elders to think our world has tilted,” Kunuk says.

But the filmmakers don’t include that scientific explanation in the film, nor any other comments from the scientific community. Instead, the film deals strictly with the elders’ observations and their belief that they have no control over climate change and they simply have to adapt.

“We have to. We have no choice,” Kunuk says, repeating the elders’ quiet words.

Inuit Knowledge and Climate Change plays Toronto’s Al Green Theatre, 750 Spadina Ave., Saturday at 7 p.m., as part of the imagineNATIVE film and media arts festival. The film will be simultaneously streamed on http://www.isuma.tv.

>‘Shrinking’ the Climate Problem (N.Y. Times)

>
October 28, 2010, 3:24 pm
‘Shrinking’ the Climate Problem
By ANDREW C. REVKIN

I’ve written here before about the substantial part of the climate challenge that isn’t out in the world of greenhouse gases and coal furnaces, but within the human mind.

Still, I was intrigued earlier this month when I heard from Renee Lertzman, a research fellow in humanities and sustainability at Portland State University, that she was speaking on “the myth of apathy,” the subject of a book she’s writing, at “Engaging With Climate Change: Psychoanalytic Perspectives,” a meeting of psychoanalysts and behavioral researchers in London.

In regarding the polarized, confused, paralyzed discourse around global warming for more than two decades (including my own focus on the field for so long), I’ve sometimes thought that Freud would have had a field day in this realm. Now his successors may be starting to dive in. (The photograph below is from the Freud Museum in London.)

Lertzman sent a link to the “Beyond the Couch” Web site of the Institute for Psychoanalysis, which held a fascinating list of talks at the meeting, including “Unconscious obstacles to caring for the planet,” “Engaging with the natural world and with human nature” and “Climate change denial in a perverse culture.”

I invited Lertzman to send a Dot Earth “post card,” which you can read below, followed by a brief set of followup questions and her replies:

I’ve just returned from speaking at the international headquarters of psychoanalysis, the Institute of Psychoanalysis, established in 1913 in London…. I imagine this was the first time eminent psychoanalysts, environmental professionals, activists and scholars have gathered within these hallowed halls to contemplate our current environmental predicaments. For two full days, almost two hundred people came together to “shrink” the climate change crisis….

Psychoanalysis may be most popularly known as an insular and esoteric relic of the Victorian era. However, it’s come a long way since Freud; this event ably demonstrated that psychoanalysis is an essential voice on these matters. At least it is, if we want to address the messiness of how the human mind can cope with such overwhelming issues.

What are the unconscious dimensions of climate change? Is it possible that anxiety and fear are profoundly impeding our abilities to respond proactively and creatively to our impending crises? How can we explain the inertia and paralysis on the part of both the public and our politicians?

While most psychological research on climate change is fixated on attitudes, behavior and cognition (i.e. barriers to action), psychoanalysis is mainly concerned with the ubiquity of the unconscious in everyday life. The concept of a “barrier” or “apathy” dissolves, as it’s assumed we all have conflict, ambivalence, contradictions — the bread and butter of psychoanalytic theory.

Topics ranged from consumption, identity and our disavowal of the human dependence on nature to issues of loss and mourning as we face a new relationship with oil, and the psychic complexities of inaction.

I was delighted to witness this historic event and the sense that finally, after much time, psychoanalysis was finally able to take stock of its environment and life outside of the consulting room. The psychoanalyst Hanna Segal wrote two decades ago about the insidious silence in the psychoanalytic community on political and social travesties.

Now it appears the silence may be breaking, and we can glean what we can from those whose work is about resistance to change, loss and mourning, anxiety and denial. We need these perspectives. I hope this signals a shift in the right direction.

I followed up with some questions:

Q: So what is the “myth of apathy” in the context of human reactions to the science pointing to a building risk from human-driven climate change?

A: The myth of apathy is the idea that apathy itself is a misleading and damaging concept, and tells us nothing about why people may find it difficult to take in, or respond to, human-driven climate change threats. The label of apathy presumes “what you see is what you get.”

Those working in psychotherapeutic fields know that nothing can be further from the truth. So reframing the myth of apathy presumes care and concern. The mantra in environmental sectors is, “We have to get people to care.” The “myth of apathy” presumes people do care but we need to consider how to support, channel and foster that care. This means investigating what may be complicating our creative and reparative impulses.

This includes recognizing that how we manage anxiety, particularly unconsciously, can lead to numbing, denial, projection (it’s all their problem), victimization (and I am not speaking of actual victims here) and so on. Psychoanalysts called this “splitting” — the ability to split up the world and our internal experiences so we don’t have to feel anxiety, pain or fear. If we leverage tools from the psychotherapeutic and psychoanalytic disciplines — such as how to support people in facing the truth about ourselves and our lives without “splitting” — we begin to see that what we may need to be doing is attending primarily to anxiety and loss first and then figuring out how to change behavior, second.

At the moment, we seem to have it the other way around, and are focused mainly on engineering human behavior, without consideration of unconscious, affective dimensions of these extremely challenging and often frightening problems. We need both: attention to “barriers” to action, and acute sensitivity to what may be happening emotionally that makes this so difficult. A psychoanalytic perspective places these dimensions in the foreground, and assumes that if we get to the root of the matter, behavior change will follow. Psychological work in this area, while important, continues to focus on conscious dimensions and behavioral change.

Q: Were there any powerful take-home points from the session on unconscious obstacles?

A: The most powerful take-home points were John Keene’s comments concerning anxieties when faced with actual limitations that climate change and other serious environmental issues present (i.e. our exploitation of non-renewable resources). Keene joins this up with how humans behave in groups, and how groups function to help manage our anxieties. Keene noted, “Many commentators are surprised at how difficult humans find it to change their behavior on the basis of sensible advice or of learning from experience. Facts are troublesome – stories and ideologies are easier.”

We often turn to others in social settings for stories and ideologies to help manage anxieties and seek comforting answers. Keene contends, “While thinking is hard enough for an individual in quiet contemplation, thinking clearly and acting in a group setting generates anxiety roughly in proportion to the size of the group. Here the individual is exposed to the risks of shame and criticism, isolation, fears of loss of one’s identity or at worst losing one’s mind. Our moral functions (super–ego functions), which push us to act in accordance with our ideals, and guard us from self-harm, operate largely out of awareness but become conscious as the voice of conscience or a sense of anxiety or alarm.”

Keene continues, “As I have suggested there is a universal tendency in group life for individuals groups and cultures to find people, structures and ideologies into which they can project their responsibilities in order to return to a childlike state. The cultural expectations that we grow in are the medium in which our individual super-egos swim and develop. As the world economy and its dominant business models drive the present surge towards growth with increasing pressure on the earth’s resources, this is probably the place to start to look at hope for the recovery of the world patient.”

All of this speaks to the fact that guilt, blame and moralizing don’t get us very far; that groups can actually hinder constructive environmental action; and that anxiety may be the largest unconscious obstacle to action (which is the theme of my work as well).

Q: What was your reaction to the session on climate denial in a perverse culture? what was the nature of the “perversion”?

A: “Perversion” here means something entirely different from what we commonly think of as perverse (i.e. “perverted”) — and is apt for thinking about how our culture is responding to human-driven climate change material. Paul Hoggett discussed how perversity (as a psychoanalytic concept) is a form of cultural behavior that functions in preventing coming to terms with loss — where outright rejection of reality becomes tenable. It is related to denial, but more insidious as a mode of conduct that is pervasive in corporate culture and particularly the financial institutions.

Hoggett drew on Susan Long’s work, The Perverse Organization and Its Seven Deadly Sins, as it applies to how we are dealing with climate change. The “sins” include prioritizing individual pleasures, instrumental relationships, and the collusion of others in the denial of reality. This is considered “perverse” behavior and has become normalized in our culture. At its essence it is an avoidance of reality on a massive scale, and an indulgence in omnipotent fantasies in order to avoid any sense of loss or sacrifice. Less clear is the antidote to a perverse culture — but we can imagine it relates in part to the support of intrinsic values, constructive group discussions and a recognition of the problem.

Q: My sense is that real action to change course on trends that matter (energy choices, balancing engineered and ecological systems) will only come if humans move away from “woe is me” and “shame on you” in considering environmental challenges and look inward for the source of problems — and solutions. Does your work, and the discussion at this meeting, reinforce or challenge that view?

A: These perspectives certainly reinforce the notion that we must look “inward” for the source of the problems: how we got into this situation in the first place, what sorts of mental, emotional, social and cultural forces shape our relations with nature, and what may be impeding our capacities for creative, reparative responses. A psychoanalytic view accepts that taking a moralizing or punitive tone supports the super-ego — our internalized task master — which leads usually to outright rebellion, and doesn’t get us very far. The same goes for using scare and alarm tactics.

My work, and the views reflected at this meeting, advocate both acknowledging the frightening or difficult aspects of these issues, and finding techniques to help people tap into our huge creative capacities. It’s a solutions approach but recognizes the emotional aspects of how we get to solutions. Our technological innovations require “engagement” — and “engagement” is about our emotional and affective investments in the world. The British psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott wrote about our capacity for concern as the basis of an ethics; that we have these capacities but they are fostered through creativity (and what he calls “play”).

So yes, it’s about looking inward with as much compassion as we can muster. Think of the therapist and the patient; does the therapist admonish the patient? Or provide support for facing the difficult truth? And then setting about finding creative avenues for action and collective responses.

>Navajos Hope to Shift From Coal to Wind and Sun (N.Y. Times)

>
October 25, 2010
By MIREYA NAVARRO

BLUE GAP, Ariz. — For decades, coal has been an economic lifeline for the Navajos, even as mining and power plant emissions dulled the blue skies and sullied the waters of their sprawling reservation.

But today there are stirrings of rebellion. Seeking to reverse years of environmental degradation and return to their traditional values, many Navajos are calling for a future built instead on solar farms, ecotourism and microbusinesses.

“At some point we have to wean ourselves,” Earl Tulley, a Navajo housing official, said of coal as he sat on the dirt floor of his family’s hogan, a traditional circular dwelling.

Mr. Tulley, who is running for vice president of the Navajo Nation in the Nov. 2 election, represents a growing movement among Navajos that embraces environmental healing and greater reliance on the sun and wind, abundant resources on a 17 million-acre reservation spanning Arizona, New Mexico and Utah.

“We need to look at the bigger picture of sustainable development,” said Mr. Tulley, the first environmentalist to run on a Navajo presidential ticket.

With nearly 300,000 members, the Navajo Nation is the country’s largest tribe, according to Census Bureau estimates, and it has the biggest reservation. Coal mines and coal-fired power plants on the reservation and on lands shared with the Hopi provide about 1,500 jobs and more than a third of the tribe’s annual operating budget, the largest source of revenue after government grants and taxes.

At the grass-roots level, the internal movement advocating a retreat from coal is both a reaction to the environmental damage and the health consequences of mining — water loss and contamination, smog and soot pollution — and a reconsideration of centuries-old tenets.

In Navajo culture, some spiritual guides say, digging up the earth to retrieve resources like coal and uranium (which the reservation also produced until health issues led to a ban in 2005) is tantamount to cutting skin and represents a betrayal of a duty to protect the land.

“As medicine people, we don’t extract resources,” said Anthony Lee Sr., president of the Diné Hataalii Association, a group of about 100 healers known as medicine men and women.

But the shift is also prompted by economic realities. Tribal leaders say the Navajo Nation’s income from coal has dwindled 15 percent to 20 percent in recent years as federal and state pollution regulations have imposed costly restrictions and lessened the demand for mining.

Two coal mines on the reservation have shut down in the last five years. One of them, the Black Mesa mine, ceased operations because the owners of the power plant it fed in Laughlin, Nev., chose to close the plant in 2005 rather than spend $1.2 billion on retrofitting it to meet pollution controls required by the Environmental Protection Agency.

Early this month, the E.P.A. signaled that it would require an Arizona utility to install $717 million in emission controls at another site on the reservation, the Four Corners Power Plant in New Mexico, describing it as the highest emitter of nitrous oxide of any power plant in the nation. It is also weighing costly new rules for the Navajo Generating Station in Arizona.

And states that rely on Navajo coal, like California, are increasingly imposing greenhouse gas emissions standards and requiring renewable energy purchases, banning or restricting the use of coal for electricity.

So even as they seek higher royalties and new markets for their vast coal reserves, tribal officials say they are working to draft the tribe’s first comprehensive energy policy and are gradually turning to casinos, renewable energy projects and other sources for income.

This year the tribal government approved a wind farm to be built west of Flagstaff, Ariz., to power up to 20,000 homes in the region. Last year, the tribal legislative council also created a Navajo Green Economy Commission to promote environmentally friendly jobs and businesses.

“We need to create our own businesses and control our destiny,” said Ben Shelly, the Navajo Nation vice president, who is now running for president against Lynda Lovejoy, a state senator in New Mexico and Mr. Tulley’s running mate.

That message is gaining traction among Navajos who have reaped few benefits from coal or who feel that their health has suffered because of it.

Curtis Yazzie, 43, for example, lives in northeastern Arizona without running water or electricity in a log cabin just a stone’s throw from the Kayenta mine.

Tribal officials, who say some families live so remotely that it would cost too much to run power lines to their homes, have begun bringing hybrid solar and wind power to some of the estimated 18,000 homes on the reservation without electricity. But Mr. Yazzie says that air and water pollution, not electricity, are his first concerns.

“Quite a few of my relatives have made a good living working for the coal mine, but a lot of them are beginning to have health problems,” he said. “I don’t know how it’s going to affect me.”

One of those relatives is Daniel Benally, 73, who says he lives with shortness of breath after working for the Black Mesa mine in the same area for 35 years as a heavy equipment operator. Coal provided for his family, including 15 children from two marriages, but he said he now believed that the job was not worth the health and environmental problems.

“There’s no equity between benefit and damage,” he said in Navajo through a translator.

About 600 mine, pipeline and power plant jobs were affected when the Mohave Generating Station in Nevada and Peabody’s Black Mesa mine shut down.

But that also meant that Peabody stopped drawing water from the local aquifer for the coal slurry carried by an underground pipeline to the power plant — a victory for Navajo and national environmental groups active in the area, like the Sierra Club.

Studies have shown serious declines in the water levels of the Navajo aquifer after decades of massive pumping for coal slurry operations. And the E.P.A. has singled out the Four Corners Power Plant and the Navajo Generating Station as two of the largest air polluters in the country, affecting visibility in 27 of the area’s “most pristine and precious natural areas,” including the Grand Canyon.

The regional E.P.A. director, Jared Blumenfeld, said the plants were the nation’s No. 1 and No. 4 emitters of nitrogen oxides, which form fine particulates resulting in cases of asthma attacks, bronchitis, heart attacks and premature deaths.

Environmentalists are now advocating for a more diversified Navajo economy and trying to push power plants to invest in wind and solar projects.

“It’s a new day for the Navajo people,” said Lori Goodman, an official with Diné Citizens Against Ruining Our Environment, a group founded 22 years ago by Mr. Tulley. “We can’t be trashing the land anymore.”

Both presidential candidates in the Navajo election have made the pursuit of cleaner energy a campaign theme, but significant hurdles remain, including that Indian tribes, as sovereign entities, are not eligible for tax credits that help finance renewable energy projects elsewhere.

And replacing coal revenue would not be easy. The mining jobs that remain, which pay union wages, are still precious on a reservation where unemployment is estimated at 50 percent to 60 percent.

“Mining on Black Mesa,” Peabody officials said in a statement, “has generated $12 billion in direct and implied economic benefits over the past 40 years, created thousands of jobs, sent thousands of students to college and restored lands to a condition that is as much as 20 times more productive than native range.”

They added, “Renewables won’t come close to matching the scale of these benefits.”

But many Navajos see the waning of coal as inevitable and are already looking ahead. Some residents and communities are joining together or pairing with outside companies to pursue small-scale renewable energy projects on their own.

Wahleah Johns, a member of the new Navajo Green Economy Commission, is studying the feasibility of a small solar project on reclaimed mining lands with two associates. In the meantime, she uses solar panels as a consciousness-raising tool.

“How can we utilize reclamation lands?” she said to Mr. Yazzie during a recent visit as they held their young daughters in his living room. “Maybe we can use them for solar panels to generate electricity for Los Angeles, to transform something that’s been devastating for our land and water into something that can generate revenue for your family, for your kids.”
Mr. Yazzie, who lives with his wife, three children and two brothers, said he liked the idea. “Once Peabody takes all the coal out, it’ll be gone,” he said. “Solar would be long-term. Solar and wind, we don’t have a problem with. It’s pretty windy out here.”

>A New Kind of Crime Against Humanity?: The Fossil Fuel Industry’s Disinformation Campaign On Climate Change

>
By DONALD A BROWN on October 24, 2010 11:43 PM
Climate Ethics

I Introduction.

This post examines the question of whether some US companies are guilty of a new kind of vicious crime against humanity that the world has yet to classify. This post is not meant to be a polemic but a call for serious engaged reflection about deeply irresponsible corporate-sponsored programs that have potentially profound harsh effects upon tens of millions of people living around the world, countless millions of future generations, and the ecological systems on which life depends.

II. Corporate Disinformation Campaign

Although there is an important role for skepticism in science, for almost thirty years some corporations have supported a disinformation campaign about climate change science that has been spreading untruths and distortions about climate science. Several recent books document how this disinformation campaign began in the1980s including a book by Orkeses and Conway, Merchants of Doubt.(Orkeskes and Conway, 2010)

Although it may be reasonable to be somewhat skeptical about climate change models, some corporate sponsored participants in the climate change disinformation campaign have been spreading deeply misleading distortions about the science of climate change. These untruths are not based upon reasonable skepticism but outright falsification and distortions of climate change science. These claims have included assertions that that the science of climate change that is the foundation for calls to action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions have been completely “debunked” and that there is no evidence of human causation of recent observed warming. Reasonable skepticism cannot make these claims or others frequently being made by the well-financed climate change disinformation campaign.

Given that there are thousands of peer-reviewed scientific studies that support the consensus view on the dangers of continuing to emit increasing levels of greenhouse gases, that Academy of Sciences around the world have issued statements in support of the consensus view articulated by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change , there are virtually no peer-reviewed scientific articles that prove beyond reasonable doubt that observed warming is naturally caused, that there are a huge number of attribution, fingerprinting, and analyses of isotopes of greenhouse gases that are appearing in the atmosphere that point to human causation, that the basic physics of exactly what happens when greenhouse gases are added to the atmosphere in terms of absorbing and reradiating heat has been understood for over 150 years, claims that the science of climate change have been completely “debunked” and that there is no evidence of human causation are patently false. These claims do not represent reasonable skepticism but utter distortion about a body of evidence that the world needs to understand to protect itself from huge potential harms.

On October 21, 2010, the John Broder of the New York Times, http://community.nytimes.com/comments/www.nytimes.com/2010/10/21/us/politics/21climate.html?sort=newest&offset=2, reported, that “the fossil fuel industries have for decades waged a concerted campaign to raise doubts about the science of global warming and to undermine policies devised to address it. According the New York Times article, the fossil fuel industry has ” created and lavishly financed institutes to produce anti-global-warming studies, paid for rallies and Web sites to question the science, and generated scores of economic analyses that purport to show that policies to reduce emissions of climate-altering gases will have a devastating effect on jobs and the overall economy.”

Without doubt those telling others that there is no danger heading their way have a special moral responsibility to be extraordinarily careful about such claims. For instance, if someone tells a child laying on a railroad tracks that they can lie there all day because there is no train coming and has never checked to see if a train is actually coming would be obviously guilty of reprehensible behavior.

Disinformation about the state of climate change science is extraordinarily if not criminally irresponsible because the consensus scientific view of climate change is based upon strong evidence that climate change harms:

(1) are already being experienced by tens of thousands in the world;

(2) will be experienced in the future by millions of people from greenhouse gas emissions that have already been emitted but not yet felt due to lags in the climate system; and,

(3) will increase dramatically in the future unless GHG emissions are dramatically reduced from existing global emissions levels.

These harms include deaths and harms from droughts, floods, heat, storm related damages, rising oceans, heat impacts on agriculture, loss of animals that are dependent upon for substance purposes, social disputes caused by diminishing resources, sickness from a variety of diseases, the inability to rely upon traditional sources of food, the inability to use property that people depend upon to conduct their life including houses or sleds in cold places, the destruction of water supplies, and the inability to live where has lived to sustain life. In fact, the very existence of some small island nations is threatened by climate change

As long as there is any chance that climate change could create this type of destruction, even assuming, for the sake of argument, that these harms are not yet fully proven, disinformation about the state of climate change science is extraordinarily morally reprehensible if it leads to non-action in reducing climate change’s threat when action is indispensable to preventing harm. In fact how to deal with uncertainty in climate change science is an ethical issue, not only a scientific matter, because in the case of climate change:

• If you wait until all the uncertainties are resolved it is likely to be too late to prevent catastrophic climate change.
• The longer one waits to take action, the more difficult it is to stabilize atmospheric concentrations of climate change at safe levels.
• Those most vulnerable to climate change include some of the poorest people in the world and they have not consented to be put at risk in the face of uncertainty.

The October 21 New York Times article mentioned above concludes that some US corporate sponsored activities are helping elect politicians that have been influenced by the most irresponsible climate change scientific skeptical arguments. These corporations are clearly doing this because they see climate change greenhouse gas emissions reduction strategies as adversely affecting their financial interests. This fact leads to even greater moral culpability for American corporations because their behavior is as offensive as if the person who tells the child train that no train is coming when they don’t actually know whether a train is on its way makes money by misinforming the child.

The October 21rst New York Times article concludes that the oil, coal and utility industries have collectively spent $500 million just since the beginning of 2009 to lobby against legislation to address climate change and to defeat candidates who support actions to reduce the threat of climate change. It would be one thing for an American corporation to act irresponsibly in a way that leads to harm to Americans, but because of climate change’s global scope, American corporation’s have been involved in behavior that likely will harm tens of millions of people around the world. Clearly this is a new type of crime against humanity. Skepticism in science is not bad, but skeptics must play by the rules of science including publishing their conclusions in peer-reviewed scientific journals and not make claims that are not substantiated by the peer-reviewed literature. The need for responsible skepticism is particularly urgent if misinformation from skeptics could lead to great harm. For this reason, this disinformation campaign being funded by some American corporations is some kind of new crime against humanity.

III. Conclusion

The international community does not have a word for this type of crime yet, but the international community should find a way of classifying extraordinarily irresponsible scientific claims that could lead to mass suffering as some type of crime against humanity.

By :

Donald A. Brown,
Associate Professor,
Environmental Ethics, Science, and Law
Penn State University
dab57@psu.edu

References:

Broder, John, (2010) “Climate Change Doubt Is Tea Party Article of Faith” New York Times, October 21, 2009, http://community.nytimes.com/comments/www.nytimes.com/2010/10/21/us/politics/21climate.html?sort=newest&offset=2,
Oreskes, Naiomi, and Erik. Conway, 2010, Merchants of Doubt, How a Handful of Scientists Obscured the Truth On Issues From Tobacco Smoke to Global Warming Bloosmbury Press, New York

Luxo místico e riqueza marcam a estética do cangaço (Fapesp)

Humanidades
A cor que invadiu o sertão

Edição Impressa 176 – Outobro 2010

© reproduções do livro estrela de couro – A estética do cangaço
Corisco, um dos cangaceiros mais vaidosos

“Olê, mulher rendeira/ olê, mulher rendá/ tu me ensina a fazer renda/ que eu te ensino a namorar”, diz a canção-símbolo do cangaço. Sobre moda, Lampião e seus homens tinham pouco a aprender e muito a ensinar. Vestiam-se de forma colorida, cobertos por adornos de ouro e, como bons sertanejos, sabiam confeccionar toda a sorte de objetos e vestimentas sem que por isso se questionasse sua virilidade: o “rei do cangaço” costurava suas roupas e a de seus afilhados e bordava à máquina com perfeição, orgulhando-se da sua habilidade. “O bando de Lampião, sobretudo nos anos 1930, possuía preocupações estéticas mais frequentes e profundas que as do homem urbano moderno”, afirma o historiador Frederico Pernambucano de Mello, pesquisador da Fundação Joaquim Nabuco e autor do livro Estrela de couro: a estética do cangaço (Escrituras, 258 páginas, R$ 150), com 300 fotos históricas e 160 reproduções de objetos de uso pessoal dos cangaceiros, muitos pertencentes ao próprio autor. Tamanho apuro visual, pleno de detalhes nas coisas mais cotidianas (cães com coleiras trabalhadas em prata!), servia como proteção ao mau-olhado, instrumento de hierarquia interna, tinha funcionalidade militar e era um poderoso instrumento de propaganda junto às populações pobres, que se admiravam diante de todo aquele luxo, cor e brilho. Era também uma forma de arte que o cangaceiro carregava no seu corpo.

“Havia orgulho em tudo aquilo, um esforço para que se pudesse chegar ao anseio de beleza de cada um dos cabras. Era notável ainda um desprezo sistemático pela ocultação da figura, atitude oposta à de quem se considera criminoso”, explica. “Morando num meio cinzento e pobre, o cangaceiro vestiu-se de cor e riqueza, satisfazendo seu anseio de arte e conforto místico. Era como se os mais esquivos habitantes do cinzento se levantassem contra o despotismo da ausência de cor na caa­tinga e proclamassem a folia de tons e de contrastes.” Em vez de procurar camuflagem, os cangaceiros desenvolveram uma estética brilhante e ostensiva com roupas adornadas de espelhos, moedas, metais, botões e recortes multicores que, paradoxalmente, os tornavam alvo fácil até no escuro. “Todos armados de mosquetões, usando trajes bizarramente adornados, entram cantando suas canções de guerra, como se estivessem em plena e diabólica folia carnavalesca”, escreveu o Diário de Notícias, de Salvador, em 1929. “Ainda que o fascínio pelo cangaço tenha existido sempre, fomentado pela literatura de cordel, Lampião soube jogar com todos os registros do visual para ‘magnificar’ a sua vida e transmitir a imagem de um bandido rico e poderoso. Foi o primeiro cangaceiro a cuidar de sua estética, usando modos de comunicação modernos que não faziam parte da sua cultura original, como a imprensa e a fotografia”, explica a historiadora francesa Élise Grunspan-Jasmin, autora de Lampião: senhor do sertão (Edusp).

Após terem seu visual cantado pelo cordel, a fotografia, ao chegar ao sertão na primeira década do século passado, fez a delícia do cangaço. “Essa existência criminal parece ter sido criada para caber numa fotografia, tamanho o cuidado do cangaceiro com o visual, com a imponência e a riqueza do traje guerreiro”, avalia Pernambucano. “As vestimentas dos bandidos foram sendo incrementadas até se tornarem quase fantasias. Esse era um dos aspectos da extrema vaidade daqueles bandoleiros”, observa o historiador Luiz Bernardo Pericás, autor de Os cangaceiros: ensaio de interpretação histórica (Boitempo, 320 páginas, R$ 54). O homem do cangaço era um orgulhoso que se esmerava no traje, até o final, como se pode ver na célebre foto das cabeças de Lampião e seus homens ao lado de seus chapéus: “Dentre os treze, não há dois iguais, tão ricos em tema e valor material quanto o do chefe, prova da imponência da estética, cuja afetação exagerada adjetivou o cangaço em sua etapa final, quando se chegou a incrustar alianças de ouro na boca das armas”, nota Pernambucano. “Havia uma estética rica que conferia uma ‘blindagem mística’ ao cangaceiro, satisfeito com a sua beleza e ainda seguro em meio a uma suposta inviolabilidade.” A ponto de contaminar as roupas dos policiais, que copiaram suas vestimentas, e mudar o foco da guerra. “O contágio inelutável dá a força dessa estética e evidencia a existência de outra luta, travada em paralelo, no plano da representação simbólica. A vingança estética do cangaço contra a eliminação militar se dá quando o ícone principal de sua simbologia se transforma na marca do Nordeste: a meia-lua com estrela do chapéu de Lampião.”

Bandidos – Estimulando essa “gana de ostentação” estava a própria essência política do cangaço. “Os cangaceiros não admitiam ser comparados ou confundidos com bandidos comuns, uma ofensa imperdoável. Viam-se como atores sociais distintos, na mesma estatura dos ‘coronéis’”, explica Pericás. O que lhes permitia usar e abusar dos figurinos: orgulhosos de si mesmos, tinham ainda um gosto pelas patentes militares, promovendo “cabras” a postos de hierarquia militar e considerando membros de seus efetivos como “soldados”. “Observe que todo grupo militar preza os símbolos, as insígnias, as representações de poder. Lembra-se do Brejnev com medalhas que não cabiam no peito no tempo da Rússia soviética? Sujeito inteligentíssimo, Lampião fez da costura e do bordado um critério a mais de promoção e status no seio do bando e ele mesmo costurava as vestimentas de seu bando. Saber prepará-los e conferi-los a seus homens era uma grande vantagem”, salienta Pernambucano. “Não se chama o boi batendo na perneira”, dizia o “rei”, consciente da necessidade de uma política de afagos interna para amenizar a disciplina de que não abria mão. “A estética era uma ferramenta para infundir o orgulho do irredentismo cangaceiro nos recrutas de modo quase instantâneo. Antes desse recurso estético, imagino que essa inoculação devesse ser lenta.”

© reproduções do livro estrela de couro – A estética do cangaço
Cantil decorado e, ao lado, bornal florido

Patrões – “Os bandos de cangaceiros eram estruturas hierarquizadas com claras distinções entre as lideranças e a ‘arraia-miúda’, sem voz de comando em posição claramente subordinada aos chefes. Muitos consideravam os líderes do cangaço como ‘patrões’. E esses comandantes se viam assim, quase como os coronéis, com os quais mantinham boas relações, colocando-se em posição igualitária aos potentados rurais”, afirma Pericás. Na contramão do senso comum, os comandantes cangaceiros eram de famílias tradicionais e relativas posses. Lampião, por exemplo, pertencia à classe dos proprietários de terra e ele próprio foi um criador de gado. Por isso o cangaço não foi, diz o pesquisador, uma luta para reconstruir ou modificar a ordem social sertaneja tradicional, como preconizado por boa parte da literatura sobre o fenômeno. “Eles não lutavam para manter ou mudar nenhuma ordem política, mas para defender seus próprios interesses mediante o uso da violência, indistinta e indiscriminada. Os bandidos procuravam, sim, manter vínculos com os protetores poderosos, o que podia resultar, inclusive, em agressões contra o seu próprio povo”, diz Pericás. Nesse sentido, a famosa justificativa da adesão ao cangaço por motivos de disputas sociais ou vinganças familiares deve ser vista com desconfiança. “Os cangaceiros diziam-se vítimas, obrigados a entrar na luta por honra, mas isso era, na maior parte dos casos, um ‘escudo ético’, um argumento para convencer as populações pobres de que eram movidos por questões elevadas, se diferenciando dos bandidos comuns, o que não era real.” Lampião nunca viu como prioridade ajudar os necessitados. “Em geral, guardavam o dinheiro grande e davam alguns tostões aos pobres e às igrejas. E sempre faziam questão de que isso fosse divulgado para criar uma imagem positiva junto ao povo.”

Na prática, o comportamento dos cangaceiros era parecido com o dos coronéis, que agiam de forma paternalista com aqueles que eram considerados “seus” pobres. “Eles não eram bandidos sociais e se pode mesmo dizer que sua presença foi um obstáculo a um protesto social mais significativo. Apesar disso, como um executor independente da raiva silenciosa da pobreza rural, o cangaceiro tinha o apelo popular de um agente superior. A sua violência era um gesto admirado de afirmação psíquica na ausência de justiça e mudança positiva”, acredita a historiadora Linda Lewin, da Universidade da Califórnia, autora de The oligarchical limitations of social banditry in Brazil. Câmara Cascudo já notara que “o sertanejo não admira o criminoso, mas o homem valente”. “O cangaço pode ser visto como uma continuidade do ambiente violento do sertão, onde era comum que paisanos carregassem e usassem armas no cotidiano, pautando sua vida em questões morais, de honra e prestígio”, diz Pericás. Os cangaceiros construíram a imagem de indivíduos injustiçados que haviam ingressado na criminalidade por bons motivos. Mas, se eram violentos, o mesmo pode ser dito dos soldados que os perseguiam. “A população que sofria violências das volantes se voltava para os bandoleiros como uma resposta ou por vê-los em contraposição aos ‘agentes da lei’”, analisa Pericás.

© Reprodução do livro Estrela de couro – a estética do cangaço
Jabiracas de tecido inglês, de Lampião

“Com seus trajes inconfundíveis e nada tendentes à ocultação, se sentiam investidos de um mandato mais antigo, havido por mais legítimo que a própria lei, esta, a seus olhos, uma intrusão litorânea sobre os domínios rurais”, completa Pernambucano. Os cangaceiros supriram a falta de poder institucionalizado no sertão. “Eles seriam os fiéis da balança em muitos casos, sendo um poder paralelo, mais fluido e inconsistente, mas que tinha apelo para as massas rurais”, diz Pericás. Com o tempo, porém, o cangaço se revelou um negócio, o “Cangaço S/A”, como o descreve Pernambucano. “Era uma ‘profissão’, um ‘meio de vida’. Os bandidos estavam equidistantes do ‘povo’ e dos mandões, ainda que com maior proximidade das elites rurais”, concorda Pericás. Como eram “independentes”, tinham sua imagem dissociada diretamente dos coronéis. “Não sendo empregados de ninguém, eram de certo modo autônomos, tirando das camadas mais ricas e dos governos o monopólio da violência. Mas é sempre bom lembrar que a maioria da população sertaneja, apesar da miséria, da exploração, da falta de emprego e das secas, não ingressou no cangaço.” Segundo o pesquisador, um dos motivos para a longevidade da “boa” recordação dos cangaceiros seria sua contraposição à ordem instituída. “Os policiais representavam o governo, mas usavam a farda para transgredir. Assim, parte dessa sociedade se voltou para os cangaceiros e viu neles o oposto, ou seja, aqueles que lutavam contra a ordem.” Suas atividades crimi­nosas, então, eram justificadas no quadro maior da luta entre os dois “partidos”: cangaço e polícia.

Politicamente “reabilitados” e bem vistos, permitiam-se o luxo da ostentação, que se iniciava pelos chapéus, cujas abas levantadas podiam chegar aos 20 cm de raio anular, uma hipérbole em relação ao modelo original dos vaqueiros, de abas viradas, mas curtas. “Experimentei o chapéu de Lampião no Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de Alagoas: o pescoço bambeou. Tanto peso ornamental não teria nada a ver com funcionalidade militar, mas com valores bem mais sutis”, conta Pernambucano. O objeto tem cerca de 70 peças de ouro, entre moedas, medalhas e outros adereços, o que levou um repórter da época a defini-lo como “verdadeira exposição numismática”. O chapéu era o ponto de concentração dos adendos simbólicos que caracterizam o traje do cangaceiro.

© reproduções do livro estrela de couro – A estética do cangaço
Chapéu de couro do rei do cangaço (à esq.) e conjunto de bornais

Amuletos – Coisas comuns eram transformadas em amuletos que, além de reforçar a hierarquia, viravam símbolos de uma crença mística. “A blindagem mística se traduziu nos muitos signos (estrela de davi, flor de lis, signo de salomão e outros) e na profusão do seu uso em todos os ângulos das vestimentas, o que dividia a atenção com o puro anseio estético, a se mesclar a este, conferindo utilitarismo à fusão, pela força de dar vida à crença tradicional numa suposta inviolabilidade em meio a riscos extremos.” Mas não se iluda o espectador ao pensar que os bandos eram “escolas móveis de superstição”. “O grosso da cabroeira, muito jovem, entre os 16 e os 23 anos, pautava-se pela lei da imitação, sem consciência daquilo de que se servia. O chefe usava? Basta.” As mulheres seguiam as modas de perto, mas de forma distinta. “Com alguns traços de valquíria e quase nenhum da amazona, a matuta que se engajou no cangaço jamais adotou o chapéu de couro, coisa de homem. A elas ficou reservado uma cobertura de feltro, de aba média, e a colocação, sobre a cabeça, de toalha ou lenço”, conta Pernambucano. O mesmo se dava com os punhais que podiam chegar a 80 cm para os homens (o tamanho limite era o do punhal de Lampião, que não poderia ser superado), mas não passavam dos 37 cm no caso das mulheres.

© Reprodução do livro Estrela de couro – a estética do cangaço
Facão com cabo de gavião, de Lampião

As armas brancas, aliás, são paradigmas na vestimenta do cangaceiro. Com função militar quase morta após o advento da espingarda de repetição, os punhais serviam no ritual letal do sangramento nordestino ou como símbolo de status. “Era usado orgulhosamente sobre o abdome, à vista de todos, aço da melhor qualidade europeia com cabo decorado de prata. Desfrutável ao primeiro olhar. Ou à primeira fotografia.” O punhal de Zé Baiano, presente de Lampião, foi avaliado em mais de 1 conto de réis, preço de uma casa. Outros símbolos de prestígio eram a bandoleira, correia para segurar a espingarda no ombro, e a cartucheira trespassada, essa uma necessidade nascida de se prover um adicional de munição: 150 cartuchos de fuzil Mauser presos com enfeites de ouro. Era comum, porém, que as volantes, cientes do prestígio de seu uso, mirassem em quem portasse uma dessas. A seu lado, iam os cantis, decorados com esmero, um espaço surpreendente de arte de projeção. Como as luvas a que, nota Pernambucano, o cangaceiro, no fausto dos anos 1930, juntou um bordado colorido. O lugar privilegiado das cores, porém, eram os bornais, cuja policromia levou um jornalista a descrever os cangaceiros como “ornamentados e ataviados de cores berrantes que mais pareciam fantasiados para um carnaval”. Visíveis por todos os ângulos, os bornais eram responsáveis por mais de dois terços desse “porre de cores”, o resto ficando por conta do lenço de pescoço, a jabiraca, com que também se coava o líquido extraído de plantas da caatinga. “Nela, nada de nós, mas puxadas as duas pontas para a frente, em paralelo, o cangaceiro ia colecionando alianças de ouro, tomando-se como rico quando formava o cartucho. Houve quem tivesse mais de 30 alianças no pescoço”, conta. Viajando por Sergipe, em 1929, Lampião teve os “apetrechos” pesados numa balança de armazém: 29 quilos sem as armas. No total, o peso carregado no calor tórrido da caatinga podia chegar a quase 40 quilos.

Místico – Com menos aprumo, a vestimenta contagiou os policiais. “A sedução da indumentária dos cangaceiros arrebatava pelo funcional, pelo estético e pelo místico. A volante se mimetizou a tal ponto que dela não restou imagem própria”, diz Pernambucano. Para desespero das autoridades, que se sentiam derrotadas também no simbólico. “Cumpre que se adote a proibição de fardamentos exóticos, de berloques, estrelas, punhais alongados e outros exageros notoriamente conhecidos, porque a impressão se faz no cérebro rude e, à primeira oportunidade, o chapéu de couro cobre a testa e o rifle pende a tiracolo”, alertava um relatório oficial. Curiosamente, nota o pesquisador, pintores como Portinari ou Vicente do Rego Monteiro não souberam captar o luxo e o colorido dessa estética em suas reproduções do cangaço, optando, ideologicamente, por uma visão monocromática opaca, para ressaltar o aspecto social do fenômeno, à custa da fidelidade ao real. “Não é exagero dizer que ainda está por surgir, na pintura ou no cinema, quem consiga combinar o ethos e o ethnos dessas comunidades para retratá-las”, avalia Pernambucano. “O cangaço foi o último movimento a viver ‘sem lei nem rei’ em nossos dias, após varar cinco séculos de história. E o último a fazê-lo com tanto orgulho, com tanta cor, com tanta festa e com uma herança visual tão significativa.” Como, aliás, já diziam os versos de Mulher rendeira: “O fuzil de Lampião/ tem cinco laços de fita/ No lugar em que ele habita/ não falta moça bonita”.

Manifesto em defesa do Conselho de Comunicação Social e da democracia no Ceará

As entidades abaixo assinadas manifestam publicamente seu total apoio à criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social do Estado do Ceará e repudia, de forma veemente, as tentativas de setores conservadores da sociedade de desqualificar a decisão da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de propor ao governador Cid Gomes (PSB) a criação de um órgão que possibilitará a efetiva participação da sociedade cearense na criação de políticas públicas em comunicação do Estado.

Um Conselho tem como finalidade principal servir de instrumento para garantir a participação popular, o controle social e a gestão democrática das políticas e dos serviços públicos, envolvendo o planejamento e o acompanhamento da execução destas políticas e serviços públicos. Hoje, existem conselhos municipais, estaduais e nacionais, nas mais diversas áreas, seja na Educação, na Saúde, na Assistência Social, entre outros. Um Conselho de Comunicação Social é, assim como os demais Conselhos, um espaço para que a sociedade civil, em conjunto com o poder público, tenha o direito a participar ativamente na formulação de políticas públicas e a repensar os modelos que hoje estão instituídos.

Longe de ser uma tentativa de censura ou de cerceamento à liberdade de imprensa, como tenta fazer crer a grande mídia (nada mais que uma dúzia de famílias) e seus prepostos, o Conselho é uma reivindicação histórica dos movimentos sociais, organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas brasileiros e setores progressistas do empresariado que atuam pela democratização da comunicação no Brasil e não uma construção de partido político A ou B. E mais, falta com a verdade quem diz ser inconstitucional o Conselho de Comunicação, pois este está previsto na Constituição, no Artigo 224, que diz “Para os efeitos do disposto neste capítulo, o Congresso Nacional instituirá, como seu órgão auxiliar, o Conselho de Comunicação Social, na forma da lei”, com direito a criação de órgãos correlatos nos estados, a exemplo dos demais conselhos nacionais.

Uma das 672 propostas democraticamente aprovadas pelos milhares de delegados e delegadas da sociedade civil empresarial, não-empresarial e do poder público, participantes da 1ª Conferência Nacional de Comunicação (Confecom), os Conselhos de Comunicação Social são a possibilidade concreta de a sociedade se manifestar contra arbitrariedades e abusos cometidos pelos veículos, cuja programação é contaminada por interesses comerciais, que muitas vezes violam a legislação vigente e desrespeitam os direitos e a dignidade da pessoa humana.

A desfaçatez com que o baronato da mídia e seus asseclas manipulam a opinião pública, na tentativa de camuflar a defesa de interesses econômicos e políticos que contrariam a responsabilidade social dos meios de comunicação e o interesse público, merece o mais amplo repúdio do povo brasileiro. Eles desrespeitam um princípio básico do jornalismo, que é ouvir diferentes versões dos acontecimentos, além de fugir do debate factual, plantando informação.

É chegada à hora de a sociedade dar um basta à manipulação da informação, se unindo aos trabalhadores, consumidores, produtores e difusores progressistas na defesa da criação, pelo poder público, dos Conselhos de Comunicação Social. Somente assim, o povo cearense evitará que o Governo do Estado sucumba à covarde pressão de radiodifusores e proprietários de veículos impressos que ainda acreditam na chantagem e na distorção da verdade como instrumento de barganha política.

Que venham os Conselhos de Comunicação Social, para garantir à sociedade brasileira o direito à informação plural, a liberdade de manifestação de pensamento, criação, e a consolidação da democracia nos meios de comunicação.

Federação Nacional dos Jornalistas – FENAJ

Sindicato dos Jornalistas Proissionais no Estado do Ceará – Sindjorce

Fórum Nacional pela Democratização da Comunicação – FNDC

Instituto de Juventude Contemporânea – IJC

Associação Brasileira de Rádios Comunitárias – Abraço-CE

Centro de Defesa da Criança e do Adolescente do Ceará – Cedeca-CE

UNIÃO DA JUVENTUDE SOCIALISTA- UJS

MOVIMENTO PRÓ-PARQUE RAQUEL DE QUEIROZ

ASSOCIAÇÃO COMUNITÁRIA DO BAIRRO ELLERY

Associação Comunitária do Bairro Monte Castelo

UNIÃO BRASILEIRA DE MULHERES- UBM

Agência de Informação Frei Tito para América Latina – Adital

ONG CATAVENTO COMUNICAÇÃO E EDUCAÇÃO

Fábrica de Imagens – ações educativas em cidadania e gênero (Fortaleza CE)

Rede de Adolescentes e Jovens Comunicadores e Comunicadoras do Brasil

Sindicato dos Operadores de Turismo do Ceará

Rede de Jovens do Nordeste

Cia. de Teatro Arte Amiga

Cia Tesouro Nordestino

Pastoral da Juventude do Canindezinho – PJ

Grupo Vida e Arte

Centro Cultural de Arte Capoeira na veia

Associação Zumbi Capoeira

Grupo Pensar Lutar e Cia. de Teatro arte amiga

Tesouro Nordestino

Pastoral da juventude (canindezinho)

Coral Vida e Arte

Futsal Caça e Pesca

Centro Cultural de Arte Capoeira na veia

Associação Zumbi Capoeira (Pirambu)

Grupo Pensar Lutar e Vencer (Pastoral da Juventude Maraponga)

Grupo Tapa (Temos amor pela arte)

Espaço Solidário (ESSO)

Juventude Negra Kalunga

Terreiro Capoeira

Grêmio estudantil Juventude Ativa

Vidas e Vozes da Juventude

Juventude Atitude (CDI)

Cine Rua

Centro de Apoio a Vida

Grupo Aprendizes de Papel

Grupo Budega Chic

‘Culture of Poverty’ Makes a Comeback (N.Y. Times)


A vacant lot on East 110th Street in New York in 1952: the study of urban blight has long been influenced by political fashions.

By PATRICIA COHEN
Published: October 17, 2010

For more than 40 years, social scientists investigating the causes of poverty have tended to treat cultural explanations like Lord Voldemort: That Which Must Not Be Named.

Daniel Patrick Moynihan in his office at Harvard in 1971. George Tames/The New York Times.

The reticence was a legacy of the ugly battles that erupted after Daniel Patrick Moynihan, then an assistant labor secretary in the Johnson administration, introduced the idea of a “culture of poverty” to the public in a startling 1965 report. Although Moynihan didn’t coin the phrase (that distinction belongs to the anthropologist Oscar Lewis), his description of the urban black family as caught in an inescapable “tangle of pathology” of unmarried mothers and welfare dependency was seen as attributing self-perpetuating moral deficiencies to black people, as if blaming them for their own misfortune.

Moynihan’s analysis never lost its appeal to conservative thinkers, whose arguments ultimately succeeded when President Bill Clinton signed a bill in 1996 “ending welfare as we know it.” But in the overwhelmingly liberal ranks of academic sociology and anthropology the word “culture” became a live grenade, and the idea that attitudes and behavior patterns kept people poor was shunned.

Now, after decades of silence, these scholars are speaking openly about you-know-what, conceding that culture and persistent poverty are enmeshed.

“We’ve finally reached the stage where people aren’t afraid of being politically incorrect,” said Douglas S. Massey, a sociologist at Princeton who has argued that Moynihan was unfairly maligned.

The old debate has shaped the new. Last month Princeton and the Brookings Institution released a collection of papers on unmarried parents, a subject, it noted, that became off-limits after the Moynihan report. At the recent annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, attendees discussed the resurgence of scholarship on culture. And in Washington last spring, social scientists participated in a Congressional briefing on culture and poverty linked to a special issue of The Annals, the journal of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

“Culture is back on the poverty research agenda,” the introduction declares, acknowledging that it should never have been removed.

The topic has generated interest on Capitol Hill because so much of the research intersects with policy debates. Views of the cultural roots of poverty “play important roles in shaping how lawmakers choose to address poverty issues,” Representative Lynn Woolsey, Democrat of California, noted at the briefing.

This surge of academic research also comes as the percentage of Americans living in poverty hit a 15-year high: one in seven, or 44 million.

With these studies come many new and varied definitions of culture, but they all differ from the ’60s-era model in these crucial respects: Today, social scientists are rejecting the notion of a monolithic and unchanging culture of poverty. And they attribute destructive attitudes and behavior not to inherent moral character but to sustained racism and isolation.

To Robert J. Sampson, a sociologist at Harvard, culture is best understood as “shared understandings.”

“I study inequality, and the dominant focus is on structures of poverty,” he said. But he added that the reason a neighborhood turns into a “poverty trap” is also related to a common perception of the way people in a community act and think. When people see graffiti and garbage, do they find it acceptable or see serious disorder? Do they respect the legal system or have a high level of “moral cynicism,” believing that “laws were made to be broken”?

As part of a large research project in Chicago, Professor Sampson walked through different neighborhoods this summer, dropping stamped, addressed envelopes to see how many people would pick up an apparently lost letter and mail it, a sign that looking out for others is part of the community’s culture.

In some neighborhoods, like Grand Boulevard, where the notorious Robert Taylor public housing projects once stood, almost no envelopes were mailed; in others researchers received more than half of the letters back. Income levels did not necessarily explain the difference, Professor Sampson said, but rather the community’s cultural norms, the levels of moral cynicism and disorder.

The shared perception of a neighborhood — is it on the rise or stagnant? — does a better job of predicting a community’s future than the actual level of poverty, he said.

William Julius Wilson, whose pioneering work boldly confronted ghetto life while focusing on economic explanations for persistent poverty, defines culture as the way “individuals in a community develop an understanding of how the world works and make decisions based on that understanding.”

For some young black men, Professor Wilson, a Harvard sociologist, said, the world works like this: “If you don’t develop a tough demeanor, you won’t survive. If you have access to weapons, you get them, and if you get into a fight, you have to use them.”

Seeking to recapture the topic from economists, sociologists have ventured into poor neighborhoods to delve deeper into the attitudes of residents. Their results have challenged some common assumptions, like the belief that poor mothers remain single because they don’t value marriage.

In Philadelphia, for example, low-income mothers told the sociologists Kathryn Edin and Maria Kefalas that they thought marriage was profoundly important, even sacred, but doubted that their partners were “marriage material.” Their results have prompted some lawmakers and poverty experts to conclude that programs that promote marriage without changing economic and social conditions are unlikely to work.

A Chicago mother and child in 1997 at the notorious Robert Taylor Homes, since demolished. Ozier Muhammad/The New York Times.

Mario Luis Small, a sociologist at the University of Chicago and an editor of The Annals’ special issue, tried to figure out why some New York City mothers with children in day care developed networks of support while others did not. As he explained in his 2009 book, “Unanticipated Gains,” the answer did not depend on income or ethnicity, but rather the rules of the day-care institution. Centers that held frequent field trips, organized parents’ associations and had pick-up and drop-off procedures created more opportunities for parents to connect.

Younger academics like Professor Small, 35, attributed the upswing in cultural explanations to a “new generation of scholars without the baggage of that debate.”

Scholars like Professor Wilson, 74, who have tilled the field much longer, mentioned the development of more sophisticated data and analytical tools. He said he felt compelled to look more closely at culture after the publication of Charles Murray and Richard Herrnstein’s controversial 1994 book, “The Bell Curve,” which attributed African-Americans’ lower I.Q. scores to genetics.

The authors claimed to have taken family background into account, Professor Wilson said, but “they had not captured the cumulative effects of living in poor, racially segregated neighborhoods.”

He added, “I realized we needed a comprehensive measure of the environment, that we must consider structural and cultural forces.”

He mentioned a study by Professor Sampson, 54, that found that growing up in areas where violence limits socializing outside the family and where parents haven’t attended college stunts verbal ability, lowering I.Q. scores by as much as six points, the equivalent of missing more than a year in school.

Changes outside campuses have made conversation about the cultural roots of poverty easier than it was in the ’60s. Divorce, living together without marrying, and single motherhood are now commonplace. At the same time prominent African-Americans have begun to speak out on the subject. In 2004 the comedian Bill Cosby made headlines when he criticized poor blacks for “not parenting” and dropping out of school. President Obama, who was abandoned by his father, has repeatedly talked about “responsible fatherhood.”

Conservatives also deserve credit, said Kay S. Hymowitz, a fellow at the conservative Manhattan Institute, for their sustained focus on family values and marriage even when cultural explanations were disparaged.

Still, worries about blaming the victim persist. Policy makers and the public still tend to view poverty through one of two competing lenses, Michèle Lamont, another editor of the special issue of The Annals, said: “Are the poor poor because they are lazy, or are the poor poor because they are a victim of the markets?”

So even now some sociologists avoid words like “values” and “morals” or reject the idea that, as The Annals put it, “a group’s culture is more or less coherent.” Watered-down definitions of culture, Ms. Hymowitz complained, reduce some of the new work to “sociological pablum.”

“If anthropologists had come away from doing field work in New Guinea concluding ‘everyone’s different,’ but sometimes people help each other out,” she wrote in an e-mail, “there would be no field of anthropology — and no word culture for cultural sociologists to bend to their will.”

Fuzzy definitions or not, culture is back. This prompted mock surprise from Rep. Woolsey at last spring’s Congressional briefing: “What a concept. Values, norms, beliefs play very important roles in the way people meet the challenges of poverty.”

>Dilema entre preservação e desenvolvimento é constante na história brasileira (FAPESP)

>Humanidades | Ecologia
Entre o homem e a natureza

Carlos Haag
Edição Impressa 176 – Outobro 2010

Queimada: problemas desde a colônia. © ALBERTO CÉSAR ARAÚJO/Agência Estado.

O projeto do novo Código Florestal, aprovado em agosto pela comissão especial da Câmara dos Deputados, deverá ser votado no Congresso após as eleições, sob críticas de cientistas e ambientalistas, para os quais a sua homologação causará impactos graves na biodiversidade e nos serviços ecossistêmicos em razão das reduções significativas nas áreas de preservação permanentes (APP) e da anistia a desmatamentos feitos até 2008. A polêmica ambiental mais recente tem raízes antigas: o dilema entre preservação da natureza e desenvolvimento econômico é tema de discussões no país desde os tempos da colônia. Um pouco posterior é a dificuldade de se fazer uma parceria entre Estado e sociedade para uma solução equilibrada. “No Brasil há um padrão histórico: as preocupações com o meio ambiente, em geral, resultaram da atuação de grupos de cientistas, intelectuais e funcionários públicos que, por meio de suas inserções no Executivo, procuraram influenciar as decisões dos governantes em favor da valorização da natureza”, explica o historiador José Luiz de Andrade Franco, da Universidade de Brasília, autor de Proteção à natureza e identidade nacional no Brasil (Fiocruz). “Por isso, o andamento das políticas de proteção à natureza sempre dependeu mais de ligações com governos e apenas secundariamente do eco que as pessoas preocupadas com as questões ambientais alcançam na sociedade”, avalia.

Foi assim com o Código Florestal original, criado em 1934 por Getúlio Vargas, fruto de articulações de um grupo de pesquisadores do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (MNRJ), que, usando a sua influência junto a círculos do poder, defendeu a intervenção de um Estado forte para garantir, por meio de leis, o equilíbrio entre progresso e patrimônio natural. A legislação, que colocava limites ao direito de propriedade em nome da conservação, protegendo áreas florestais, foi revista em 1965 durante a ditadura militar. Pela primeira vez o código será revisto em uma sociedade democrática e aberta ao debate com a opinião pública. Colheremos melhores frutos do que no passado? “Os protetores da natureza dos anos 1920-1940, que geraram a legislação, eram a favor de um Estado forte, mas tinham propostas de transformação social e ambiental bastante renovadoras. Os conservacionistas dos anos 1960-1980 não estavam na vanguarda do questionamento político do regime militar, mas tinham preocupações com a natureza ainda muito distantes do itinerário político das esquerdas”, lembra Franco. “Hoje os ambientalistas mais preocupados com as questões sociais têm uma postura bastante antropocêntrica, deixando, muitas vezes, as questões urgentíssimas da biodiversidade na sombra.” Segundo o pesquisador, sociedade e Estado, no Brasil, ainda são hegemonicamente desenvolvimentistas. “O sucesso a médio e longo prazo do ambientalismo está na sua capacidade de reverter essa disposição de promover o crescimento econômico a qualquer custo.” Para o pesquisador, não é de estranhar que esses protetores da natureza do passado tenham sido quase esquecidos na corrente forte do desenvolvimentismo que prevaleceu no país da década de 1940 em diante. “Surpreende, sim, que eles tenham sido esquecidos pelos ambientalistas brasileiros, ‘científicos’ e ‘sociais’, que, a partir dos anos 1980, emergiram como atores relevantes na ciência, no ativismo, na mídia e nos movimentos sociais.”

Franco chama esses protetores de “a segunda geração de conservacionistas” brasileiros, intelectuais que, entre os anos 1920 e 1940, cobraram do Executivo a manutenção de um vínculo orgânico entre natureza e sociedade, porque, afirmavam, defender a natureza era uma forma de construir a nossa nacionalidade. Eram, na sua maioria, cientistas do MNRJ: Alberto José Sampaio (1881-1946), Armando Magalhães Correa (1889-1944), Cândido de Mello Leitão (1886-1948) e Carlos Frederico Hoehne (1882-1959). A tendência desses círculos intelectuais, como característico na história ambiental nacional, foi integrar-se ao Estado para reclamar das autoridades um comportamento mais racional dos agentes econômicos privados. “Havia entre eles a convicção de sua responsabilidade na construção da identidade nacional e na organização das instituições do Estado”, observa Franco. A série de códigos ambientais decretados pelo governo Vargas, somada à criação dos primeiros parques nacionais, indica o relativo sucesso alcançado por eles. “Eles acreditavam que a intervenção autoritária de Vargas iria resolver os conflitos e a competição injusta. A partir disso, pensavam, um novo homem se ligaria à natureza e aos outros homens”, analisa a historiadora Regina Horta Duarte, da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, autora do artigo “Pássaros e cientistas no Brasil”. Para colocar em prática suas teorias eles criaram sociedades públicas para proteção da natureza: Sociedade dos Amigos das Árvores, Sociedade dos Amigos do Museu Nacional, Sociedade dos Amigos da Flora Brasílica, entre outras.

A iniciativa mais ambiciosa dessas organizações foi a Primeira Conferência Brasileira de Proteção à Natureza, realizada em 1934, com o apoio do regime varguista, que acabara de criar o Código Florestal, o Código de Caça e Pesca e a Lei sobre Expedições Científicas. A Constituição de 1934 também incluía um artigo sobre o papel dos governos federal e estaduais na proteção das “belezas naturais”. O ciclo de palestras foi aberto com a leitura de “Natureza”, do poeta alemão Goethe. “Uma evidência da importância dada pelos participantes à percepção estética do mundo natural. Por essa visão, a natureza deveria ser admirada, cuidada e transformada num jardim”, conta Franco. “Essa influência romântica, porém, nunca descartou a possibilidade do uso econômico da natureza e a necessidade de renovar fontes esgotadas sempre era lembrada. Além de ser um ‘jardim’, o mundo natural era percebido como indústria. Daí as várias propostas da criação de ‘berçários de árvores’, que eram, ao mesmo tempo, jardins e áreas de produção de madeira em larga escala.” Os organizadores da conferência estavam atualizados sobre a ação dos protetores da natureza de outros países. Conheciam a fundo a experiência americana e o debate entre os preservacionistas de John Muir, que defendiam a contemplação estética da natureza, e os conservacionistas liderados por Guif­ford Pinchot, que acreditavam na exploração racional de recursos naturais. As duas correntes ganharam seu espaço na Presidência de Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909), o que resultou no crescimento do Parque Yosemite e na criação de várias reservas e mais cinco novos parques nacionais.

Mas o que dividia os americanos era consenso no Brasil e não havia ingenuidade no grupo, apesar da combinação que faziam de romantismo, ciência e nacionalismo. “Naquele momento, os conceitos de proteção, conservação e preservação eram intercambiáveis. Para os cientistas, a natureza deveria ser protegida, tanto como conjunto de recursos produtivos a ser explorado racionalmente pelas gerações futuras, quanto como diversidade biológica, objeto de ciência e contemplação estética.” Argumentos utilitários coexistiam em harmonia com estéticos, e tudo era parte de um projeto maior da união entre natureza e nacionalidade. “As metáforas que eles usaram para representar a sociedade brasileira convergiam com as imagens do ideário político varguista”, nota Franco. “Essa forma de proteger a natureza estava em sintonia com o projeto de Estado corporativista de Vargas e essa convergência ajudou a elevar o status institucional adquirido por um número de propostas relacionadas à proteção ambiental e ao controle público e privado dos recursos naturais”, analisa o pesquisador. “Antes da revolução de 1930, a descentralização política fortaleceu o controle das elites regionais, incentivando a exploração extrema de recursos naturais. A destruição das florestas era agravada pelas ferrovias que, na definição de Euclides da Cunha, eram ‘fazedoras de desertos’”, observa o historiador José Augusto Pádua, da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro e autor de Um sopro de destruição: pensamento político e crítica ambiental no Brasil escravista (Zahar).

Em 1915, o jurista e filósofo Alberto Torres (1865-1917) alertou para a situação: “Os brasileiros são, todos, estrangeiros em sua terra, a qual não aprendem a explorar sem destruir”. “Ele foi o primeiro brasileiro a usar o termo conservação como se empregava nos EUA, incluindo-o na sua proposta de uma nova Constituição. Suas ideias iram influenciar os cientistas do MNRJ”, observa Franco. Apesar do prestígio de intelectuais como Torres, as ações políticas concretas foram nulas. “Mesmo com o apoio do presidente Epitácio Pessoa, que confessava o seu incômodo pelo fato de o Brasil ser o único país de grandes florestas sem um Código Florestal, a legislação continuou omissa”, lembra Pádua. É possível, então, imaginar o impacto da ação dos protetores da natureza quando, poucos anos depois do código e poucos meses antes da nova Constituição de 1937, que elevou os bens naturais à categoria de patrimônio público, foi decretada a criação do Parque Nacional de Itatiaia. A ditadura estado-novista iria criar, até 1939, mais outros dois parques: o da Serra dos Órgãos, no Rio, e o do Iguaçu, no Paraná.

“Mas nos anos seguintes a ação governamental para a preservação mostraria seus limites claros, com orçamentos ínfimos para órgãos florestais, precariedade da fiscalização e ausência de uma participação efetiva da sociedade civil. A fundação de parques nacionais não privilegiou ecossistemas de grande biodiversidade, mas áreas próximas a centros urbanos, como Itatiaia ou serra dos Órgãos, ou estratégicas, como Iguaçu”, nota Regina Horta. “A preservação patrimonial era realmente importante nos projetos do governo Vargas. Mas, além de seu simbolismo cultural e político, a natureza, para além dos parques, era principalmente vista como fonte de riquezas exploráveis para o desenvolvimento econômico, e os projetos industrializantes ganharam o comprometimento do Estado Novo.”

“A ideologia do crescimento a qualquer custo sempre retirou a importância dos temas ambientais. Só hoje temos uma situação potencialmente nova, em que a união entre um Estado poderoso e uma esfera pública mais dinâmica pode criar uma verdadeira política de gestão sustentável da natureza”, nota Pádua. Segundo o pesquisador, há uma continuidade dos problemas ambientais desde a colônia, como queimadas, desflorestamento e degradação dos solos e das águas, mas, ao mesmo tempo, houve muita reflexão sobre essas questões, desde o século XVIII. Basta lembrar que em 1876 o engenheiro e líder abolicionista André Rebouças já pedia a criação de parques nacionais, pois “a geração atual não pode fazer melhor doação às gerações vindouras do que reservar intactas, livres do ferro e do fogo, as belas ilhas do Araguaia e do Paraná”. Para Rebouças, a razão do descaso com a natureza era a escravidão, hipótese também defendida pelo abolicionista Joaquim Nabuco, para quem era preciso o uso econômico racional da natureza brasileira. “Eles procuraram estabelecer uma relação causal entre escravismo e práticas predatórias. A combinação entre a abundância de trabalho cativo, barato, e uma fronteira aberta para a ocupação de novas terras teria estimulado uma ação extensiva e descuidada na produção rural, baseada no avanço das queimadas, deixando terras degradadas e abandonadas”, explica Pádua. Para esses intelectuais, a devastação ambiental não era o “preço do progresso”, mas o “preço do atraso”, resultado da permanência de práticas rudimentares de exploração da terra.

Devastação: preço do atraso, e não do progresso. © Agência Estado.

Nisso ambos eram herdeiros da preocupação ambiental iluminista de José Bonifácio, um fisiocrata egresso da Universidade de Coimbra, a primeira instituição, já no século XVIII, a formar intelectuais que refutavam a exploração descuidada dos recursos naturais da colônia. “Destruir matos virgens, nos quais a natureza ofertou com mão pródiga as mais preciosas madeiras do mundo, e sem causa, como se tem praticado no Brasil, é extravagância insofrível, crime horrendo e grande insulto. Que defesa produziremos no tribunal da Razão quando os nossos netos nos acusarem de fatos tão culposos?”, escreveu o futuro Patriarca da Independência em 1819. “É preciso lembrar a riqueza do debate intelectual sobre temas ecológicos no país; e em alguns momentos, como no século XIX, ele foi um dos mais intensos do mundo, apesar da pobreza dos resultados. O que ‘relativiza’ o papel dos EUA e da Europa na gênese da preocupação ambiental moderna”, explica Pádua. A análise da história ambiental transforma a contribuição dos intelectuais dos séculos XIX e meados do XX em algo surpreendentemente atual. “Eles não eram ambientalistas no sentido moderno, mas in­cluíam os temas da destruição do mundo natural no debate sobre o futuro do país como um todo, relacionando-os com traços estruturais da sociedade, como, por exemplo, o escravismo. Guardadas as diferenças de contexto, é disso que precisamos hoje: incluir a dimensão ambiental no centro do debate sobre o futuro do Brasil e da humanidade.” O Código Florestal do século XXI agradece as lições do passado.

>’Science as the Enemy’: The Traveling Salesmen of Climate Skepticism (Spiegel)

>
By Cordula Meyer
10/08/2010

A handful of US scientists have made names for themselves by casting doubt on global warming research. In the past, the same people have also downplayed the dangers of passive smoking, acid rain and the ozone hole. In all cases, the tactics are the same: Spread doubt and claim it’s too soon to take action.

Photo: Manhattan by night: The skeptics are accused of having links to energy companies.

With his sonorous voice, Fred Singer, 86, sounded like a grandfather explaining the obvious to a dim-witted child. “Nature, not human activity, rules the climate,” the American physicist told a discussion attended by members of the German parliament for the business-friendly Free Democratic Party (FDP) three weeks ago.

Marie-Luise Dött, the environmental policy spokeswoman for the parliamentary group of Angela Merkel’s center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU), also attended Singer’s presentation. She said afterwards that it was “extremely illuminating.” She later backpedaled, saying that her comments had been quoted out of context, and that of course she supports an ambitious climate protection policy — just like Chancellor Merkel.

Merkel, as it happens, was precisely the person Singer was trying to reach. “Our problem is not the climate. Our problem is politicians, who want to save the climate. They are the real problem,” he says. “My hope is that Merkel, who is not stupid, will see the light,” says Singer, who has since left for Paris. Noting that he liked the results of his talks, he adds: “I think I achieved something.”

Salesman of Skepticism

Singer is a traveling salesman of sorts for those who question climate change. On this year’s summer tour, he gave speeches to politicians in Rome, Paris and the Israeli port city of Haifa. Paul Friedhoff, the economic policy spokesman of the FDP’s parliamentary group, had invited him to Berlin. Singer and the FDP get along famously. The American scientist had already presented his contrary theories on the climate to FDP politicians at the Institute for Free Enterprise, a Berlin-based free-market think tank, last December.

Singer is one of the most influential deniers of climate change worldwide. In his world, respected climatologists are vilified as liars, people who are masquerading as environmentalists while, in reality, having only one goal in mind: to introduce socialism. Singer wants to save the world from this horror. For some, the fact that he made a name for himself as a brilliant atmospheric physicist after World War II lends weight to his words.

Born in Vienna, Singer fled to the United States in 1940 and soon became part of an elite group fighting the Cold War on the science front. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Singer continued his struggle — mostly against environmentalists, and always against any form of regulation.

Whether it was the hole in the ozone layer, acid rain or climate change, Singer always had something critical to say, and he always knew better than the experts in their respective fields. But in doing so he strayed far away from the disciplines in which he himself was trained. For example, his testimony aided the tobacco lobby in its battle with health policy experts.

‘Science as the Enemy’

The Arlington, Virginia-based Marshall Institute took an approach very similar to Singer’s. Founded in 1984, its initial mission was to champion then US President Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), better known as “Star Wars.” After the fall of the Iron Curtain, the founders abruptly transformed their institute into a stronghold for deniers of environmental problems.

“The skeptics thought, if you give up economic freedom, it will lead to losing political freedom. That was the underlying ideological current,” says Naomi Oreskes, a historian of science at the University of California, San Diego, who has studied Singer’s methods. As scientists uncovered more and more environmental problems, the skeptics “began to see science as the enemy.”

Oreskes is referring to only a handful of scientists and lobbyists, and yet they have managed to convince many ordinary people — and even some US presidents — that science is deeply divided over the causes of climate change. Former President George H.W. Bush even referred to the physicists at the Marshall Institute as “my scientists.”

Whatever the issue, Singer and his cohorts have always used the same basic argument: that the scientific community is still in disagreement and that scientists don’t have enough information. For instance, they say that genetics could be responsible for the cancers of people exposed to secondhand smoke, volcanoes for the hole in the ozone layer and the sun for climate change.

Cruel Nature

It almost seems as if Singer were trying to disguise himself as one of the people he is fighting. With his corduroy trousers, long white hair and a fish fossil hanging from a leather band around his neck, he comes across as an amiable old environmentalist. But the image he paints of nature is not at all friendly. “Nature is much to be feared, very cruel and very dangerous,” he says.

At conferences, Singer likes to introduce himself as a representative of the Nongovernmental International Panel on Climate Change (NIPCC). As impressive as this title sounds, the NIPCC is nothing but a collection of like-minded scientists Singer has gathered around himself. A German meteorologist in the group, Gerd Weber, has worked for the German Coal Association on and off for the last 25 years.

According to a US study, 97 percent of all climatologists worldwide assume that greenhouse gases produced by humans are warming the Earth. Nevertheless, one third of Germans and 40 percent of Americans doubt that the Earth is getting warmer. And many people are convinced that climatologists are divided into two opposing camps on the issue — which is untrue.

So how is it that people like Singer have been so effective in shaping public opinion?

Part 2: Experience Gained Defending Big Tobacco

Many scientists do not sufficiently explain the results of their research. Some climatologists have also been arrogant or have refused to turn over their data to critics. Some overlook inconsistencies or conjure up exaggerated horror scenarios that are not always backed by science. For example, sloppy work was responsible for a prediction in an Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report that all Himalayan glaciers would have melted by 2035. It was a grotesque mistake that plunged the IPCC into a credibility crisis.

Singer and his fellow combatants take advantage of such mistakes and utilize their experiences defending the tobacco industry. For decades, Big Tobacco managed to cast doubt on the idea that smoking kills. An internal document produced by tobacco maker Brown & Williamson states: “Doubt is our product since it is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’ that exists in the minds of the general public.”

In 1993, tobacco executives handed around a document titled “Bad Science — A Resource Book.” In the manual, PR professionals explain how to discredit inconvenient scientific results by labeling them “junk.” For example, the manual suggested pointing out that “too often science is manipulated to fulfill a political agenda.” According to the document: “Proposals that seek to improve indoor air quality by singling out tobacco smoke only enable bad science to become a poor excuse for enacting new laws and jeopardizing individual liberties.”

‘Junk Science’

In 1993, the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) published what was then the most comprehensive study on the effects of tobacco smoke on health, which stated that exposure to secondhand smoke was responsible for about 3,000 deaths a year in the United States. Singer promptly called it “junk science.” He warned that the EPA scientists were secretly pursuing a communist agenda. “If we do not carefully delineate the government’s role in regulating … dangers, there is essentially no limit to how much government can ultimately control our lives,” Singer wrote.

Reacting to the EPA study, the Philip Morris tobacco company spearheaded the establishment of “The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition” (TASSC). Its goal was to raise doubts about the risks of passive smoking and climate change, and its message was to be targeted at journalists — but only those with regional newspapers. Its express goal was “to avoid cynical reporters from major media.”

Singer, Marshall Institute founder Fred Seitz and Patrick Michaels, who is now one of the best known climate change skeptics, were all advisers to TASSC.

Not Proven

The Reagan administration also appointed Singer to a task force on acid rain. In that group, Singer insisted that it was too early to take action and that it hadn’t even been proven yet that sulfur emissions were in fact the cause. He also said that some plants even benefited from acid rain.

After acid rain, Singer turned his attention to a new topic: the “ozone scare.” Once again, he applied the same argumentative pattern, noting that although it was correct that the ozone concentration in the stratosphere was declining, the effect was only local. Besides, he added, it wasn’t clear yet whether chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) from aerosol cans were even responsible for ozone depletion.

As recently as 1994, Singer claimed that evidence “suggested that stratospheric chlorine comes mostly from natural sources.” Testifying before the US Congress in 1996, he said there was “no scientific consensus on ozone depletion or its consequences” — even though in 1995 the Nobel Prize had been awarded to three chemists who had demonstrated the influence of CFCs on the ozone layer.

The Usual Suspects

Multinational oil companies also soon adopted the tried-and-true strategies of disinformation. Once again, lobbying groups were formed that were designed to look as scientific as possible. First there was the Global Climate Coalition, and then ExxonMobil established the Global Climate Science Team. One of its members was lobbyist Myron Ebell. Another one was a veteran of the TASCC tobacco lobby who already knew the ropes. According to a 1998 Global Climate Science Team memo: “Victory will be achieved when average citizens ‘understand’ (recognize) uncertainties in climate science.”

It soon looked as though there were a broad coalition opposing the science of climate change, supported by organizations like the National Center for Policy Analysis, the Heartland Institute and the Center for Science and Public Policy. In reality, these names were often little more than a front for the same handful of questionable scientists — and Exxon funded the whole illusion to the tune of millions of dollars.

It was an excellent investment.

In 2001, the administration of then-President George W. Bush reneged on previous climate commitments. After that, the head of the US delegation to the Kyoto negotiations met with the oil lobbyists from the Global Climate Coalition to thank them for their expertise, saying that President Bush had “rejected Kyoto in part based on input from you.”

Singer’s comrade-in-arms Patrick Michaels waged a particularly sharp-tongued campaign against the phalanx of climatologists. One of his books is called: “The Satanic Gases: Clearing the Air about Global Warming.” Michaels has managed to turn doubt into a lucrative business. The German Coal Association paid him a hefty fee for a study in the 1990s, and a US electric utility once donated $100,000 to his PR firm.

Inconsistent Arguments

Both Michaels and Ebell are members of the Cooler Heads Coalition. Unlike Singer and Seitz, they are not anti-communist crusaders from the Cold War era, but smooth communicators. Ebell, a historian, argues that life was not as comfortable for human beings in the Earth’s cold phases than in the warm ones. Besides, he adds, there are many indications that we are at the beginning of a cooling period.

The professional skeptics tend to use inconsistent arguments. Sometimes they say that there is no global warming. At other times, they point out that while global warming does exist, it is not the result of human activity. Some climate change deniers even concede that man could do something about the problem, but that it isn’t really much of a problem. There is only one common theme to all of their prognoses: Do nothing. Wait. We need more research.

People like Ebell cannot simply be dismissed as cranks. He has been called to testify before Congress eight times, and he unabashedly crows about his contacts at the White House, saying: “We knew whom to call.”

Ebell faces more of an uphill battle in Europe. In his experience, he says, Europe is controlled by elites who — unlike ordinary people — happen to believe in climate change.

Einstein on a Talk Show

But Fred Singer is doing his best to change that. He has joined forces with the European Institute for Climate and Energy (EIKE). The impressive-sounding name, however, is little more than a P.O. box address in the eastern German city of Jena. The group’s president, Holger Thuss, is a local politician with the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU).

Hans Joachim Schellnhuber, director of the respected Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research and an adviser to Chancellor Merkel on climate-related issues, says he has no objection to sharing ideas with the EIKE, as long as its representatives can stick to the rules of scientific practice. But he refuses to join EIKE representatives in a political panel discussion, noting that this is precisely what the group hopes to achieve, namely to create the impression among laypeople that experts are discussing the issues on a level playing field.

Ultimately, says Schellnhuber, science has become so complicated that large segments of the population can no longer keep up. The climate skeptics, on the other hand, are satisfied with “a desire for simple truths,” Schellnhuber says.

This is precisely the secret of their success, according to Schellnhuber, and unfortunately no amount of public debate can change that. “Imagine Einstein having to defend the theory of relativity on a German TV talk show,” he says. “He wouldn’t have a snowball’s chance in hell.”

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan.

>52 Percent of Americans Flunk Climate 101 (NY Times)

>
By FELICITY BARRINGER
Green: Science
October 14, 2010, 4:25 pm

A new study by researchers at Yale University suggests that Americans’ knowledge of climate science is limited and scattershot, with some understanding of basic issues like the contribution of fossil fuels to global warming and some singular misconceptions as well.

For instance, more than two-thirds of those surveyed believe that reducing toxic waste or banning aerosol spray cans will curb climate change. And 43 percent believe that “if we stopped punching holes in the ozone layer with rockets, it would reduce global warming,” the survey’s authors write.

Overall, just 1 in 10 of those surveyed said they were “very well informed” about climate change and 45 percent said they were not very worried or not at all worried about it.

If letter grades were given by the survey’s authors (based on absolute scores, not grading on the curve), 1 percent would have received an A, 7 percent a B, 15 percent a C, 25 percent a D and 52 percent an F.

Researchers said that the results “reflect the unorganized and sometimes contradictory fragments of information Americans have absorbed from the mass media and other sources.”

“Most people don’t need to know about climate change in their daily life, thus it is not surprising that they have devoted little effort to learning these details,” they write.

Some of the findings seemed mutually exclusive. For instance, the researchers note that an online survey conducted by Knowledge Networks this summer shows that, despite a blast of negative publicity about controversial e-mails to and from climate scientists at Britain’s University of East Anglia, large majorities of Americans trust scientists (72 percent) and scientific institutions (National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, 78 percent, National Science Foundation 74 percent) to provide accurate information on the subject.

Three-quarters say they want more information on the issue, but 45 percent say they are not very or not at all worried about it.

But climate skeptics have made some specific inroads. As the report’s authors found, 42 percent of those surveyed “incorrectly believe that since scientists can’t predict the weather more than a few days in advance, they can’t possibly predict the climate of the future.” More than a third (37 percent) think climate models are too unreliable to predict the climate of the future. And one-third believe, incorrectly, that most scientists in the 1970s were predicting an ice age.

The interlacing of knowledge and ignorance was a hallmark of the study. About 73 percent of Americans understand, correctly, that the current climate is not colder than ever before. But 55 percent believe, incorrectly, that the Earth’s climate is now hotter than it has ever been before, and about two-thirds believe, incorrectly, that the climate has always oscillated gradually between eras of warmth and eras of cold.

About 57 percent of Americans have both heard of the greenhouse effect and understand how it works. But one-third believe that because the climate “has changed naturally in the past, humans are not the cause of global warming today.”

About 45 percent understand that carbon dioxide in the atmosphere traps heat, but only a quarter know that methane does the same. And more than half think, incorrectly, that aerosol cans, volcanic eruptions or the space program contribute to climate change.

Slightly more than half understand that energy in fossil fuels comes from photosynthesis by plants over millions of years; just 29 percent understand that the sun was the ultimate source of energy in these fuels. Almost half say that fossil fuels are the fossilized remains of dinosaurs.

Three-quarters of those polled had heard nothing about coral bleaching or ocean acidification.

Perhaps not surprisingly, given the spottiness of the participants’ knowledge, most said they needed a lot more, some more, or a little more information on the subject (25 percent, 26 percent and 25 percent, respectively.)

The authors — Anthony Leiserowitz and Nicholas Smith of the Yale Project on Climate Change Communications and Jennifer R. Marlon of the Geography Department at the University of Wisconsin, Madison — conclude that widespread misconceptions “lead some people to doubt that climate change is happening or that human activities are a major contributor, to misunderstand the causes and therefore the solutions, and to be unaware of the risks.”

“Thus many Americans lack some of the knowledge needed for informed decision-making about this issue in a democratic society,” they write.

* * *

Find the original Yale report here.

>Do the IPCC use alarmist language?

>
By James Wight
http://www.skepticalscience.com
Thursday, 14 October, 2010 – 06:42 AM

Graham Wayne has recently written rebuttals to “The IPCC consensus is phony” and “IPCC is alarmist”. But, you might say, that’s only half the story – do the IPCC present their conclusions in an alarmist way? There are many different ways you might look at this, but one of the more important ones is how the IPCC present probabilities (or “likelihoods”).

Thinking about probability does not come intuitively to the human mind. Our assessment of a risk often depends on how the probability is presented.

Suppose you are about to get on a plane and a reliable source tells you that there is a 1% chance that the plane will crash during your flight. Do you still want to get on the plane? I’m guessing you’d be having second thoughts about it.

What if the probability of a crash is 1 in 20? 1 in 10? 1 in 3? You’d probably run away screaming.

I’ll get to the point of all this shortly, but please bear with me and consider the following quote from the IPCC’s Fourth Assessment Report (AR4):

“It is very unlikely that [Atlantic Ocean circulation] will undergo a large abrupt transition during the 21st century.” [Source]

Are you alarmed yet? Is this an example of the IPCC using alarmist language in reporting its conclusions?

To answer this question, you first have to understand what the IPCC are trying to say. In the introduction to the AR4 Synthesis Report, there is a detailed description of how uncertainty is treated in IPCC reports, and I don’t think the public appreciates just how un-alarmist it is. A 1% chance scarcely rates a mention: anything with such a low probability is described as “exceptionally unlikely”. A probability of 1 in 20 is considered to be “extremely unlikely”; 1 in 10 is “very unlikely”, and even 1 in 3 is still “unlikely”. Conversely, 2 in 3 is “likely”, 9 in 10 is “very likely”, 19 in 20 is “extremely likely”, and 99% is “virtually certain”.

So if you asked the IPCC to do a report on your plane trip, and the probability of a crash was smaller than 1 in 10, about half a decade later they’d get back to you with something like: “It is very unlikely that this plane will crash.” (Except that it would probably be a lot wordier than that.)

And when the IPCC says an abrupt transition in Atlantic Ocean circulation is “very unlikely”, they mean the same thing: the chance is less than 1 in 10. Yet you’re probably not running away screaming.

Most of the IPCC’s main conclusions are given a high degree of likelihood. Probably the most quoted sentence from the entire AR4 is:

“Most of the observed increase in global average temperatures since the mid-20th century is very likely due to the observed increase in anthropogenic greenhouse gas concentrations.” [Source]

Translation: the likelihood that humanity’s greenhouse gas emissions are causing global warming is greater than 9 in 10.

Another important conclusion (though not particularly new to the AR4) is this:

“[T]he equilibrium global mean [surface air temperature] warming for a doubling of atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2), or ‘equilibrium climate sensitivity’, is likely to lie in the range 2°C to 4.5°C, with a most likely value of about 3°C. Equilibrium climate sensitivity is very likely larger than 1.5°C.” [Source]

Translation: the chances are 2 out of 3 that a doubling of atmospheric CO2 will warm the planet by between 2 and 4.5 degrees; 9 out of 10 that it will be more than 1.5 degrees.

One more IPCC quote:

“It is very likely that hot extremes, heat waves and heavy precipitation events will continue to become more frequent.” [Source]

That is, the chances of more extreme weather are higher than 9 in 10. If you’re thinking that wilder weather is not exactly as serious as a plane crash, then consider that over 20 million people have been affected by the 2010 Pakistan floods. This sort of extreme weather event will become more frequent with global warming. Do we, does humanity, really want to get on this plane?

The IPCC are not alarmist in their conclusions, and they are no more alarmist in the way they report their conclusions.

>Políticas públicas para mudanças climáticas (FAPESP)

>
Especiais

Por Fabio Reynol, de Campinas (SP)
18/10/2010

Agência FAPESP – Se o Estado de São Paulo fosse um país estaria em 39º no ranking das nações que mais emitem dióxido de carbono (CO2) na atmosfera. Em 2003, foram 83 milhões de toneladas do gás, praticamente um quarto do montante brasileiro.

Esses números lançam ao estado um enorme desafio para reduzir as emissões e já estimularam a implantação de várias políticas públicas, entre as quais a ativação do Conselho Estadual de Mudanças Climáticas, ocorrida na sexta-feira (15/10).

O tema foi tratado em mesa durante o fórum “Mudanças Climáticas Globais – Desafios e oportunidades de pesquisa”, realizado na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp) nos dias 14 e 15 de outubro. A mesa teve a participação do diretor-presidente da Companhia Ambiental do Estado de São Paulo (Cetesb), Fernando Rei, do diretor científico da FAPESP, Carlos Henrique de Brito Cruz, e do diretor do Instituto de Estudos Avançados da Faculdade de Economia e Administração da USP, Jacques Marcovitch.

“As emissões de CO2 em São Paulo são tímidas em relação aos países desenvolvidos, mas, ao se considerar o índice de ocupação do solo, são emissões superiores à média nacional”, disse Rei.

O executivo fez um histórico das políticas públicas paulistas desde o Programa Estadual de Mudanças Climáticas do Estado de São Paulo (Proclima), lançado em 1995, e destacou a participação paulista em organizações internacionais de estados subnacionais, que englobam regiões internas de países como estados e províncias. “São Paulo é copresidente pela segunda vez da rede de Governos Regionais para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável”, destacou.

O Conselho Estadual de Mudanças Climáticas estava previsto na Lei Estadual 13.798, assinada em novembro de 2009, e possui uma estrutura tripartite: um terço de representantes do governo estadual, um terço vindo de governos municipais e um terço de membros da sociedade civil.

São Paulo também iniciou o Registro Público de Emissões a fim de identificar, por setores e por empresas, os maiores emissores de gases de efeito estufa. Todas essas medidas têm como objetivo tentar alcançar uma redução de 20% do CO2 emitido até o ano de 2020 em relação aos valores de 2005, meta que o Estado se comprometeu a cumprir.

“Trata-se de um objetivo extremamente difícil e que exigirá a participação da sociedade civil”, salientou Rei. No ano de 2005, São Paulo lançou na atmosfera 122 milhões de toneladas de CO2, o que significa que em 2020 poderia lançar até 98 milhões de toneladas, de acordo com a meta.

A tarefa é ainda mais complexa ao considerar que São Paulo já substituiu quase a metade das fontes energéticas de origem fóssil para fontes renováveis na última década, como ressaltou Brito Cruz. “Cerca de 60% do consumo de energia do estado era de origem fóssil e hoje esse índice é de apenas 33%”, disse.

O diretor científico da FAPESP focou na contribuição que a ciência deu ao longo da história à questão do clima, desde o matemático francês Jean Jacques Baptiste Fourier, que em 1827 publicou um artigo no qual concebeu o conceito de efeito estufa, até as experiências do norte-americano Charles Kelling, que de 1957 a 1972 escalou periodicamente o vulcão inativo Mauna Loa, no Havaí, para coletar amostras de ar e medir o teor de carbono da atmosfera.

“Foram pesquisas que pareciam inúteis em suas épocas e que hoje se mostram extremamente pertinentes em relação aos problemas que estamos enfrentando”, disse, destacando que o Painel Intergovernamental de Mudanças Climáticas (IPCC) foi criado pela Organização das Nações Unidas para que as lideranças políticas pudessem entender a produção científica a respeito do clima.

Brito Cruz também apresentou os principais pontos abordados pelo Programa FAPESP de Pesquisa sobre Mudanças Climáticas Globais (PFPMCG), que tem procurado intensificar a produção científica nacional no clima e conta com projetos em andamento em áreas como agronomia, química, geociências, demografia e economia.

“Não queremos apenas aumentar a quantidade dos trabalhos científicos, mas também a sua qualidade para que ganhem visibilidade internacional”, disse. Nesse sentido, a FAPESP financiou a compra de um supercomputador em parceria com a Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos (Finep) do Ministério da Ciência e Tecnologia.

A máquina está sendo instalada no Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas Espaciais (Inpe) em Cachoeira Paulista (SP) e será dedicada a processar modelos de simulação do clima.

O supercomputador deverá colocar o Brasil entre os maiores do mundo em investigação do clima e poderá processar modelos que contemplem os sistemas climáticos nacionais, como a Floresta Amazônica, a Mata Atlântica e o Cerrado.

Além do computador, Brito Cruz anunciou que a FAPESP também está financiando a compra de um barco e de um navio oceanográfico que deverão auxiliar pesquisas sobre a temperatura, acidificação e nível dos oceanos, entre outras pesquisas.

Aprimorar incentivos e aumentar sanções

Marcovitch falou sobre os impactos econômicos e a participação do setor empresarial no esforço para mitigar as mudanças climáticas. O professor, que foi reitor da USP entre 1997 e 2001, afirmou que é preciso respeitar o tempo de ação de cada ator social para que o esforço conjunto funcione.

“As pautas de cada um são diferentes: membros do governo enfatizam o poder, cientistas se pautam na busca pela verdade, empresas focam no resultado e a sociedade civil trabalha com valores. É preciso enxergar isso para haver o diálogo e avançar”, disse.

No caso do setor empresarial, Marcovitch defende políticas públicas que promovam incentivos mais eficientes para as companhias que participarem e, ao mesmo tempo, sanções mais rigorosas para aquelas que não quiserem colaborar.

Por fim, o pesquisador apresentou partes do Estudo Econômico das Mudanças Climáticas no Brasil, que coordenou junto a 11 instituições.

O trabalho procurou identificar as vulnerabilidades que a economia e a sociedade brasileira possuem em relação às alterações do clima. “Os países que promoveram os maiores saltos da civilização foram os mais ousados e que enfrentaram grandes desafios, a área do clima é um deles”, disse.

>On Climate Models, the Case For Living with Uncertainty

>
Yale Environment 360
05 Oct 2010: Analysis

As climate science advances, predictions about the extent of future warming and its effects are likely to become less — not more — precise. That may make it more difficult to convince the public of the reality of climate change, but it hardly diminishes the urgency of taking action.

by Fred Pearce

I think I can predict right now the headlines that will follow publication of the next report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), due in 2013. “Climate scientists back off predicting rate of warming: ‘The more we know the less we can be sure of,’ says UN panel.”

That is almost bound to be the drift if two-time IPCC lead author Kevin Trenberth and others are right about what is happening to the new generation of climate models. And with public trust in climate science on the slide after the various scandals of the past year over e-mails and a mistaken forecast of Himalayan ice loss, it hardly seems likely scientists will be treated kindly.

It may not matter much who is in charge at the IPCC by then: Whether or not current chairman Rajendra Pachauri keeps his job, the reception will be rough. And if climate negotiators have still failed to do a deal to replace the Kyoto Protocol, which lapses at the end of 2012, the fallout will not be pretty, either diplomatically or climatically.

Clearly, concerns about how climate scientists handle complex issues of scientific uncertainty are set to escalate. They were highlighted in a report about IPCC procedures published in late August in response to growing criticism about IPCC errors. The report highlighted distortions and exaggerations in IPCC reports, many of which involved not correctly representing uncertainty about specific predictions.

“The latest climate modeling runs are trying to deal with a range of factors not dealt with in the past.”

But efforts to rectify the problems in the next IPCC climate-science assessment (AR5) are likely to further shake public confidence in the reliability of IPCC climate forecasts.

Last January, Trenberth, head of climate analysis at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Boulder, Colo., published a little-noticed commentary in Nature online. Headlined “More Knowledge, Less Certainty,” it warned that “the uncertainty in AR5’s predictions and projections will be much greater than in previous IPCC reports.” He added that “this could present a major problem for public understanding of climate change.” He can say that again.

This plays out most obviously in the critical estimate of how much warming is likely between 1990, the baseline year for most IPCC work, and 2100. The current AR4 report says it will be between 1.8 and 4.0 degrees Celsius (3 to 7 degrees F). But the betting is now that the range offered next time will be wider, especially at the top end.

The public has a simple view about scientific uncertainty. It can accept that science doesn’t have all the answers, and that scientists try to encapsulate those uncertainties with devices like error bars and estimates of statistical significance. What even the wisest heads will have trouble with, though, is the notion that greater understanding results in wider errors bars than before.

Trenberth explained in his Nature commentary why a widening is all but certain. “While our knowledge of certain factors [responsible for climate change] does increase,” he wrote, “so does our understanding of factors we previously did not account for or even recognize.” The trouble is this sounds dangerously like what Donald Rumsfeld, in the midst of the chaos of the Iraq War, famously called “unknown unknowns.” I would guess that the IPCC will have even less luck than he did in explaining what it means by this.

The latest climate modeling runs are trying to come to grips with a range of factors ignored or only sketchily dealt with in the past. The most troubling is the role of clouds. Clouds have always been recognized as a ticking timebomb in climate models, because nobody can work out whether warming will change them in a way that amplifies or moderates warming — still less how much. And their influence could be very large. “Clouds remain one of the largest uncertainties in the climate system’s response to temperature changes,” says Bruce Wielicki, a scientist at NASA’s Langley Research Center who is investigating the impact of clouds on the Earth’s energy budget.

An added problem in understanding clouds is the role of aerosols from industrial smogs, which dramatically influence the radiation properties of clouds. “Aerosols are a mess,” says Thomas Charlock, a senior scientist at the Langley Research Center and co-investigator in a NASA project known as Clouds and the Earth’s Radiant Energy System (CERES). “We don’t know how much is out there. We just can’t estimate their influence with calculations alone.”

“Despite much handwringing, the IPCC has never worked out how to make sense of uncertainty.”

Trenberth noted in Nature, “Because different groups are using relatively new techniques for incorporating aerosol effects into the models, the spread of results will probably be much larger than before.”

A second problem for forecasting is the potential for warming to either enhance or destabilize existing natural sinks of carbon dioxide and methane in soils, forests, permafrost, and beneath the ocean. Again these could slow warming through negative feedbacks or — more likely, according to recent assessments — speed up warming, perhaps rather suddenly as the planetary system crosses critical thresholds.

The next models will be working hard to take these factors into better account. Whether they go as far as some preliminary runs published in 2005, which suggested potential warming of 10 degrees C (18 degrees F) or more is not clear. Of course, uncertainty is to be expected, given the range of potential feedbacks that have to be taken into account. But it is going to be hard to explain why, when you put more and better information into climate models, they do not home in on a more precise answer.

Yet it will be more honest, says Leonard Smith, a mathematician and statistician at the University of Oxford, England, who warns about the “naive realism” of past climate modeling. In the past, he says, models have been “over-interpreted and misinterpreted. We need to drop the pretense that they are nearly perfect. They are getting better. But as we change our predictions, how do we maintain the credibility of the science?”

The only logical conclusion for a confused and increasingly wary public may be that if the error bars were wrong before, they cannot be trusted now. If they do not in some way encapsulate the “unknowns,” what purpose do they have?

Despite much handwringing, the IPCC has never worked out how to make sense of uncertainty. Take the progress of those errors bars in assessing warming between 1990 and 2100.

The panel’s first assessment, published back in 1990, predicted a warming of 3 degrees C by 2100, with no error bars. The second assessment, in 1995, suggested a warming of between 1 and 3.5 degrees C. The third, in 2001, widened the bars to project a warming of 1.4 to 5.8 degrees C. The fourth assessment in 2007 contracted them again, from 1.8 to 4.0 degrees C. I don’t think the public will be so understanding if they are widened again, but that now seems likely.

Trenberth is nobody’s idea of someone anxious to rock the IPCC boat. He is an IPCC insider, having been lead author on key chapters in both 2001 and 2007, and recently appointed as a review editor for AR5. Back in 2005 he made waves by directly linking Hurricane Katrina to global warming. But in the past couple of years he has taken a growing interest in highlighting uncertainties in the climate science.

Late last year, bloggers investigating the “climategate” emails highlighted a message he sent to colleagues in which he said it was a “travesty” that scientists could not explain cool years like 2008. His point, made earlier in the journal Current Opinion in Environmental Stability, was that “it is not a sufficient explanation to say that a cool year is due to natural variability.” Such explanations, he said, “do not provide the physical mechanisms involved.” He wanted scientists to do better.

“Trenberth questioned if the IPCC wouldn’t be better off getting out of the prediction business.”

In his Nature commentary, Trenberth wondered aloud whether the IPCC wouldn’t be better off getting out of the prediction business. “Performing cutting edge science in public could easily lead to misinterpretation,” he wrote. But the lesson of climategate is that efforts to keep such discussion away from the public have a habit of backfiring spectacularly.

All scientific assessments have to grapple with how to present uncertainties. Inevitably they make compromises between the desire to convey complexity and the need to impart clear and understandable messages to a wider public. But the IPCC is caught on a particular dilemma because its founding purpose, in the late 1980s, was to reach consensus on climate science and report back to the world in a form that would allow momentous decisions to be taken. So the IPCC has always been under pressure to try to find consensus even where none exists. And critics argue that that has sometimes compromised its assessments of uncertainty.

The last assessment was replete with terms like “extremely likely” and “high confidence.” Critics charged that they often lacked credibility. And last August’s blue-chip review of the IPCC’s performance, by the InterAcademy Council, seemed to side with the critics.

The council’s chairman, Harold Shapiro of Princeton, said existing IPCC guidelines on presenting uncertainty “have not been consistently followed.” In particular, its analysis of the likely impacts of climate change “contains many statements that were assigned high confidence but for which there is little evidence.” The predictions were not plucked from the air. But the charge against the IPCC is that its authors did not always correctly portray the uncertainty surrounding the predictions or present alternative scenarios.

“We need to get used to greater uncertainty in imagining exactly how climate change will play out.”

The most notorious failure was the claim that the Himalayan glaciers could all have melted by 2035. This was an egregious error resulting from cut-and-pasting a non-peer reviewed claim from a report by a non-governmental organization. So was a claim that 55 percent of the Netherlands lies below sea level. But other errors were failures to articulate uncertainties. The study highlighted a claim that even a mild loss of rainfall over the Amazon could destroy 40 percent of the rainforest, though only one modeling study has predicted this.

Another headline claim in the report, in a chapter on Africa, was that “projected reductions in [crop] yield in some countries could be as much as 50 percent by 2020.” The only source was an 11-page paper by a Moroccan named Ali Agoumi that covered only three of Africa’s 53 countries (Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria) and had not gone through peer review. It simply asserted that “studies on the future of vital agriculture in the region have shown… deficient yields from rain-based agriculture of up to 50 percent during the 2000-2020 period.” No studies were named. And even Agoumi did not claim the changes were necessarily caused by climate change. In fact, harvests in North Africa already differ by 50 percent or more from one year to the next, depending on rainfall. In other words, Agoumi’s paper said nothing at all about how climate change might or might not change farm yields across Africa. None of this was conveyed by the report.

In general, the InterAcademy Council’s report noted a tendency to “emphasise the negative impacts of climate change,” many of which were “not supported sufficiently in the literature, not put into perspective, or not expressed clearly.” Efforts to eliminate these failings will necessarily widen the error bars on a range of predictions in the next assessment.

We are all — authors and readers of IPCC reports alike — going to have to get used to greater caution in IPCC reports and greater uncertainty in imagining exactly how climate change will play out. This is probably healthy. It is certainly more honest. But it in no way undermines the case that we are already observing ample evidence that the world is on the threshold of profound and potentially catastrophic warming. And it in no way undermines the urgent need to do something to halt the forces behind the warming.

Some argue that scientific uncertainty should make us refrain from action to slow climate change. The more rational response, given the scale of what we could face, is the precise opposite.

POSTED ON 05 Oct 2010 IN Biodiversity Climate Climate Policy & Politics Science & Technology Australia