Arquivo mensal: fevereiro 2015

Memes ironizam previsão de temporal no Rio nesta quinta-feira (G1)

05/02/2015 17h15 – Atualizado em 05/02/2015 21h53

‘Ciclone In Rio’ e ‘Chuva no Rio #VemGente’ foram criados no Facebook.
Prefeitura montou esquema especial para enfrentar chuva que estava prevista.

Do G1 Rio

Memes da chuva no Rio (Foto: Reprodução de internet)

No Facebook, um evento simulanto o Rock In Rio, com o tema ‘Ciclone in Rio, Eu Fui’ também foi criado (Foto: Reprodução de internet)

A forte chuva que foi prevista por meteorologistas para cair na tarde desta quinta-feira (5) deixou muitos cariocas em alerta. A ausência de um grande temporal até as 20h, no entanto, inspirou os internautas que, desde a manhã, encheram as redes sociais de memes relacionados aos transtornos que seriam causados pela chuva.

No Facebook, pelo menos dois eventos foram criados. O “Ciclone In Rio” e o “Chuva no Rio #VemGente”. Na internet, também circulam fotos com a modelo Nana Gouveia posando perto de pessoas que, em outras situações, se refugiaram da chuva.

No Twitter, o personagem fictício Dilma Bolada, uma sátira da presidente, disse que decidiu mandar a chuva para Brasília. “Mandei desviar o ciclone do Rio de Janeiro para o Congresso Nacional. A cidade maravilhosa não merece uma coisa dessas!”. Na mesma rede social, internautas fazem diversas ironias como: “O governador Pezão acabou de anunciar que a chuva no Rio foi cancelada por questões de falta de água”.

No Twitter, internautas ironizam a chuva (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

No Twitter, internautas ironizam a chuva (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Alerta pela manhã
Pela manhã, a Prefeitura do Rio apresentou um esquema especial elaborado por diversos órgãos do município para enfrentar a chuva. Cerca de 3,2 mil agentes foram mobilizados no esquema.

A cidade entrou em estágio de atenção às 6h50, afirmou o prefeito Eduardo Paes durante uma coletiva de imprensa no Centro de Operações Rio, no Centro. O estágio de atenção é o segundo nível em uma escala de três e significa a possibilidade de chuva moderada, ocasionalmente forte.

Chuva no Rio 3 (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Chuva no Rio 6 (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

 

Chuva no Rio 8 (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Chuva no Rio (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Chuva no Rio 15 (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Chuva no Rio 7 (Foto: Reprodução/Twitter)

Memes da chuva no Rio (Foto: Reprodução de internet)

Meme brinca com o Cristo Redentor (Foto: Reprodução / Twitter)

Meme brinca com o Cristo Redentor (Foto: Reprodução / Twitter)

Brincadeiras como ator Tony Tornado (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook)

Brincadeiras como ator Tony Tornado (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook)

Diversos memes se espalharam pela web por conta da chuva (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook)

Diversos memes se espalharam pela web por conta da chuva (Foto: Reprodução/Facebook)

Memes da chuva no Rio (Foto: Reprodução de internet)

A modelo Nana Gouveia não escapou das piadas na internet em memes sobre a chuva no Rio (Foto: Reprodução de internet)

Prefeito do Rio diz que foi zombado até pelos filhos após previsão falhar (G1)

06/02/2015 10h22 – Atualizado em 06/02/2015 17h34

Eduardo Paes diz que procedimento para chuva forte será padrão. Piscinões para conter alagamento na Praça da Bandeira serão inaugurados.

Henrique Coelho Do G1 Rio

Prefeito Eduardo Paes garantiu que procedimento contra chuvas fortes se tornará padrão na cidade. (Foto: Henrique Coelho / G1)

Prefeito Eduardo Paes garantiu que procedimento contra chuvas fortes se tornará padrão na cidade. (Foto: Henrique Coelho / G1)

Mesmo após uma chuva menos intensa que o previsto nesta quinta-feira (5), a Prefeitura do Rio  afirmou que vai continuar adotando os mesmos procedimentos com a previsão de uma chuva e ventos fortes.

“As pessoas sempre pedem planejamento, e ainda bem que não aconteceu nada. Mas vamos continuar fazendo isso porque não podemos deixar de dividir as informações que temos com a população”, disse o prefeito Eduardo Paes, que levou na esportiva as brincadeiras publicadas em redes sociais após as chuvas. “Até meus filhos zombaram de mim hoje de manhã, mas eu entendo. Não tenho vocação para Cacique Cobra Coral”, brincou.

Nesta quinta-feira, a Prefeitura do Rio apresentou um esquema especial elaborado por diversos órgãos do município para enfrentar a situação. Cerca de 3,2 mil agentes foram mobilizados no esquema.

“Vamos continuar com o mesmo esquema, com homens da Comlurb, da Guarda municipal, Cet-Rio”, afirmou, acrescentando que quatro novos piscinões na área da Praça da Bandeira, um dos principais pontos de alagamento da cidade, serão inaugurados neste sábado (7).  “Não levamos a sério algumas coisas no passado, e agora vamos ficar sempre atentos”.

Paes criticou ainda o fato de algumas empresas liberarem seus funcionários mais cedo devido à ameaça de chuva forte. “O dia que for para sair mais cedo, nós vamos avisar”, disparou.

Em sua página pessoal no Facebook, Eduardo Paes reiterou que a prefeitura irá manter os alertas quando houver previsão de temporal. No texto, além de comentar o deboche dos próprios filhos, ele falou da seriedade ao tratar da possibilidade de chuva forte na capital.

“A gente já viu muito drama nesta cidade em razão das chuvas, muita gente morrendo e perdendo o seu patrimônio. O que tenho que afirmar é que isso deve passar a ser algo costumeiro na vida da gente. Toda vez que a gente der um alerta desse, as pessoas devem ficar atentas, como pedi ontem”, registrou o prefeito.

saiba mais

What do some Afro-Brazilian religions actually believe? (Washington Post)

 February 6 at 3:30 AM

Video

Candomblé is a Brazilian religion developed from animist beliefs, imported by African slaves. But the quasi-respectability gained in recent decades is now under attack from radical Evangelical Christians – a growing force in Catholic Brazil – who regard it as the devil’s work. (The Washington Post)

RIO DE JANEIRO — In its contemporary form, Brazil’s Candomblé religion looks about as removed from Western Christianity as could be imagined. It must have seemed positively diabolical, then, to the brutal Portuguese overlords whose slaves imported it from Africa, and whom they believed had been converted. Those slaves may have cleverly “synchronized” their own deities with Catholic saints to be able to continue worshiping, but they did not synchronize their beliefs.

This does not make Candomblé the devil’s work. It does not have the concept of heaven and hell, nor a rigid moral code in the sense that Christians would understand it. Instead, believers are supposed to fulfill their destiny, whatever that might be. Both men and women can become priests. Homosexuality is accepted, secretive animal sacrifices play an important role and the sexual lives of devotees are their own business when they are outside the walls of the Candomblé “house,” or center.

Decorative body paint, jewelry and costumes are part in a Candomble ceremony in Rio de Janeiro on Jan. 23. (Lianne Milton for The Washington Post)

There are elaborate theatrical rituals, with costumes and accessories that can include robes, small swords and shields, a mini archer’s bow, and even as witnessed in one ceremony in Rio, an elaborate silver helmet with a tiny figure on a plinth on top that looked like something a 19th-century Prussian army officer might have sported.

But these accoutrements are no more outlandish than a Catholic Mass might have appeared to an 19th-century African who had just been enslaved. Candomblé is a religion like any other, with its own rules, hierarchies and sense of the spiritual. This is true especially in Brazil, where the existence of spirituality and an afterlife is regarded as an incontestable truth by the majority of the population — be they Catholics, or followers of more esoteric, yet tolerated religions, such as the spiritualist sect that follows the teachings of 19th-century French writer Hippolyte Léon Denizard Rivail, who wrote the Spiritist Codification under the pseudonym Allan Kardec.

Or followers of both, because many Catholics have no problem also being spiritualists. Religious duality is popular in Brazil, one reason why some estimates put followers of Candomblé and its sister religion, Umbanda, in the tens of millions, not the official half a million or so who admitted to it in the 2010 government census.

Candomblé is an oral culture with no sacred text. There are seven Candomblé nations — or variations – such as Ketu and Angola, depending on which Brazilian state it developed in, and where in Africa the slaves practicing it came from. They believe in a supreme being, called Olódùmarè (whose name can be spelled with or without the accents). Beneath this god are 16 Orixás — deities, or entities — many of whom have characteristics that are distinctly human in nature.

Yemanjá, the sea goddess, is given gifts like flowers or champagne by millions of Brazilians every New Year’s Eve. She is sometimes associated with the Virgin Mary, but she is also famously vain.

The warrior Ogum is linked to Saint George — courageous and persistent, and popular in Brazil for these qualities.

Then there is a female Orixá of the wind, Iansã, who is — as might be expected in Brazil — a more sensual deity.

Nature is perhaps the single most important factor in Candomblé, and each Orixá is connected to an element. “All of them are responsible for a part of nature,” said Rodrigo Silva, “father-of-saint,” or priest of the Logun Edé Palace Candomblé center. It is not uncommon to see Candomblé being practiced on beaches, or in waterfalls. “Our gods are ecological gods,” said Beatriz Moreira Costa, 84, a revered priestess called Mother Beatá.

In its sister religion, Umbanda, invented in Rio in the early 20th century, both the Catholic God and reincarnation also play a part. “It is a Christian doctrine,” said Tábata Lugao, 27, a recent convert. Orixás and Catholic saints are synchronized — but Umbanda also has its own holy figures, such as Preto Velho, or “Old Black Man,” a wily old slave figure who smokes a pipe.

The mostly female, middle-age worshippers being “incorporated” by Preto Velho at a recent Umbanda ceremony in São Gonçalo, near Rio, drank beer and smoked cigars and appeared to be enjoying themselves enormously, but they also took their ceremony extremely seriously — another kind of quintessentially Brazilian religious duality.

Unlike Umbanda, Candomblé initiates spend 21 days in seclusion living in the center, before being initiated as Yaô (this can also be spelled in different ways). Then they can be “incorporated” by Orixás — and initiates have individual Orixás they must follow.

After seven years as a Yaô, they become an Egbomi, and can then decide if they want to progress to the highest stage, that of father-of-saint or mother-of-saint.

The musicians who play percussion and sing the songs in African languages at Candomblé ceremonies that aim to honor and conjure up the Orixás are another kind of Yaô, called Ogá.

This does not necessarily involve being righteous, and it is here, perhaps, that Candomblé is most controversial. Those priests who sell curses or spells, via lower-level spirits called Exús, prompt some of the prejudice that surrounds the religion. “There are those who have pleasure in doing bad, others who like to help,” said Silva.

His center, he emphasized, does not get involved in the darker side of Candomblé’s neighborhood witchcraft, pejoratively called Macumba in Brazil. “It was made to protect and help people who need this help,” he said. “We fight for peace.”

Chimps joining new troop learn its ‘words’: study (Reuters)

BY SHARON BEGLEY

NEW YORK, Thu Feb 5, 2015 1:03pm EST

(Reuters) – Just as Bostonians moving to Tokyo ditch “grapefruit” and adopt “pamplemousse,” so chimps joining a new troop change their calls to match those of their new troop, scientists reported on Thursday in the journal Current Biology.

The discovery represents the first evidence that animals besides humans can replace the vocal sounds their native group uses for specific objects – in the chimps’ case, apples – with those of their new community.

One expert on chimp vocalizations, Bill Hopkins of Yerkes National Primate Research Center in Atlanta, who was not involved in the study, questioned some of its methodology, such as how the scientists elicited and recorded the chimps’ calls, but called it “interesting work.”

Chimps have specific grunts, barks, hoots and other vocalizations for particular foods, for predators and for requests such as “look at me,” which members of their troop understand.

Earlier studies had shown that these primates, humans’ closest living relatives, can learn totally new calls in research settings through intensive training. And a 2012 study led by Yerkes’ Hopkins showed that young chimps are able to pick up sounds meaning “human, pay attention to me,” from their mothers.

But no previous research had shown that chimps can replace a call they had used for years with one used by another troop. Instead, primatologists had thought that sounds referring to objects in the environment were learned at a young age and essentially permanent, with any variations reflecting nuances such as how excited the animal is about, say, a banana.

In the new research, scientists studied adult chimpanzees that in 2010 had been moved from a safari park in the Netherlands to Scotland’s Edinburgh Zoo, to live with nine other adults in a huge new enclosure.

It took three years, and the formation of strong social bonds among the animals, but the grunt that the seven Dutch chimps used for “apple” (a favorite food) changed from a high-pitched eow-eow-eow to the lower-pitched udh-udh-udh used by the six Scots, said co-author Simon Townsend of the University of Zurich. The change was apparent even to non-chimp-speakers (scientists).

“We showed that, through social learning, the chimps could change their vocalizations,” Townsend said in an interview. That suggests human language isn’t unique in using socially-learned sounds to signify objects.

Unanswered is what motivated the Dutch chimps to sound more like the Scots: to be better understood, or to fit in by adopting the reining patois?

(Reporting by Sharon Begley; Editing by Nick Zieminski)

Clive Hamilton: Climate change signals the end of the social sciences (The Conversation)

January 24 2013, 7.24pm
Clive Hamilton

Our impact on the earth has brought on a new geographical epoch – The Age of Humans.AAP/Damien Shaw

In response to the heatwave that set a new Australia-wide record on 7 January, when the national average maximum reached 40.33°C, the Bureau of Meteorology issued a statement that, on reflection, sounds the death knell for all of the social sciences taught in our universities.

“Everything that happens in the climate system now”, the manager of climate monitoring at the Bureau said, “is taking place on a planet which is a degree hotter than it used to be.”

Eminent US climate scientist, Kevin Trenberth, made the same point more fully last year:

The answer to the oft-asked question of whether an event is caused by climate change is that it is the wrong question. All weather events are affected by climate change because the environment in which they occur is warmer and moister than it used to be.

Trenberth’s commentary calls on us to reframe how we think about human-induced climate change. We can no longer place some events into the box marked “Nature” and some into the box marked “Human”.

The invention of these two boxes was the defining feature of modernity, an idea founded on Cartesian and Kantianphilosophies of the subject. Its emergence has also been tracked by science studies in the contradiction between purified science and the messy process of knowledge creation, leading to Bruno Latour’s troubling claim that the separation of Human and Nature was an illusion, and that “we have never been modern”.

Climate science is now telling us that such a separation can no longer be sustained, that the natural and the human are mixed up, and their influences cannot be neatly distinguished.

This human-nature hybrid is true not just of the climate system, but of the planet as a whole, although it would be enough for it to be true of the climate system. We know from the new discipline of Earth system science that changes in the atmosphere affect not just the weather but the Earth’s hydrosphere (the watery parts), the biosphere (living creatures) and even the lithosphere (the Earth’s crust). They are all linked by the great natural cycles and processes that make the planet so dynamic. In short, everything is in play.

Apart from climatic change, it is apparent that human activity has transformed the Earth in profound ways. Every cubic metre of air and water, every hectare of land now has a human imprint, from hormones in the seas, to fluorocarbons in the atmosphere and radioactivity from nuclear weapons tests in the soil.

Each year humans shift ten times more rock and soil around the Earth than the great natural processes of erosion and weathering. Half of the land surface has been modified by humans. Dam-building since the 1930s has held back enough water to keep the oceans three centimetres lower than otherwise. Extinctions are now occurring at a rate 100 times faster than the natural one.

So profound has been the influence of humans that Earth scientists such as Will Steffen have recently declared that the Earth has entered a new geological epoch, an epoch defined by the fact that the “human imprint on the global environment has now become so large and active that it rivals some of the great forces of Nature in its impact on the functioning of the Earth system”. Known as the Anthropocene, the Age of Humans, it marks the end of the Holocene, the 10,000-year period of remarkable climatic stability and clemency that allowed civilisation to flourish.

The modern social sciences — sociology, psychology, political science, economics, history and, we may add, philosophy — rest on the assumption that the grand and the humdrum events of human life take place against a backdrop of an inert nature. Only humans have agency. Everything worthy of analysis occurs in the sealed world of “the social”, and where nature does make itself felt – in environmental history, sociology or politics – “the environment” is the Umwelt, the natural world “over there” that surrounds us and sometimes intrudes on our plans, but always remains separate.

What was distinctive of the “social sciences” that emerged in 18th-century Europe was not so much their aspiration to science but their “social-only” domain of concern.

So the advent of the Anthropocene shatters the self-contained world of social analysis that is the terrain of modern social science, and explains why those intellectuals who remain within it find it impossible to “analyze” the politics, sociology or philosophy of climate change in a way that is true to the science. They end up floundering in the old categories, unable to see that something epochal has occurred, a rupture on the scale of the Industrial Revolution or the emergence of civilization itself.

A few are trying to peer through the fog of modernism. In an epoch-marking intervention, Chicago historian Dipesh Chakrabarty has argued that the distinction we have drawn between natural history and human history has now collapsed. With the arrival of the Anthropocene, humans have become a geological force so that the two kinds of history have converged and it is no longer true that “all history properly so called is the history of human affairs”.

E.H. Carr’s famous definition of history must now be discarded:

History begins when men begin to think of the passage of time in terms not of natural processes — the cycle of the seasons, the human life-span — but of a series of specific events in which men are consciously involved and which they can consciously influence.

From hereon our history will increasingly be dominated by “natural processes”, influenced by us but largely beyond our control. Our future has become entangled with that of the Earth’s geological evolution. As I argue in a forthcoming book, contrary to the modernist faith, it can no longer be maintained that humans make their own history, for the stage on which we make it has now entered into the play as a dynamic and capricious force.

And the actors too must be scrutinised afresh. If on the Anthropocene’s hybrid Earth it is no longer tenable to characterise humans as the rational animal, God’s chosen creatures or just another species, what kind of being are we?

The social sciences taught in our universities must now be classed as “pre-Anthropocene”. The process of reinventing them — so that what is taught in our arts faculties is true to what has emerged in our science faculties — will be a sustained and arduous intellectual enterprise. After all, it was not just the landscape that was scorched by 40.33°C, but modernism itself.

Seca faz cidade submersa há 45 anos ressurgir em SP (OESP)

Em Igaratá Velha (SP)

31/01/201509h00 Atualizada 31/01/201512h58 

Carlos de Almeida, 50, morador de Igaratá (SP), exibe uma foto da antiga cidade, inundada desde março de 1969

Carlos de Almeida, 50, morador de Igaratá (SP), exibe uma foto da antiga cidade, inundada desde março de 1969. Tiago Queiroz/Estadão

A seca que atinge o rio Jaguari fez reaparecer as ruínas de uma cidade que estava submersa desde março de 1969, quando começou a construção dos reservatórios usados na geração de energia para a região do Vale do Paraíba e do Sistema Cantareira.

No fundo de uma represa, que está 30 metros abaixo do nível normal, entre Joanópolis e São José dos Campos, no interior paulista, a igreja matriz, a praça e a rua principal da Igaratá Velha ressurgiram e se transformaram em ponto turístico.

Os 2 mil moradores do antigo povoado de Igaratá Velha, formado em meados de 1865 em uma confluência dos Rios Jaguari e do Peixe, foram removidos para uma nova cidade homônima um século depois. Criada em dezembro de 1969 a 3 quilômetros da antiga cidade, a nova Igaratá nasceu em um terreno da antiga Centrais Elétricas de São Paulo (Cesp), doado aos moradores. Hoje, o município tem cerca de 9 mil habitantes.

O reaparecimento das ruínas da Igreja Nossa Senhora do Patrocínio emociona quem viveu no antigo povoado. Um grupo colocou uma nova cruz onde ficava a igreja. “O pessoal mais velho vem e passa o domingo rezando em volta da cruz. Não querem que a água cubra de volta a igreja”, diz o agricultor Edilson Cardoso, de 32 anos.

Com um quadro da Igaratá Velha debaixo dos braços, o pescador José Carlos de Almeida, de 50 anos, cobra R$ 5 para levar turistas de canoa até as ruínas do antigo grupo escolar, no meio da represa. “Se a represa baixar os 10 metros que faltam, vai reaparecer a cidade inteira.”

A prefeitura de Igaratá também fez melhorias na pista de terra que dá acesso às ruínas, para facilitar a visitação. “Uma pena não ter dinheiro para fazer a preservação das peças encontradas. Muita coisa as pessoas já levaram embora”, diz o secretário de Obras de Igaratá, Emerson Rodrigues, de 35 anos.

Enchentes

Na época da remoção promovida pela Cesp, a maior parte dos moradores concordava com a mudança. “Era muita enchente. No período das chuvas todo mundo tinha de sair de casa. Só os mais antigos não queriam mudar”, recorda José Rodrigues, de 72 anos.

Na nova Igaratá, a emoção pelo ressurgimento da antiga igreja parece ter anestesiado a preocupação com a seca. Mesmo entre os mais jovens a curiosidade é grande. Muitos querem descobrir onde ficava a casa da avó, da tia que morreu, do prefeito.

Telhas dos anos 1940, escadarias, tanques de lavar roupa e restos das cadeiras da praça podem ser observados sobre o solo seco. No meio da represa estão estacas das casas demolidas na época da inundação.

“Toda semana aparece uma coisa nova. Muito velhinho vem aqui e se emociona, chora mesmo”, conta Fabio Saltonato, de 28 anos. “Quero achar a casa que era do meu pai. Pelo que vi nas fotos, se baixar mais 2 metros ela vai aparecer. Quem sabe depois do carnaval.”

Mas a seca derrubou o turismo, principal atividade econômica de Igaratá. Na beira da represa, dezenas de chácaras e sítios de veraneio estão à venda. Pontos que funcionavam como marinas estão vazios. “Com essa transposição de água da represa, a cidade vai ‘morrer’ economicamente. Esse é nosso medo”, diz o secretário de Obras.

Polícia Militar tem 25 policiais infiltrados em torcidas organizadas de SP (UOL)

Vinícius Segalla

Do UOL, em São Paulo 31/01/201506h04 

O 2º Batalhão de Choque da PM de São Paulo

Policiais do 2º Batalhão de Choque da PM-SP marcham durante treinamento diário em seu quartel, na região central de São Paulo Thais Haliski/UOL

O Segundo Batalhão de Choque da Polícia Militar em São Paulo mantém 25 policiais infiltrados nas torcidas organizadas dos principais clubes de futebol do Estado de São Paulo. Eles assistem no estádio às principais partidas dos clubes a que são designados, ficando no mesmo local e usando as camisas de torcidas organizadas como Gaviões da Fiel (Corinthians), Mancha Alviverde (Palmeiras), Independente (São Paulo) e Força e Sangue Jovem (Santos).A ação é executada pelo núcleo de inteligência do 2º Batalhão de Choque da Polícia Militar de São Paulo, responsável pelo policiamento e controle de distúrbios de eventos esportivos realizados no Estado.

De acordo com o capitão Marçal Ricardo Razuk, comandante da 1ª Companhia do 2º Batalhão, o trabalho dos agentes infiltrados – que não se identificam como policiais, e interagem e criam relações com os reais torcedores organizados – não visa identificar criminosos ou práticas ilícitas, mas sim compreender as dinâmicas que interferem nas ações desses grupos, conforme ele mesmo exemplifica:

“Este trabalho nos ajuda a entender que, atualmente, os maiores conflitos e possíveis focos de violência estão em rivalidades que surgiram e vêm crescendo entre torcidas organizadas de um mesmo clube, ou ainda entre grupos rivais dentro de uma mesma torcida organizada”.

Para Razuk, que há 16 anos (desde sua formatura como oficial da PM) atua no policiamento em estádios, o confronto entre torcidas de clubes rivais vem sendo combatido paulatinamente pela polícia desde 1995, quando uma batalha campal no gramado do Pacaembu entre torcedores armados de pedras e paus de Palmeiras e São Paulo (após uma final de um campeonato de juniores) levou à morte de um torcedor são paulino de 16 anos.

De lá para cá, afirma o capitão, o esforço da PM em separar rigidamente a entrada dos torcedores rivais nos campos de jogos, e o reforço do policiamento nas dependências internas dos estádios foi, ao longo do tempo, reduzindo a violência no interior das praças esportivas.

Em um segundo momento, coibiu-se os combates entre torcedores nas áreas próximas ou distantes dos estádios, como estações de metrô ou proximidades de sedes de torcidas organizadas. Isso se fez através de táticas como escolta de torcidas com policiais, viaturas e motocicletas, e criação de rotas de acesso específicas e monitoradas para cada torcida.

Assim, o foco de distúrbio que a Polícia Militar enxerga agora são as rivalidades internas das torcidas de cada clube. “No Corinthians, tem conflito entre Gaviões da Fiel, Camisa 12 e Estopim da Fiel. A Falange Tricolor tem rivalidade com a Independente, as duas do São Paulo. A rixa entre Mancha (Alvi) Verde e TUP (Torcida Uniformizada do Palmeiras) é conhecida há anos, como também entre Sangue Jovem e Torcida Jovem do Santos”, enumera o comandante do Choque.

Isso não quer dizer que não exista mais violência entre torcedores de times rivais. No último dia 23, corintianos e são-paulinos brigaram entre si e com a PM após um jogo da Taça São Paulo de Futebol Júnior realizado em Limeira, a 143 quilômetros da capital.

A polícia planejara manter os são-paulinos no estádio por mais 30 minutos após o termino da partida, mas depois da vitória alvinegra por 3 a 0, o plano foi alterado, e os torcedores dos dois clubes se encontraram nas ruas de Limeira logo depois do jogo. Houve confronto, e a polícia interviu com balas de borracha e bombas de gás e de efeito moral. “O que houve ali foi mais um problema político. O policiamento não foi feito pelos batalhões de choque, entenderam que não havia necessidade de nos deslocar até lá, e a operação executada não foi a que costuma ser padrão”, afirma o capitão Razuk.
Passagem de poder

Outro foco de discórdia e violência nas torcidas organizadas detectado pela PM se dá entre grupos rivais pertencentes a uma mesma torcida. Ocorre nos momentos em que pessoas que lideram e gozam de prestígio em uma organizada vão ficando mais velhos e tendo sua liderança e linha de conduta substituídas por grupos mais jovens.

“A torcidas são diferentes. Há torcidas que têm lideranças nítidas. Como há também torcidas em que um presidente ou diretor só tem a figura de líder, sem mandar em ninguém. Existe, também, o pessoal da velha guarda, que não são mais os líderes constituídos, mas que possuem uma grande liderança natural, às vezes positiva e às vezes negativa, em cima dos demais torcedores”, explica o oficial da PM.

De fenômenos como esses, surgem situações como a que existe atualmente na Gaviões da Fiel, a maior torcida organizada do Estado. “Lá (na Gaviões), houve o surgimento de uma facção, a Gaviões da Rua São Jorge”, conta Razuk. Dividida, a torcida vive uma situação de disputa entre grupos rivais, que, não raro, leva a situações de violência.

TREINAMENTO E AÇÃO DO 2º BATALHÃO DE CHOQUE DA PM DE SÃO PAULO

A fim de evitar que atos violentos ocorram, os policiais infiltrados da inteligência do 2º Batalhão de Choque buscam detectar os humores, planos e ações desses grupos no âmbito de suas rixas, munindo a PM de informações que permitam que ela haja preventivamente.

Ainda que enxergue conexão direta entre a conjuntura de violência nos estádios paulistas com as torcidas organizadas, o capitão do Choque não é favorável à extinção das torcidas ou à proibição de seus membros frequentarem os estádios vestindo seus uniformes. Ele recorda uma partida emblemática para sustentar sua posição.

“Em 2006, após um jogo entre Corinthians e River Plate (Argentina) no Pacaembu, em que o Corinthians foi eliminado da Copa Libertadores, os torcedores tentaram invadir o gramado, e a PM evitou uma tragédia. Depois disso, durante cerca de quatro meses, os torcedores foram proibidos de entrar com camisas de torcidas nos estádios.

Sabe o que aconteceu? Os torcedores entravam nos jogos sem as camisas, mas se portavam da mesma maneira. Ficavam concentrados nos mesmo locais e cantavam as mesmas músicas, só que com uma coisa diferente: aumentaram as provocações deles à polícia, eles passaram a achar que tinham ‘perdido a briga com a PM’, e queriam ir à forra”.

Depois disso, os gaviões começaram a entrar nos estádios com faixas escondidas, que traziam o nome da torcida. “Pela determinação legal da época, nós deveríamos apreender aquelas faixas, que estavam proibidas. Mas não fizemos isso, porque só aumentaria o clima de rivalidade. A verdade é que o futebol paulista perdeu muito com aquele episódio, por isso não acredito em extinção ou proibição de torcidas”, argumenta o oficial.

Já em relação aos mastros de bandeira, que todos os anos, em início de temporada (o Campeonato Paulista começa neste sábado (31)), voltam ao centro dos debates trazidos por aqueles que defendem sua volta aos estádios, o capitão do Choque é taxativo: “Defendemos e defenderemos, legalmente, se preciso, que os mastros de bandeira não voltem às arquibancadas. E também não permitimos quaisquer objetos que possam ser utilizados para ferir uma pessoa, porque sabemos que eles foram e serão utilizados para isso caso sejam permitidos”.

A lista de itens proibidos nas arquibancadas paulistas foi acrescida neste mês pelo chamado “pau de selfie”, um bastão metálico utilizado por pessoas para fotografarem a si mesmas com maior distância entre si e o telefone celular com câmera. “Em um estádio de futebol, nas mãos de um torcedor mal intencionado, pode virar uma arma. Então, não entra.”

The Paradox of the Proof (Project Wordsworth)

By Caroline Chen

MAY 9, 2013


On August 31, 2012, Japanese mathematician Shinichi Mochizuki posted four papers on the Internet.

The titles were inscrutable. The volume was daunting: 512 pages in total. The claim was audacious: he said he had proved the ABC Conjecture, a famed, beguilingly simple number theory problem that had stumped mathematicians for decades.

Then Mochizuki walked away. He did not send his work to the Annals of Mathematics. Nor did he leave a message on any of the online forums frequented by mathematicians around the world. He just posted the papers, and waited.

Two days later, Jordan Ellenberg, a math professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, received an email alert from Google Scholar, a service which scans the Internet looking for articles on topics he has specified. On September 2, Google Scholar sent him Mochizuki’s papers: You might be interested in this.

“I was like, ‘Yes, Google, I am kind of interested in that!’” Ellenberg recalls. “I posted it on Facebook and on my blog, saying, ‘By the way, it seems like Mochizuki solved the ABC Conjecture.’”

The Internet exploded. Within days, even the mainstream media had picked up on the story. “World’s Most Complex Mathematical Theory Cracked,” announced the Telegraph. “Possible Breakthrough in ABC Conjecture,” reported the New York Times, more demurely.

On MathOverflow, an online math forum, mathematicians around the world began to debate and discuss Mochizuki’s claim. The question which quickly bubbled to the top of the forum, encouraged by the community’s “upvotes,” was simple: “Can someone briefly explain the philosophy behind his work and comment on why it might be expected to shed light on questions like the ABC conjecture?” asked Andy Putman, assistant professor at Rice University. Or, in plainer words: I don’t get it. Does anyone?

The problem, as many mathematicians were discovering when they flocked to Mochizuki’s website, was that the proof was impossible to read. The first paper, entitled “Inter-universal Teichmuller Theory I: Construction of Hodge Theaters,” starts out by stating that the goal is “to establish an arithmetic version of Teichmuller theory for number fields equipped with an elliptic curve…by applying the theory of semi-graphs of anabelioids, Frobenioids, the etale theta function, and log-shells.”

This is not just gibberish to the average layman. It was gibberish to the math community as well.

“Looking at it, you feel a bit like you might be reading a paper from the future, or from outer space,” wrote Ellenberg on his blog.

“It’s very, very weird,” says Columbia University professor Johan de Jong, who works in a related field of mathematics.

Mochizuki had created so many new mathematical tools and brought together so many disparate strands of mathematics that his paper was populated with vocabulary that nobody could understand. It was totally novel, and totally mystifying.

As Tufts professor Moon Duchin put it: “He’s really created his own world.”

It was going to take a while before anyone would be able to understand Mochizuki’s work, let alone judge whether or not his proof was right. In the ensuing months, the papers weighed like a rock in the math community. A handful of people approached it and began examining it. Others tried, then gave up. Some ignored it entirely, preferring to observe from a distance. As for the man himself, the man who had claimed to solve one of mathematics’ biggest problems, there was not a sound.

For centuries, mathematicians have strived towards a single goal: to understand how the universe works, and describe it. To this objective, math itself is only a tool — it is the language that mathematicians have invented to help them describe the known and query the unknown.

This history of mathematical inquiry is marked by milestones that come in the form of theorems and conjectures. Simply put, a theorem is an observation known to be true. The Pythagorean theorem, for example, makes the observation that for all right-angled triangles, the relationship between the lengths of the three sides, ab and is expressed in the equation a2+ b2= c2. Conjectures are predecessors to a theorem — they are proposals for theorems, observations that mathematicians believe to be true, but are yet to be confirmed. When a conjecture is proved, it becomes a theorem and when that happens, mathematicians rejoice, and add the new theorem to their tally of the understood universe.

“The point is not to prove the theorem,” explains Ellenberg. “The point is to understand how the universe works and what the hell is going on.”

Ellenberg is doing the dishes while talking to me over the phone, and I can hear the sound of a small infant somewhere in the background. Ellenberg is passionate about explaining mathematics to the world. He writes a math column for Slate magazine and is working on a book called How Not To Be Wrong, which is supposed to help laypeople apply math to their lives.

The sounds of the dishes pause as Ellenberg explains what motivates him and his fellow mathematicians. I imagine him gesturing in the air with soapy hands: “There’s a feeling that there’s a vast dark area of ignorance, but all of us are pushing together, taking steps together to pick at the boundaries.”

The ABC Conjecture probes deep into the darkness, reaching at the foundations of math itself. First proposed by mathematicians David Masser and Joseph Oesterle in the 1980s, it makes an observation about a fundamental relationship between addition and multiplication. Yet despite its deep implications, the ABC Conjecture is famous because, on the surface, it seems rather simple.

It starts with an easy equation: a + b = c.

The variables ab, and c, which give the conjecture its name, have some restrictions. They need to be whole numbers, and and cannot share any common factors, that is, they cannot be divisible by the same prime number. So, for example, if was 64, which equals 26, then could not be any number that is a multiple of two. In this case, could be 81, which is 34. Now and do not share any factors, and we get the equation 64 + 81 = 145.

It isn’t hard to come up with combinations of and that satisfy the conditions. You could come up with huge numbers, such as 3,072 + 390,625 = 393,697 (3,072 = 210 x 3 and 390,625 = 58, no overlapping factors there), or very small numbers, such as 3 + 125 = 128 (125 = 5 x 5 x5).

What the ABC conjecture then says is that the properties of a and affect the properties of c. To understand the observation, it first helps to rewrite these equations a + b = c into versions made up of the prime factors:

Our first equation, 64 + 81 = 145, is equivalent to 26+ 34= 5 x 29.

Our second example, 3,072 + 390,625 = 393,697 is equivalent to  210 x 3 + 58 = 393,697 (which happens to be prime!)

Our last example, 3 + 125 = 128, is equivalent to 3 + 53= 27

The first two equations are not like the third, because in the first two equations, you have lots of prime factors on the left hand side of the equation, and very few on the right hand side. The third example is the opposite — there are more primes on the right hand side (seven) of the equation than on the left (only four). As it turns out, in all the possible combinations of a, b, and c, situation three is pretty rare. The ABC Conjecture essentially says that when there are lots of prime factors on the left hand of the equation then, usually, there will be not very many on the right side of the equation.

Of course, “lots of,” “not very many,” and “usually” are very vague words, and in a formal version of the ABC Conjecture, all these terms are spelled out in more precise math-speak. But even in this watered-down version, one can begin to appreciate the conjecture’s implications. The equation is based on addition, but the conjecture’s observation is more about multiplication.

“It really is about something very, very basic, about a tight constraint that relates multiplicative and additive properties of numbers,” says Minhyong Kim, professor at Oxford University. “If there’s something new to discover about that, you might expect it to be very influential.”

This is not intuitive. While mathematicians came up with addition and multiplication in the first place, based on their current knowledge of mathematics, there is no reason for them to presume that the additive properties of numbers would somehow influence or affect their multiplicative properties.

“There’s very little evidence for it,” says Peter Sarnak, professor at Princeton University, who is a self-described skeptic of the ABC conjecture. “I’ll only believe it when it’s proved.”

But if it were true? Mathematicians say that it would reveal a deep relationship between addition and multiplication that they never knew of before.

Even Sarnak, the skeptic, acknowledges this.

“If it’s true, then it will be the most powerful thing we have,” he says.

It would be so powerful, in fact, that it would automatically unlock many legendary math puzzles. One of these would be Fermat’s last theorem, an infamous math problem that was proposed in 1637, and solved only recently by Andrew Wiles in 1993. Wiles’ proof earned him more than 100,000 Deutsche marks in prize money (equivalent to about $50,000 in 1997), a reward that was offered almost a century before, in 1908. Wiles did not solve Fermat’s Last Theorem via the ABC conjecture — he took a different route — but if the ABC conjecture were to be true, then the proof for Fermat’s Last Theorem would be an easy consequence.

Because of its simplicity, the ABC Conjecture is well-known by all mathematicians. CUNY professor Lucien Szpiro says that “every professional has tried at least one night” to theorize about a proof. Yet few people have seriously attempted to crack it. Szpiro, whose eponymous conjecture is a precursor of the ABC Conjecture, presented a proof in 2007, but it was soon found to be problematic. Since then, nobody has dared to touch it, not until Mochizuki.

When Mochizuki posted his papers, the math community had much reason to be enthusiastic. They were excited not just because someone had claimed to prove an important conjecture, but because of who that someone was.

Mochizuki was known to be brilliant. Born in Tokyo, he moved to New York with his parents, Kiichi and Anne Mochizuki, when he was 5 years old. He left home for high school, attending Philips Exeter Academy, a selective prep school in New Hampshire. There, he whipped through his academics with lightning speed, graduating after two years, at age 16, with advanced placements in mathematics, physics, American and European history, and Latin.

Then Mochizuki enrolled at Princeton University where, again, he finished ahead of his peers, earning his bachelor’s degree in mathematics in three years and moving quickly onto his Ph.D, which he received at age 23. After lecturing at Harvard University for two years, he returned to Japan, joining the Research Institute for Mathematical Sciences at Kyoto University. In 2002, he became a full professor at the unusually young age of 33. His early papers were widely acknowledged to be very good work.

Academic prowess is not the only characteristic that set Mochizuki apart from his peers. His friend, Oxford professor Minhyong Kim, says that Mochizuki’s most outstanding characteristic is his intense focus on work.

“Even among many mathematicians I’ve known, he seems to have an extremely high tolerance for just sitting and doing mathematics for long, long hours,” says Kim.

Mochizuki and Kim met in the early 1990s, when Mochizuki was still an undergraduate student at Princeton. Kim, on exchange from Yale University, recalls Mochizuki making his way through the works of French mathematician Alexander Grothedieck, whose books on algebraic and arithmetic geometry are a must-read for any mathematician in the field.

“Most of us gradually come to understand [Grothendieck’s works] over many years, after dipping into it here and there,” said Kim. “It adds up to thousands and thousands of pages.”

But not Mochizuki.

“Mochizuki…just read them from beginning to end sitting at his desk,” recalls Kim. “He started this process when he was still an undergraduate, and within a few years, he was just completely done.”

A few years after returning to Japan, Mochizuki turned his focus to the ABC Conjecture. Over the years, word got around that he believed to have cracked the puzzle, and Mochizuki himself said that he expected results by 2012. So when the papers appeared, the math community was waiting, and eager. But then the enthusiasm stalled.

“His other papers – they’re readable, I can understand them and they’re fantastic,” says de Jong, who works in a similar field. Pacing in his office at Columbia University, de Jong shook his head as he recalled his first impression of the new papers. They were different. They were unreadable. After working in isolation for more than a decade, Mochizuki had built up a structure of mathematical language that only he could understand. To even begin to parse the four papers posted in August 2012, one would have to read through hundreds, maybe even thousands, of pages of previous work, none which had been vetted or peer-reviewed. It would take at least a year to read and understand everything. De Jong, who was about to go on sabbatical, briefly considered spending his year on Mochizuki’s papers, but when he saw height of the mountain, he quailed.

“I decided, I can’t possibly work on this. It would drive me nuts,” he said.

Soon, frustration turned into anger. Few professors were willing to directly critique a fellow mathematician, but almost every person I interviewed was quick to point out that Mochizuki was not following community standards. Usually, they said, mathematicians discuss their findings with their colleagues. Normally, they publish pre-prints to widely respected online forums. Then they submit their papers to the Annals of Mathematics, where papers are refereed by eminent mathematicians before publication. Mochizuki was bucking the trend. He was, according to his peers, “unorthodox.”

But what roused their ire most was Mochizuki’s refusal to lecture. Usually, after publication, a mathematician lectures on his papers, travelling to various universities to explain his work and answer questions from his colleagues. Mochizuki has turned down multiple invitations.

“A very prominent research university has asked him, ‘Come explain your result,’ and he said, ‘I couldn’t possibly do that in one talk,’” says Cathy O’Neil, de Jong’s wife, a former math professor better known as the blogger “Mathbabe.”

“And so they said, ‘Well then, stay for a week,’ and he’s like, ‘I couldn’t do it in a week.’

“So they said, ‘Stay for a month. Stay as long as you want,’ and he still said no.

“The guy does not want to do it.”

Kim sympathizes with his frustrated colleagues, but suggests a different reason for the rancor. “It really is painful to read other people’s work,” he says. “That’s all it is… All of us are just too lazy to read them.”

Kim is also quick to defend his friend. He says Mochizuki’s reticence is due to being a “slightly shy character” as well as his assiduous work ethic. “He’s a very hard working guy and he just doesn’t want to spend time on airplanes and hotels and so on.”

O’Neil, however, holds Mochizuki accountable, saying that his refusal to cooperate places an unfair burden on his colleagues.

“You don’t get to say you’ve proved something if you haven’t explained it,” she says. “A proof is a social construct. If the community doesn’t understand it, you haven’t done your job.”

Today, the math community faces a conundrum: the proof to a very important conjecture hangs in the air, yet nobody will touch it. For a brief moment in October, heads turned when Yale graduate student Vesselin Dimitrov pointed out a potential contradiction in the proof, but Mochizuki quickly responded, saying he had accounted for the problem. Dimitrov retreated, and the flicker of activity subsided.

As the months pass, the silence has also begun to call into question a basic premise of mathematical academia. Duchin explains the mainstream view this way: “Proofs are right or wrong. The community passes verdict.”

This foundational stone is one that mathematicians are proud of. The community works together; they are not cut-throat or competitive. Colleagues check each other’s work, spending hours upon hours verifying that a peer got it right. This behavior is not just altruistic, but also necessary: unlike in medical science, where you know you’re right if the patient is cured, or in engineering, where the rocket either launches or it doesn’t, theoretical math, better known as “pure” math, has no physical, visible standard. It is entirely based on logic. To know you’re right means you need someone else, preferably many other people, to walk in your footsteps and confirm that every step was made on solid ground. A proof in a vacuum is no proof at all.

Even an incorrect proof is better than no proof, because if the ideas are novel, they may still be useful for other problems, or inspire another mathematician to figure out the right answer. So the most pressing question isn’t whether or not Mochizuki is right — the more important question is, will the math community fulfill their promise, step up to the plate and read the papers?

The prospects seem thin. Szpiro is among the few who have made attempts to understand short segments of the paper. He holds a weekly workshop with his post-doctoral students at CUNY to discuss the paper, but he says they are limited to “local” analysis and do not understand the big picture yet. The only other known candidate is Go Yamashita, a colleague of Mochizuki at Kyoto University. According to Kim, Mochizuki is holding a private seminar with Yamashita, and Kim hopes that Yamashita will then go on to share and explain the work. If Yamashita does not pull through, it is unclear who else might be up to the task.

For now, all the math community can do is wait. While they wait, they tell stories, and recall great moments in math — the year Wiles cracked Fermat’s Last Theorem; how Perelman proved the Poincaré Conjecture. Columbia professor Dorian Goldfeld tells the story of Kurt Heegner, a high school teacher in Berlin, who solved a classic problem proposed by Gauss. “Nobody believed it. All the famous mathematicians pooh-poohed it and said it was wrong.” Heegner’s paper gathered dust for more than a decade until finally, four years after his death, mathematicians realized that Heegner had been right all along. Kim recalls Yoichi Miyaoka’s proposed proof of Fermat’s Last Theorem in 1988, which garnered a lot of media attention before serious flaws were discovered. “He became very embarrassed,” says Kim.

As they tell these stories, Mochizuki and his proofs hang in the air. All these stories are possible outcomes. The only question is – which?

Kim is one of the few people who remains optimistic about the future of this proof. He is planning a conference at Oxford University this November, and hopes to invite Yamashita to come and share what he has learned from Mochizuki. Perhaps more will be made clear, then.

As for Mochizuki, who has refused all media requests, who seems so reluctant to promote even his own work, one has to wonder if he is even aware of the storm he has created.

On his website, one of the only photos of Mochizuki available on the Internet shows a middle-aged man with old-fashioned 90’s style glasses, staring up and out, somewhere over our heads. A self-given title runs over his head. It is not “mathematician” but, rather, “Inter-universal Geometer.”

What does it mean? His website offers no clues. There are his papers, thousands of pages long, reams upon reams of dense mathematics. His resume is spare and formal. He reports his marital status as “Single (never married).” And then there is a page called Thoughts of Shinichi Mochizuki, which has only 17 entries. “I would like to report on my recent progress,” he writes, February 2009. “Let me report on my progress,” October 2009. “Let me report on my progress,” April 2010, June 2011, January 2012. Then follows math-speak. It is hard to tell if he is excited, daunted, frustrated, or enthralled.

Mochizuki has reported all this progress for years, but where is he going? This “inter-universal geometer,” this possible genius, may have found the key that would redefine number theory as we know it. He has, perhaps, charted a new path into the dark unknown of mathematics. But for now, his footsteps are untraceable. Wherever he is going, he seems to be travelling alone.