Lord of All I Survey (Slate)

By 

Posted Thursday, May 2, 2013, at 10:30 AM

Science and religion

How much do you know about science and religion?. Illustration by Shutterstock/ollyy

Last week, a couple of online surveys came to my attention. Both were from the Pew Research Center (a non-profit, respected group); one was about public knowledge ofscience, the other about religion.

If you haven’t taken them, they are very short (13 and 15 questions each) and will literally only take a couple of minutes for you to fill out—they don’t ask for any specific personal info, and the questions are very simply stated. So please, go take them both before you continue reading here.

<sound of “Jeopardy!” theme>

OK, all done? How did you do?

Bragging time: I got all the answers right, on both quizzes. But, apropos of a test on religion, I have a confession: I guessed on the last religion question; I’m not all that clear on the First Great Awakening (though I knew it wasn’t Billy Graham, so my odds went up to 50/50 for my guess).

I found the questions and results interesting. I’ll note the religious test was given out in 2010 (32 questions were used in the phone survey; only 15 are listed online), but I didn’t find the questions particularly dated.

Not surprisingly, I was pretty confident in the science test, and knew my answers were right. I was shakier on some of the religious questions; I have a broad knowledge of many religions, but specifics not so much. Still, I did well.

Also not surprisingly, Americans didn’t fare so well in the science test (maybe we should make members of Congress pass both tests before being allowed to sit on the House Science Committee). But more interesting is which questions were answered incorrectly, and by what percentage; Pew reports the results.

For example, only 20 percent of the respondents were correct in answering that nitrogen is the most abundant element in our atmosphere (over three times more abundant than oxygen, which I’d guess is what most people think makes up the majority of our air). I think people should know that, in that I think people should have a broad working knowledge of basic science and its principles. On the other hand, it’s not criticallyimportant that people know that. It won’t directly impact their lives, for example.

On the other hand, only 58 percent knew that carbon dioxide causes rising temperatures. Global warming is a fantastically important issue, even if you think (incorrectly) it’s not real. Either way, it’s a big political topic, and one our economy (and our very lives) depends on. Yet 42 percent of Americans don’t know the single most basic fact about it.

That’s terrifying.

What I found most fascinating, though, are the percentiles of the overall surveys; that is, how many people got how many correct total. By getting all the science questions right, I did better than 93 percent of the people surveyed (only 7 percent got all 13 questions right). By getting all the religion questions right, I did better than 99 percent of the people surveyed (only 1 percent got them all right).

Mind you, only a few thousand people were surveyed, there was probably no overlap between the two groups, and it’s a small number of questions. Still, this implies something interesting: people know less about religion than science!

I’m not sure how strong an inference to take here. How do you compare the two questions? After all, most Americans are supposed to get a basic science education, but I expect it’s extremely unlikely that most will get a firm basic knowledge of religions other than their own (and sometimes not even then). I’d even bet there’s a bias against it, in fact.

So I wouldn’t read too much into this. It’s just interesting. I suspect the real impact of this survey is personal. What did you get right? What did you get wrong? How important is the distinction to you?

I think there’s always room for more learning, and if these surveys spur that on, even a little bit, then that’s a pretty good thing.

O mercado de almas selvagens (Rolling Stone)

Edição 63 – Dezembro de 2011

Missionários cristãos investem pesado na evangelização dos índios brasileiros com métodos ortodoxos, investimento internacional e persistência messiânica

O Mercado de almas selvagensINDIO SAN

por FELIPE MILANEZ

Jesus ressuscitou. Saiu do sepulcro e apareceu primeiro para Maria Madalena. Em seguida, ela anunciou aos que haviam estado com ele. Manifestou-se a dois que iam para o campo, e depois a outros. Finalmente, de acordo com o Evangelho segundo Marcos, capítulo 16, Jesus apareceu aos 11 assentados à mesa “e lançou-lhes em rosto a sua incredulidade e dureza de coração, por não haverem crido nos que o tinham visto já ressuscitado”. Disparou então, segundo o livro sagrado dos cristãos, a mensagem determinante da “missão”, em versículos 15 e 16:

“E disse-lhes: ide por todo o mundo, pregai o evangelho a toda criatura.”

“Quem crer e for batizado será salvo; mas quem não crer será condenado.”

No versículo 17, ainda segundo Marcos, Jesus vai mais longe: “E estes sinais seguirão aos que crerem: em meu nome expulsarão os demônios, falarão novas línguas”.

Condenadas à danação de um pecado original estão as criaturas não batizadas, portanto, todas as culturas não cristãs. Aos crentes, foi dada a obrigação, na forma de uma missão, da evangelização universal: eles deveriam traduzir a Bíblia para todas as línguas. Tarefa arriscada nos “confins da Terra”, que viria a ser complementada, pelo versículo 18, com a proteção divina: “Pegarão nas serpentes; e, se beberem alguma coisa mortífera, não lhes fará dano algum; e porão as mãos sobre os enfermos, e os curarão”.

Outubro de 2011, Caldas Novas, interior de Goiás: em um hotel de águas termais, tendas estão dispostas como uma conferência comercial, ou como uma feira de negócios na qual empresas utilizam estandes para vender seus pacotes e produtos. “Judeus por Jesus”; “Curso de Evangelização de Árabes”; “Missão Novas Tribos do Brasil”; “Adote um Povo”. Índios, ciganos, quilombolas, pobres do sertão nordestino: no VI Congresso Brasileiro de Missões, todas as criaturas desprovidas possuem representantes que negociam suas almas.

Minha alma, ateia, é a única condenada que circula pelo local. “Experimenta uma vez”, diz um senhor, com sorriso maroto no rosto. “Sou careta”, brinco. Ele quer que eu experimente a religião dele, como se fosse uma cápsula de felicidade a ser engolida. “Experimenta, você não vai se arrepender. Você vai ser feliz.”

Desconverso, contando histórias de aventuras na Amazônia. “Já sei”, diz o pastor Thomas Gregory. “Precisamos de gente com coragem.” Ele me oferece um exemplar do livro O Contrabandista de Deus, com a seguinte dedicatória: “Por Jesus vale a pena gastar nossas vidas! Experimente!” Em seguida, me apresenta a um jovem destemido da missão “Portas Abertas: Servindo Cristãos Perseguidos”. “Estamos indo traficar Bíblias para a China em dezembro. Ano que vem, vamos levar até a Coreia do Norte”, o rapaz me relata, determinado, consciente dos riscos de antecipar o que acredita ser o “julgamento final” e negando qualquer tipo de medo. “Não. Jesus está comigo”, diz.

No encontro organizado pela Associação de Missões Transculturais Brasileiras (AMTB), os índios são apenas uma parte de um universo pagão de almas condenadas. Parte pequena, porém cobiçada: de acordo com levantamento da própria AMTB, os índios são compreendidos como 616 mil indivíduos de 340 etnias (para a Funai são 220) e que falam 181 línguas. Ainda segundo os mesmos cálculos, no Brasil há 69 línguas sem a Bíblia traduzida, 182 etnias contam com presença missionária evangélica e 257 programas de evangelização estão em curso, coordenados por cerca de 15 agências missionárias de diferentes denominações evangélicas históricas, mas em sua maioria batista, associadas à AMTB.

De todas as almas selvagens existentes, as consideradas mais valiosas são as dos índios ditos “isolados”: elas representam o universo a ser conquistado e cuja alma adquire maior valor, econômico e moral, no mercado espiritual. O levantamento da AMTB indica que 147 etnias não possuem a presença missionária evangélica, e que 27 povos seriam considerados “isolados”. O principal desafio que consta no relatório “Indígenas do Brasil” são as “etnias remotas (com pouco ou nenhum contato externo)”, que somam 42 povos. A lista mais recente da Funai, a ser divulgada, aponta 84 referências onde podem existir povos indígenas sem contato. Nesses locais, geralmente áreas de difícil acesso, é proibida a entrada de qualquer indivíduo sem a autorização da Funai.

Os “índios isolados” são as comunidades indígenas que vivem de forma autônoma na floresta, evitam a aproximação com o universo ocidental e esse contato, se ocorrer, é eventual e conflituoso. A ocupação recente da Amazônia ocasionou os primeiros encontros com diversos povos, como os zo’é e suruwahá, que a Funai considera de “recente contato”. Eles recebem proteção especial em razão da vulnerabilidade física da população, suscetível a epidemias.

O principal objetivo dessas agências evangelizadoras é “alcançar” outras culturas com a leitura de sua forma de crença, daí o aspecto “trans” do tema “cultural” das religiões. “Precisamos de mais 500 novos missionários para pregar o Evangelho a todos os povos indígenas no Brasil”, conclama no microfone Ronaldo Lidório, um dos principais líderes desse movimento. Traduzindo: o objetivo é convencer os índios, assim como todas as pessoas do mundo, a se tornarem crentes – salvar as almas condenadas pelo pecado original.

Henrique terena é alto, tem cabelos longos e usa um charmoso cocar de penas azuis de arara. Falando com desenvoltura e retórica apurada, ele anda sempre próximo a Eli Tikuna, líder indígena que vem da margem do rio Solimões, já quase na fronteira com a Colômbia. Juntos, aguardam o chamado para pregar no salão lotado de brancos, curiosos para ouvir os tais “índios crentes”.

Grandes astros da conferência, os índios pastores formam o que os missionários evangélicos consideram ser a “terceira onda evangelizadora”. Primeiro, eram os estrangeiros que aportaram no Brasil com a Bíblia debaixo do braço (no século 19 e no pós-guerra); a segunda onda ocorreu por meio dos missionários brasileiros, com a institucionalização das missões estrangeiras no Brasil, ao longo da segunda metade do século passado; e hoje os próprios índios agem como missionários.

As almas indígenas são o objeto do alcance proselitista de um determinado grupo de evangélicos, principalmente os de denominação batista (conhecidos como “históricos”). O sistema de evangelização ocorre segundo regras capitalistas, com agências, igrejas e crentes financiadores. Por trás de tudo, há diversos interesses que se aliam com a conveniência exigida para a alma condenada ser alcançada – garimpeiros no Amapá, madeireiros e fazendeiros no Pará, seringueiros no Acre, o exército no Amazonas. Nessas alianças, domesticar os selvagens para servirem de mão de obra é o objetivo dos laicos. Já o alcance e a salvação das almas é a verdadeira missão religiosa.

Em 1991, a Fundação Nacional do Índio determinou a expulsão de todas as missões das áreas indígenas e rompeu os contratos que tinha com os missionários de prestação de saúde e educação para os índios. Por parte do governo, não havia o conhecimento exato do número de aldeias com presença missionária. Mas o então presidente da Funai, o sertanista Sidney Possuelo, conhecia de perto a atuação da New Tribes Mission (hoje, Missão Novas Tribos do Brasil) junto do povo zo’é, cujo primeiro contato ocorreu em 1986. Na época, a expedição contava com a presença de Edward Luz, que atualmente é o presidente da Novas Tribos do Brasil. Antropólogos afirmaram então que cerca de 30% da população índia pereceu devido a doenças levadas pelos missionários. Possuelo, que trabalhou junto aos zo’é, determinou a retirada dos missionários assim que assumiu a Funai. Na visão de Luz, que até hoje tenta retomar contato com os zo’é, a Funai “persegue” os missionários.

“Nós, como instituição, só temos a agradecer a essa perseguição. Porque quanto mais a perseguição vem, mais nós crescemos”, afirma Luz. “O Cristianismo sempre foi pautado por isso. O sangue dos mártires regava a semente daqueles que haviam de nascer. E no governo brasileiro isso foi a mesma coisa.”

Conheci Edward Luz no V Congresso Brasileiro de Missões, em 2008, em Águas de Lindoia (SP). Naquele momento, o drama da tribo dos índios suruwahá estava à tona: a Funai havia expulsado dali o grupo “Jovens com uma Missão” (Youth with a Mission, no original). Os missionários acusavam os índios de serem violentos assassinos de crianças e praticarem o infanticídio – era preciso a evangelização para salvá-los. A Funai culpa os missionários por uma leva de suicídios que chegou a atingir 10% da população local. Marcia Suzuki foi a missionária que se colocou como porta-voz do drama. “No Parque do Xingu também praticam o infanticídio, e dizem que não”, ela declarou na época. O tema do infanticídio foi levantado na mídia em torno de um filme de ficção, mas tratado como um “docudrama”, realizado pelo filho do fundador da Youth with a Mission, o cineasta David L. Cunningham. Em Hakani: A Survivor’s Story, índios suruwahá aparecem enterrando uma menina viva. O departamento da Funai que protege os suruwahá afirmou que os índios ficaram revoltados ao saber da história. Hakani, a tal criança índia, foi retirada da aldeia por Suzuki e hoje a acompanha em igrejas, na busca de recursos para a missão Atini. O drama de Hakani também serviu para divulgar um projeto de lei chamado Muwaji, que incriminaria funcionários públicos em caso de infanticídio e que legitimaria a presença de evangélicos em aldeias.

A bancada evangélica no Congresso Nacional, formada por cerca de 50 deputados, pouco se mobilizou. A maioria, pentecostal, é distante das denominações históricas, como os batistas. “Há evangélicos contra a evangelização dos índios, como os ecumênicos”, afirma Geter Borges, assessor parlamentar presente no Congresso Brasileiro de Missões. As divergências internas praticamente impediriam, diz ele, que a bancada mostrasse uma união sobre projetos – “não votam juntos, e não têm o peso e a força, por exemplo, dos ruralistas”, diz. Sobre a evangelização, Borges contextualiza: “Esse grupo da AMTB é que tem essa proposta de evangelizar os índios, que é proselitista. É a visão que se tem do Espírito Santo. Eu sou batista, mas creio que podemos ser salvos sem o batismo”.

A estratégia de utilizar os próprios índios como missionários foi definida no VI Congresso de Missões. E, para facilitar a realização do trabalho, eles farão uso de um dogma retórico: “O Estado não pode impedir um índio de encontrar um outro índio”, explica Luz. O objetivo das agências atualmente é capitalizar a maior quantidade de indígenas possível para se tornarem pastores. Para provocar uma reação pública, decidiram que irão solicitar, através dos índios kanamari, o ingresso na terra indígena Vale do Javari, onde está localizada a maior população de índios isolados remanescente do mundo. Caso a Funai negue a presença missionária, a estratégia prometida será acionar o Poder Judiciário contra o governo. “Metade dos povos indígenas não são aldeados. Um grande número frequenta as universidades. E a maioria fala: vou voltar para o meu povo e vou levar o evangelho pra eles. E contra essa força não há resistência”, conclama Luz.

O presidente da Novas Tribos insiste que o impedimento da entrada dos missionários nas aldeias tem cunho “ideológico”. “A Constituição não dá amparo para esse tipo de perseguição”, afirma Luz. “Nós temos o direito de pregar o evangelho para todo mundo. E toda pessoa tem o direito a aderir ou não. Vamos levar essa discussão às raias do Supremo.” Argumento-chave nesse debate é o que Luz chama de “direito da comunidade indígena de decidir o seu presente e seu futuro” – ou seja, de escolher sua religião. É o mesmo ponto levantado por alguns raros antropólogos que não se opõem aos missionários. “Os índios podem escolher seu destino”, declarou uma antropóloga evangélica que não quis ser identificada. “Agora, nem sempre os missionários são honestos nas opções que oferecem.”

“A motivação deles é ideológica: eles querem expandir a ideologia religiosa deles para todos os seres humanos do planeta”, rebate Márcio Meira, presidente da Funai, que alega que a Constituição Federal protege a liberdade de crença, assegurando a proteção aos locais de culto. Nesse caso, a Funai tem poder de vetar a entrada nas áreas habitadas por índios “isolados”, assim como dos povos de pouco contato: “Cabe ao Estado laico exercer o poder de proteção e impedir qualquer contato de missionários com índios isolados”.

“Alguns povos, como os zo’é, os yanomami, os suruwahá, possuem contato, mas não possuem elementos de conhecimento das outras religiões para tomar uma decisão. Temos que garantir seus espaços de liturgia”, prossegue Meira, afirmando ainda que a Fundação não intervém nos casos de povos com contato antigo com a sociedade envolvente. “A Funai tem a obrigação legal de respeitar a vontade dos índios de permanecerem isolados”, diz.

“Em 2 mil anos, a bíblia foi traduzida apenas para 500 línguas”, prega o pastor Ronaldo Lidório no grande salão do VI Congresso Brasileiro de Missões, com certo tom de indignação frente às ovelhas de seu rebanho. É a hora de provocar “um tsunami espiritual”, conforme reforça o pastor indígena Henrique Terena no mesmo salão principal. Todos parecem chocados com mais um dado “oficial” divulgado pela AMTB: “147 povos indígenas no Brasil não conhecem o Evangelho”.

O encontro das sociedades europeias com os índios na América aflorou entre os crentes a missão determinada pelo “ide” de Marcos. Pelo lado católico, a catequização foi praticada inicialmente na aliança da Companhia de Jesus, pelos jesuítas, com os estados colonizadores espanhol e português (rompida no século 18). As tentativas de conquista de holandeses e franceses foram acompanhadas de religiosos protestantes. Enquanto a famosa “Primeira Missa” católica foi celebrada em 26 de abril de 1500 pelo frade Henrique de Coimbra, o primeiro culto evangélico em terras brasileiras ocorreu mais de 50 anos depois, em 10 de março de 1557, no Rio de Janeiro, pelos huguenotes franceses. Poucos anos depois, Jacques Balleur foi enforcado por pregar a religião da Reforma junto aos índios tamoios.

Hoje, os católicos atendem sob a organização do Conselho Indigenista Missionário (Cimi), que prega, de forma oficial, o respeito às religiões indígenas. De acordo com essa leitura, o papel do Espírito Santo salvaria as almas, independentemente do batismo. “É a tese de São Tomás de Aquino. Mas alguns ainda praticam o proselitismo”, assume Paulo Suess, um dos principais teólogos do Cimi. “Nunca oficialmente. Nunca vão dizer isso abertamente em uma assembléia do Cimi. Mas na aldeia eles podem agir assim.” A última missão jesuíta em atividade no Brasil foi a Utiariti, no Mato Grosso, completamente destruída pelos índios nos anos 70. Alguns líderes indígenas, jovens na época, guardam más lembranças das atuações dos padres. “Forçavam o casamento interétnico”, recorda o índio pareci Daniel Cabixi. “A gente sofria muito.”

Com as revoluções sociais do pós-guerra, sobretudo por causa do Concílio Vaticano II, e a teologia da libertação que se desenvolveu em seguida, os católicos na América passaram a optar pelo princípio da “encarnação”, segundo manifesto escrito em Goiânia, em 1975: “Seguindo os passos de Cristo, optar seriamente, como pessoas e como igreja, por uma encarnação realista e comprometida com a vida dos povos indígenas, convivendo com eles, investigando, descobrindo e valorizando, adotando sua cultura e assumindo sua causa, com todas as consequências; superando as formas de etnocentrismo e colonialismo até o ponto de ser aceito como um deles”.

Em 1912, ocorreu a evangelização dos índios terenas, no atual Mato Grosso do Sul. Esse é o marco, entre os evangélicos, da primeira evangelização indígena no Brasil. E foi também entre os terenas que foi “plantada” a primeira igreja. Em julho de 2012, o Conselho Nacional dos Pastores e Líderes Indígenas (Conplei) prepara a comemoração do centenário desse primeiro batismo. “Vai ser um grande encontro”, promete o pastor Henrique Terena, que diz contar com a presença de indígenas evangélicos do Paraguai e da Bolívia. “Vamos receber cinco mil indígenas. E vamos criar o Conselho Mundial dos Pastores e Líderes Indígenas.” As inscrições para o evento custam de R$ 80 (índios) a R$ 200 (não índios).

Nesse verdadeiro mercado de almas que é o Congresso Brasileiro de Missões, até é possível “adotar” um povo. Em um dos estandes, a missionária explica: “Você assume esse povo, e deve orar por eles”. Além da oração, é sugerido também que sejam doados recursos para financiar o trabalho missionário. Valores não são mencionados, mas estima-se ser necessário cinco igrejas para sustentar o trabalho em um único povo. No palco, Eli Tikuna conta sobre o dia de glória que teve ao visitar uma igreja batista na Grande São Paulo: “Consegui R$ 10 mil em doações. Glória ao Pai!”

Na quinta edição do Congresso, em 2008, um empresário de São José dos Campos doou um avião modelo Caravan para a missão Asas do Socorro, que presta serviços de transporte aéreo para as agências missionárias e, segundo o comandante Rocindes Correa, conta já com 11 aeronaves. “Pregamos o evangelho integral, que cuida da alma, mas também da vida da comunidade”, diz Correa. Nesse intuito, a Asas do Socorro oferece também o transporte de médicos e dentistas evangélicos.

Segundo dados divulgados pela própria AMTB, a edição 2011 do Congresso Brasileiro de Missões custou por volta de US$ 40 mil e recebeu aproximadamente 500 pessoas (291 responderam a um questionário), sendo 40% batistas e mais da metade oriunda da região Sudeste. Um terço era de pastores, lideranças religiosas, e 98% dos presentes consideraram a programação “boa ou excelente”. A próxima edição, aliás, já tem data marcada: acontece em 2014.

E se jesus realmente retornar e for parar no meio dos índios? Dizem os crentes que a comunidade deverá estar preparada para recebê-lo – diferentemente do que aconteceu da primeira vez, quando ele nasceu em berço judaico durante a dominação romana e foi morto ainda jovem. Essa é a explicação sugerida pelo antropólogo Darcy Ribeiro, que morreu em 1997, sobre o principal motivo que leva os missionários a “gastarem sua vida” em nome da evangelização dos índios na Amazônia.

Foi Ribeiro quem trouxe os missionários do Summer Institut of Linguistics (SIL) para o Brasil, na década de 50. Preocupado com o desaparecimento das línguas indígenas, o antropólogo imaginaria que, ao custo da tradução da Bíblia, ao menos as línguas seriam documentadas, em caso de desaparecimento de um povo. Escreveu ele no livro Confissões: “Serviço maior meu foi mandar uma linguista do Instituto Linguístico de Verão, com doutorado, conviver com eles e dedicar-se por quase um ano ao estudo do idioma ofaié. Assim, ao menos sua língua se salvou pelo registro escrito e sonoro para futuros estudiosos das falas humanas”.

Quando se dedicou a salvar as línguas indígenas, Ribeiro desconhecia as ligações do SIL com a poderosa família norte-americana Rockfeller, que procurava novas jazidas de petróleo, e com a direita norte-americana e agências de informações dos Estados Unidos, fatos mostrados no livroThy Will Be Done, de Gerard Coilby e Charlotte Dennet. No Brasil, onde persiste o fantasma da “internacionalização da Amazônia”, essas ligações suspeitas fizeram crescer os temores de ações escusas dos missionários.

Se externamente há fantasmas da internacionalização, nas aldeias, os índios reclamam da interferência em suas culturas. Os missionários Manfred e Barbara Kern, da New Tribes, divulgaram que um dos líderes indígenas da tribo uru-eu-wau-wau, de Rondônia, teria cometido adultério. “Pelo que entendemos, ele é reincidente e já foi repreendido pelos outros líderes”, escreveram eles, em uma carta pública divulgada em 28 de junho. “Reze para o Senhor fazer um grande trabalho de restauração na sua vida e da sua esposa.” Os uru-eu formam um povo tupi e não são tradicionalmente monogâmicos, mas, de acordo com os missionários, estão “aprendendo a ser”.

A abordagem em relação ao adultério foi justamente o que chamou a atenção do líder indígena Davi Kopenawa Yanomami sobre a conduta suspeita de missionários. Ele afirma ter conhecido o Evangelho através da ação de membros da Novas Tribos, que estiveram presentes na aldeia yanomami Toototobi, e fez sua opção: “O missionário não é como garimpeiro. É outro político. Eles não invadiam a terra, mas a nossa cultura, a nossa tradição, o nosso conhecimento. Eles são outro pensamento para tirar o nosso conhecimento e depois colocar o conhecimento deles, a sabedoria deles, a religião deles. Isso é diferente. Eu, Davi, já fui crente. Junto com eles. Mas depois queria conhecer Jesus Cristo. E não deu certo. Um missionário não índio namorou uma yanomami. Daí não deu certo. Descobri que não é verdade. Aí eu não acreditei mais. São crentes falsos. E não acreditei mais”.

De fato, não é incomum as alianças estratégicas para a evangelização assumirem feições mais mundanas, muitas vezes contrárias aos direitos indígenas. Em um caso emblemático ocorrido em 1986, a Novas Tribos teria se unido a seringueiros que escravizavam índios no Acre, conforme relata o cacique yawanawa Biraci “Bira” Brasil.

Ainda jovem, Bira foi morar em Rio Branco (AC), onde percebeu que “nosso povo estava não apenas perdendo a língua, mas perdendo o nosso espírito. Nossa conexão espiritual com nós mesmos, com a natureza, com o nosso mundo, com os nossos ancestrais”. Decidiu, então, unir os jovens e expulsar os missionários, instalados na tribo por três décadas. “Convenceram todo mundo a ser crente. Botaram uma ameaça no nosso coração, dizendo que sem essa religião todo mundo iria para o inferno, que nós não teríamos salvação, não seríamos capaz de ser um povo feliz. Que nós vivíamos com o demônio. Que nossos rituais e nossas crenças eram coisas do demônio.”

“Eram racistas”, o cacique prossegue. “Não gostavam da gente, pareciam que tinham nojo de índio. Não deixavam índio andar no mesmo barco com eles. Não deixavam comer junto. Nos tratavam mal. Sem respeito. Principalmente os americanos. Eram muito arrogantes. A gente sofria muito. A gente tinha vergonha de ser a gente. A missão estava dizendo que a nossa cultura era coisa do demônio. Nossa ayahuasca, nossas cerimônias. Nós éramos proibidos, através da intimidação, de realizar nossos rituais. Do lado da missão estavam os seringalistas, seringueiros. Se aliavam com todo mundo. E a igreja fazia a gente aceitar ser dominado. Além da evangelização, dessa descaracterização cultural do nosso povo, ainda mantinham a presença dos não indígenas dentro da terra. Faziam a gente aceitar nossa condição de escravo.”

A expulsão dos missionários e dos seringueiros ocorreu em uma noite de 1986. Em carta publicada em 28 de fevereiro desse ano, os missionários Stephen e Corine relatam que na época os índios queriam “roubar seus pertences e queimar suas casas”. A Polícia Federal foi convocada, e Bira foi perseguido e acusado de ter se engajado com uma “organização de esquerda”.

Atualmente, Bira é referência espiritual na aldeia e há uma década organiza um dos maiores festivais indígenas do Brasil, o Yawa, quando recebe povos de outras etnias e visitantes ocidentais para celebrar a cultura e a espiritualidade yawanawa, com muito rapé e ayahuasca. Ele também viaja pelo mundo realizando rituais xamânicos tradicionais de seu povo. Aprendeu com os pajés Yawa e Tatá, que nunca deixaram de praticar os ritos, ainda que escondidos, durante a dominação da Missão Novas Tribos.

No que depender das agências evangelizadoras, porém, a luta está apenas começando. “A perseguição nos dá força. O sangue dos mártires regava as sementes daqueles que haviam de nascer”, reforça o missionário Edward Luz, prometendo jamais desistir de evangelizar o povo zo’é, de onde foi expulso pela Funai. “Nós vamos voltar para os zo’é. Não sei como. Mas vamos voltar. Nosso Deus é soberano. O homem pode espernear, mas no final vai ter um encontro com Deus. E, se não estiver preparado, vai sofrer.”

Luz prevê que, se o Estado tentar impedir a pregação da Bíblia nas aldeias, o fato poderia unir todas as denominações evangélicas, que são rivais entre si. “Se [o governo] proíbe pregar o evangelho, está proibindo a liberdade da adoração; proíbe o autor do evangelho, o senhor Jesus; e proibiu aBíblia, proibiu o Deus criador”, diz. E desafia: “E nós partimos para um confronto”

Sociologists Find Similarities in Meanings Behind Protestant Work Ethic, Religious Tattoos (Science Daily)

Jan. 23, 2013 — When it comes to religious tattoos, two Texas Tech University sociologists say the reasoning and spirit behind them is strikingly similar to a 100-year-old theory about how the Protestant work ethic powered the Industrial Revolution.

Professors Jerry Koch and Alden Roberts recently published their findings in the peer-reviewed The Social Science Journal.

Both sociologists said the sentiment behind the tattoos is reminiscent of Max Weber’s famous 1905 sociological work “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.” Koch and Roberts’ research is part of a larger study called Religion and Deviance at Four American Universities, which expands their research from the previous five years to give more national context.

“This particular article came out of some data we gathered and started as an afterthought to a pilot study,” Koch said. “At the end of the questionnaire, we appended an essay question and gave respondents a chance to tell us, if they had one, the story of their religious tattoo. As we started reading through the essays they wrote for us, we started to hear what we knew Max Weber would have appreciated. That, in a sense, these respondents were telling us ‘I want everyone to know that I believe I’m one of God’s people; and here is the evidence of that.’”

Go back nearly 100 years ago, and Weber described in this founding text of economic sociology how Calvinist views on their purpose on the planet helped to drive the Industrial Revolution, Koch said. A person’s profession, no matter how grand or lowly, was seen as an addition to the greater common good, and thereby blessed by God as a sacred calling. Work, for these Protestants, became a visible expression of their faith, and consequently helped to drive the machinery of the unplanned Industrial Revolution of the 19th century.

“Weber argued that the diligence and integrity that we often associate with Protestant work ethic was in one sense a way for individuals to demonstrate to themselves and others that they must be one of God’s elect, otherwise why would they be doing so well,” Koch said. “We are making the parallel saying that the rationale behind and the energy it takes to get a religious tattoo is perhaps to show the same thing.”

In Koch and Roberts’ study, the two gathered tattoo survey data from about 70 undergraduates at four American universities. Two were large, state-supported public institutions, and the other two were highly selective, private religious universities.

Koch and Roberts both noted this same Weberian spirit of public expression as respondents to their last-minute questions repeatedly indicated that their religious tattoos were, for them, evidence of the permanence of their faith, outward signs of religious commitment, or memorials to those they’ve loved and lost and presumably who they hoped went to heaven when they died.

About 65 percent of the respondents with religious tattoos came from secular state schools, the two found. However, 44 percent of the Southern Baptist students that reported having tattoos indicated that at least one was religious.

“The reasons for the religious tattoos were some people wanted a permanent reminder, or permanent advertisement to others,” Roberts said. “There were some that were troubled by the idea the body being a temple, others were not as troubled by that. Those who got religious tattoos were more likely to overtly express religiosity.”

The permanence of a tattoo drew many to get one as a permanent insignia of their faith. Several indicated they got it in memory of someone that they loved, Koch said, while others got it as a way of telling themselves and others that their life had changed.

“One respondent explicitly said ‘I got this tattoo after I lost my virginity as a recommitment to purity,’” Koch said. “It was surprising and a happy accident that the information mirrored where Weber was coming from. I hadn’t anticipated that at the end of the day we would have what I think is a useful teaching tool for showing students what Weber was about using this new imagery.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Jerome R. Koch, Alden E. Roberts. The protestant ethic and the religious tattooThe Social Science Journal, 2012; 49 (2): 210 DOI: 10.1016/j.soscij.2011.10.001

The Opportunistic Apocalypse (Savage Minds)

by  on December 14th, 2012

The third in a guest series about the “Mayan Apocalypse” predicted for Dec. 21, 2012.  The first two posts are here and here.

There are opportunities in the apocalypse.  The end of the world has been commodified.  A few are seriously investing in bunkers, boats, and survival supplies. Tourism is up, not only to Mayan archaeological sites, but also to places like Bugarach, France and Mt. Rtanj, Serbia.  But even those of us on a budget can afford at least a book, a T-shirt or a handbag.

There are opportunities here for academics, too. Many scholars have been quoted in the press lately saying that nothing will happen on Dec 21 , in addition to those who have written comprehensive books and articles discrediting the impending doom. Obviously publishing helps individual careers, and that does not detract from our collective responsibility to debunk ideas that might lead people to physical or financial harm.  But neither can we divorce our work from its larger social implications.

It is telling that the main scholarly players in debunking the Mayan Apocalypse in the U.S. are NASA (which is facing budget cuts) and anthropologists.  Both groups feel the need to prove they are relevant because our collective jobs depend on it. I don’t need to go into great detail with this crowd about academia’s current situation. Academia has gone from being a well-respected, stable job to one where most classes are taught by underpaid, uninsured part-time adjuncts, and many Ph.D.s never find work in academia at all. Tuition fees for undergraduates have skyrocketed while full-time faculty salaries have stagnated.

Among the public (too often talked about as being in “the real world,” as if academics were somehow immune to taxes or swine flu), there seems to be a general distrust of intellectuals. That, combined with the current economic situation, has translated into a loss of research funding, such as cuts to the Fulbright program and NSF. Some public officials specifically state that science and engineering are worth funding, but anthropology is not.  To add insult to injury, the University of California wants to move away from that whole “reading” thing and rebrand itself as a web startup.

Articles, books with general readership, being quoted in the newspaper, and yes, blogging are all concrete ways to show funding agencies and review committees that what we do matters. The way to get exposure among those general audiences is to engage with what interests them — like the end of the world.  Dec. 21, 2012 has become an internet meme. Many online references to it are debunkings or tongue-in-cheek. Newspaper articles on unrelated topics make passing references in jest, stores offer just-in-case-it’s-real sales, people are planning parties.  There seems to be more written to discredit the apocalypse, or make fun on it, than to prepare for it.

We need to remember that this non-believer attention has a purpose, and that purpose is not just (or even primarily) about convincing believers that nothing is going to happen. Rather, it serves to demonstrate something about non-believers themselves.  “We” are sensible and logical, while “they” are superstitious and credulous. “We” value science and data, while “they” turn to astrology, misreadings of ancient texts, and esoteric spirituality.   ”We” remember the non-apocalypses of the past, while “they” have forgotten.

I would argue that discrediting the Mayan Apocalypse is part of an ongoing process of creating western modernity (cue Latour). That modernity requires an “other,” and here that “other” is defined in this case primarily by religious/spiritual belief in the Mayan apocalypse.  The more “other” these Apocalypse believers are, the more clearly they reflect the modernity of non-believers.  (Of course, there are also the “others” of the Maya themselves, and I’ll address that issue in my next post.)

This returns us to the difference I drew in my first post between “Transitional Apocalyptic Expectations” (TAE) and “Catastrophic Apocalyptic Expectations” (CAE).  I suspect the majority of believers are expecting something like a TAE-type event, but media attention focuses on discrediting CAE beliefs, such as a rogue planet hitting the Earth or massive floods. These would be dire catastrophes, but they will also be far easier to disprove. We will all notice if a planet does or does not hit the Earth next week, but many of us — myself included — will miss a transformation in human consciousness among the enlightened.

By providing the (very real) scientific data to discredit the apocalypse, scholars are incorporated into this project of modernity.  Much of the scholarly work on this phenomenon is fascinating and subtle, but the press picks up on two main themes.  One is scientific proof that the apocalypse will not happen, such as astronomical data that Earth is not on a collision course with another planet, Mayan epigraphy that shows the Long Count does not really end, and ethnography that suggests most Maya themselves are not worried about any of this.  The other scholarly theme the press circulates is the long history of apocalyptic beliefs in the west.  In the logic of the metanarrative of western progress, this connects contemporary Apocalypse believers to the past, nonmodernity and “otherness.”

I now find myself in an uncomfortable position, although it is an intellectually interesting corner to be backed into. I agree with my colleagues that the world will not end, that Mayan ideas have been misappropriated, and that we have a responsibility to address public concerns.  At the same time, I can’t help but feel we are being drawn, either reluctantly or willingly, into a larger project than extends far beyond next week.

*   *   *

2012, the movie we love to hate

by  on December 11th, 2012

The second in a guest series about the “Mayan Apocalypse” predicted for Dec. 21, 2012.  The first post is here.

Last summer, I traveled to Philadelphia to visit the Penn Museum exhibit “Maya: the Lords of Time.” It was, as one might expect given the museum collection and the scholars involved, fantastic.  I want to comment on just the beginning of the exhibit, however. On entering, one is immediately greeted by a wall crowded with TV screens, all showing different clips of predicted disasters and people talking fearfully about the end of the world. The destruction, paranoia, and cacophony create a ambiance of chaos and uncertainty. Turning the corner, these images are replaced by widely spaced Mayan artifacts and stela. The effect is striking.  One moves from media-induced insanity to serenity, from endless disturbing jump-cuts to the well-lit, quiet contemplation of beautiful art.

Among these images were scenes from Director Roland Emmerich’s blockbuster film 2012 (2009). This over-the-top disaster film is well used in that context.  Still, it is interesting how often 2012 is mentioned by academics and other debunkers — almost as often as they mention serious alternative thinkers about the Mayan calendar, such as Jose Arguelles (although the film receives less in-depth coverage than he does).

I find this interesting because 2012 is clearly not trying to convince us to stockpile canned goods or build boats to prepare for the end of the Maya Long Count, any more than Emmerich’s previous films were meant to prepare us for alien invasion (Independence Day, 1996) or the effects of global climate change (The Day After Tomorrow, 2004).  Like Emmerich’s previous films,2012 is a chance to watch the urban industrialized world burn (in that way, it has much in common with the currently popular zombie film genre). If you want to see John Cusack survive increasingly implausible crumbling urban landscapes, this film is for you.

The Maya, however, are barely mentioned in 2012. There are no Mayan characters, no one travels to Mesoamerica, there is no mention of the Long Count.  Emmerich’s goal for 2012 was, in his own words (here and here), “a modern retelling of Noah’s Ark.” In fact, he claims that the movie originally had nothing to do with the 2012 phenomenon at all.  Instead, he was convinced – reluctantly – to include the concept because of public interest in the Maya calendar.

This explains why the Maya only receive two passing mentions in 2012 — one is a brief comment that even “they” had been able to predict the end of the world, the other a short news report on a cult suicide in Tikal. The marketing aspect of the film emphasized these Maya themes (all of the film footage about the Maya is in the trailer, the movie website starts with a rotating image of the Maya calendar, and there are related extras on the DVD), but the movie itself had basically nothing to do with the Maya, the Mayan Long Count, or Dec 21.

Nevertheless, this film’s impact on public interest in Dec 21 is measurable.  Google Trends, which gives data on the number of times particular search terms are used, gives us a sense of the impact of this $200,000,000  film. I looked at a number of related terms, but have picked the ones that show thegeneral pattern: There is a spike of interest in 2012 apocalyptic ideas when the 2012 marketing campaign starts (November 2008), a huge spike when the film is released (November 2009), and a higher baseline of interest from then until now. Since January, interest in the Mayan calendar/apocalypse has been steadily climbing (and in fact, is higher every time I check this link; it automatically updates). In other words, the 2012 movie both responded to, and reinforced, public interest in the 2012 phenomenon.

Here I return to Michael D. Gordin’s The Pseudoscience Wars (2012).  This delightful book deals with the scientific response to Velikovsky, who believed that the miracles of the Old Testament and other ancient myths documented the emergence of a comet from Jupiter, its traumatic interactions with Earth, and its eventual settling into the role of the planet Venus. (The final chapter also discusses the 2012 situation.)  Gordin’s main focus is understanding why Velikovsky — unlike others labeled “crackpots” before him — stirred the public ire of astronomers and physicists. Academics’ real concern was not Velikovsky’s ideas per se, but how much attention he received by being published by MacMillan — a major publisher of science textbooks — which implied the book had scientific legitimacy. Velikovsky’s “Worlds in Collision” was a major bestseller when it was released in 1950, and academics felt the ideas had to be addressed so that the public would not be misled.

With the Mayan Apocalypse, no major academic publisher is lending legitimacy to these theories.   Books about expected events of 2012 (mainly TAE ideas) are published by specialty presses that focus on the spiritual counterculture, such as Evolver EditionsInner Traditions/Bear & CompanyShambhala, and John Hunt Publishing.  Instead, film media has become the battleground for public attention (perhaps because reading is declining?). The immense amount of money put into movies, documentaries, and TV shows about the Mayan Apocalypse is creating public interest today, and in some ways this parallels what Macmillan did for Velikovsky in the 1950s.

One example of this is the viral marketing campaign for 2012 conducted in November 2008.   Columbia pictures created webpages that were not clearly marked as advertising (these no longer appear to be available), promoting the idea that scientists really did know the world would end and were preparing.  This type of advertising was not unique to this film, but in this case it reinforced already existing fears that the end really was nigh.  NASA began responding to public fears about 2012 as a result of this marketing campaign, and many of the academics interested in addressing these concerns also published after this time.

Academics are caught in something of a bind here.  Do we respond to public fears, in the hopes of debunking them, but no doubt also increasing the public interest in the very ideas we wish to discredit?  Should we respond in the hopes of selling a few more books or receiving a few more citations, thus generating interest in the rest of what our discipline does?  As anthropologists we are not immune to the desires of public interest, certainly (obviously I’m not — here I am, blogging away), nor should we be.  Perhaps something good can come of the non-end-of-the-world.  I’ll turn to this question next time.

*   *   *

The End is Nigh. Start blogging.

by  on December 4th, 2012

Savage Minds welcomes guest blogger Clare A. Sammells.

My thanks to the editors of Savage Minds for allowing me to guest blog this month. Hopefully I will not be among the last of Savage Mind’s guests, given that the End of the World is nigh.

You hadn’t heard? On or around Dec 21, 2012, the Maya Long Count will mark the end of a 5125 year cycle. Will this be a mere a calendrical turn, no more inherently eventful that the transition from Dec 31, 2012 to Jan 1, 2013? Will this be a moment of astronomical alignments, fiery conflagrations, and social upheavals? Or will there be a shift in human consciousness, an opportunity for the prepared to improve their lives and achieve enlightenment?

I am going to bet with the house: I do not think the world is going to end in a few weeks.  That way, either the world doesn’t end — another victory for predictive anthropology! — or the world does end, and nothing I write here will matter much anyway. (More seriously, I don’t think our world is destined to end with a bang).

I am not a Mayanist, an archaeologist, or an astronomer. I won’t be discussing conflicting interpretations of Maya long count dates, astronomical observations, or Classical-era Maya stela inscriptions. Books by David Stuart,Anthony Aveni, and Matthew Restall and Amara Solari all provide detailed arguments using those data, and analyze the current phenomenon in light of the long history of western fascinations with End Times.  Articles by John HoopesKevin Whitesides, and Robert Sitler, among others, address “New Age” interpretations of the Maya.  Many ethnographers have considered how Maya peoples understand their complex interactions with “New Age” spiritualists and tourists, among them Judith MaxwellQuetzil Casteneda and Walter Little.

My own interest lies in how indigenous timekeeping is interpreted in the Andes. I conducted ethnographic research focusing on tourism in Tiwanaku, Bolivia — a pre-Incan archaeological site near Lake Titicaca, and a contemporary Aymara village.  One of the first things I noticed was that every tour guide tells visitors about multiple calendars inscribed in the stones of the site, most famously in the Puerta del Sol.  These calendrical interpretations are meaningful to Bolivian visitors, foreign tourists, and local Tiwanakenos for understanding the histories, ethnicities, and politics centered in this place. I took a stab at addressing some of these ideas in a recent article, where I considered how interconnected archaeological theories and political projects of the 1930s fed into what is today accepted conventional knowledge about Tiwanakota calendars.  I’m now putting together a book manuscript about temporal intersections in Tiwanaku.  The parallels between that situation and the Maya 2012 Phenomena led me to consider the prophecies, expectations, YouTube videos, blog posts, scholarly debunkings, and tourist travels motivated by the end of the Maya Long Count.

survey by the National Geographic Channel suggested that 27% of those in the United States think the Maya may have predicted a catastrophe for December 21.  But it is important to note that there is no agreement, even among believers, about what will happen. I tend to think of these beliefs as collecting into two broad (and often overlapping) camps.

Many believe that “something” will happen on (or around) Dec 21, 2012, but do not anticipate world destruction. I think of these beliefs as “Transitional Apocalyptic Expectations” (TAE). Writers such as José Argüelles and John Major Jenkins, for example, believe that there will be a shift in human consciousness, and tend to view the end of the 13th baktun as an opportunity for human improvement.

On the other hand, there are those who believe that the world will end abruptly, in fire, flood, cosmic radiation, or collision with other planets. I think of these beliefs as “Catastrophic Apocalyptic Expectations” (CAE).  While some share my belief that the numbers of serious CAE-ers is small, there are panics and survivalists reported by the press in RussiaFrance, and Los Angeles.  Tragically, there has been at least one suicide.  And of course, there has been a major Hollywood movie (“2012″), which I’ll be discussing more in my next post.

As anthropologists, we certainly should respond to public fears.  But we should also wonder why this fear, out of so many possible fears, is the one to capture public imagination.  Beliefs in paranormal activities, astrology, and the like are historically common, although the specifics change over time.  Michael D. Gordin’s excellent book The Pseudoscience Wars (2012) convincingly suggests that there are larger societal reasons why some fringe theories attract scholarly and public attention while others go ignored.  The Mayan Apocalypse has certainly attracted massive attention, from scholarly rebuttals from anthropologists, NASA, and others, to numerous popular parodies such as GQ’s survival tipsLOLcats, and my personal favorite, an advertisement for Mystic Mayan Power Cloaks.

There seems to be a general fascination with the Mayan calendar — even among those who know relatively little about the peoples that label refers to.  Some are anxiously watching the calendar count down, others are trying to reassure them, and many more simply watching, cracking jokes, or even selling supplies.  But there is something interesting about the fact that so many in the United States and Europe are talking about it at all.  I look forward to exploring these questions further with all of you.

Clare A. Sammells is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Bucknell University. She is currently living in Madrid, where she is writing about concepts of time in Tiwanaku and conducting ethnographic research on food among Bolivian migrants.  She is not stockpiling canned goods.

Diocese de Milão cria telefone para atender à crescente demanda por exorcismo (BBC)

Publicado em Domingo, 02 Dezembro 2012 10:01

Escrito por BBC Brasil

Clérigo cita aumento na demanda, mas conta que poucos casos são de fato ‘fenômenos diabólicos’. – AFP

O interesse do público pelo exorcismo fez com que a Diocese de Milão dobrasse o número de padres que realizam a prática e criasse, inclusive, uma linha de telefone para atender à crescente demanda.

Em uma entrevista publicada por um site ligado à Igreja Católica, a diocese explicou ter aumentado de 6 para 12 o número de clérigos oficialmente treinados para exorcismos.

Pelo telefone, pessoas interessadas em receber o atendimento conseguem agendar visitas aos padres especialmente treinados.

Fenômenos diabólicos

Segundo o monsenhor Angelo Mascheroni, encarregado, nos últimos 15 anos, de treinar os padres praticantes de exorcismo, o interesse está em alta.

“A partir do número de chamadas que recebemos, (notamos que) a demanda dobrou”, disse ele ao site Incrocinews.

Um membro da diocese disse à BBC que a linha telefônica especial está recebendo entre três e quatro chamadas diárias. E, segundo Mascheroni, esse interesse vem de pessoas distintas.

“São jovens e idosos, homens e mulheres, pessoas de diferentes níveis educacionais – tanto os que abandonaram a escola como os que se formaram na universidade.”

No entanto, casos que de fato requerem exorcismo são incomuns, ele acrescentou.

“Todas as pessoas devem ser escutadas com paciência e ninguém deve ficar chocado com o que eles contam, porque Deus é sempre mais forte que o diabo. Mas os fenômenos realmente diabólicos são, pelo menos na minha experiência, muito raros.”

“Muitas vezes recebo ligações de pais dizendo que seu filho ou filha está faltando na escola, usando drogas ou se rebelando”, prossegue o clérigo. “Não há nenhum demônio neles, mas, aos 18 anos, muitos jovens não querem limites. É importante discernir as diferentes situações.”

Brazil’s Banknotes Still Praise God, for Now (N.Y.Times)

November 13, 2012, 6:03 PM

By ROBERT MACKEY and TAYLOR BARNES

A close view of the Portuguese words for A close view of the Portuguese words for “God Be Praised” on Brazil’s currency.

A federal prosecutor in Brazil is seeking a court order to force the central bank to replace the nation’s entire supply of paper currency with bills that do not display the phrase “God Be Praised,” the newspaper Folha de São Paulo reported on Monday.

The prosecutor, Jefferson Aparecido Dias, whose office defends the rights of citizens in the city of São Paulo, said he had received a complaint last year about the use of the phrase. He argued in a 17-page motion filed on Monday that the words “Deus Seja Louvado,” which have appeared on notes of the Brazilian real since 1986, violate the rights of non-Christians and nonbelievers.

Although he acknowledged that most Brazilians are Christian, the prosecutor wrote, “The Brazilian state is secular and, as such, should be completely detached from any religious manifestation.” To make his case that the phrase was inappropriate, he asked the court to consider the reaction of Christians if the nation’s currency included calls to worship figures revered by Muslims, Buddhists, observers of Candomblé or Hindus — or a statement endorsing atheism. “Let’s imagine if the real note had any of these phrases on it: ‘Praise Allah,’ ‘Praise Buddha,’ ‘Hail Oxossi,’ ‘Hail Lord Ganesh’ or ‘God does not exist,’ ” he said.

Writing on Twitter, the archbishop of São Paulo, Cardinal Odilo Scherer,wondered if anyone even noticed the phrase, which is rendered in tiny letters on the notes.

Você já percebeu que as notas Real tem uma rederência a Deus? Há alguém querendo tirar. Que v. Acha?

The cardinal also said in a statement: “The phrase should make no difference to those who do not believe in God. But it is meaningful for all those who do believe in God. And those who believe in God also pay taxes and are most of the population.”

Brazil’s central bank had previously replied to the complaint by arguing that the religious reference was valid because the preamble to the Brazilian constitution explicitly states that the democracy was formed “under the protection of God.” The bank’s response to the prosecutor added that the state, “not being atheist, anticlerical or antireligious, can legitimately make a reference to the existence of a higher being, a divinity, as long as, in doing so, it does not make an allusion to a specific religious doctrine.”

De Sandy a Deus (FSP)

WALTER CENEVIVA

Algo me diz que a aproximação de Brasil, África do Sul e Austrália será boa para os três países

SE HOUVESSE um supremo tribunal interplanetário para julgar a culpa pelos efeitos dramáticos do furacão Sandy, gerados pelos habitantes da Terra contra a natureza, talvez a decisão fosse condenatória. As mortes e a destruição decorrentes do Sandy justificariam uma pergunta hoje de uso comum: como ficaria a dosimetria? Quem foi, e em que grau, responsável pelo mau uso da superfície, do ar e das entranhas do planeta no hemisfério norte?

O limite da pergunta se explica. Nós, do hemisfério sul, começamos a intervir na vida dos continentes há menos de 600 anos. Os do norte assinalaram sua presença há uns 12.000 anos -boa parte do hemisfério sul era desconhecida pelo menos até o século 16.

Esses 600 anos marcaram a ocupação de todo planeta. Mesmo assim, só no século 20 surgiram muitas das duas centenas de nações novas, com independência ao menos formal. Desapareceram colônias de países europeus e asiáticos nos cinco continentes.

O avanço dos conquistadores eurasiáticos nessa área marcou a história da Terra. O remanescente apenas alcançou o nível de vida civilizada, segundo os padrões ocidentais, quando conquistadores europeus se instalaram no México e nos Estados Unidos e igualmente com a verificação da terra que se sabia existir na latitude atingida por Pedro Álvares Cabral.

Percebo a pergunta do leitor: por qual a razão uma coluna jurídica precisa dar tantas referências geográficas? Simples: a Constituição brasileira enuncia princípios que, favorecendo relações internacionais, preservam, no art. 4º, a independência nacional; garantem regras de autodeterminação dos povos e de não intervenção. O mesmo resulta do art. 21, I (relações com outros Estados e organizações internacionais), colocando sob o presidente da República a condução do relacionamento externo.

O aprofundamento do exame impõe o conhecimento das áreas envolvidas. Existem três países de grande extensão territorial ao sul do Equador -Austrália, África do Sul e Brasil- com expressão bem marcada no cenário internacional. Os 50 milhões de sul-africanos ocupam 1,2 milhões de quilômetros quadrados, muito menos que os 7,7 milhões da amplitude australiana, mas de população rarefeita e modesta, na casa dos 21 milhões. Ambos menores que o Brasil nos dois quesitos, pois somos 192 milhões espalhados em 8,3 milhões de quilômetros quadrados, com milhares de cidades.

Dois outros pontos diferenciam os três países: hoje se pode dizer que o território brasileiro está inteiramente ocupado. Não a Austrália, nem tanto por ser o país mais plano do mundo, mas pelos seus quatro grandes desertos. A África do Sul ainda vive consequências da política da separação entre brancos a negros, até a segunda metade do século 20.

Dentre os três, se for o caso de composição uniforme dos interesses multinacionais, nosso país tem presença marcante, o que não obsta a associação dos três para percorrer caminho mais adequado para o futuro comum. A composição dos instrumentos legais para viabilizar a aproximação tem a vantagem de facilitar o acesso marítimo, pelo Oceano Atlântico e pelo Indico, só no hemisfério sul. Algo me diz que, de Sandy a Deus, a aproximação do sul será boa para os três na linha reta do trópico de Capricórnio.

People Merge Supernatural and Scientific Beliefs When Reasoning With the Unknown, Study Shows (Science Daily)

ScienceDaily (Aug. 30, 2012) — Reliance on supernatural explanations for major life events, such as death and illness, often increases rather than declines with age, according to a new psychology study from The University of Texas at Austin.

Reliance on supernatural explanations for major life events, such as death and illness, often increases rather than declines with age, according to a new psychology study. (Credit: © Nikki Zalewski / Fotolia)

The study, published in the June issue of Child Development, offers new insight into developmental learning.

“As children assimilate cultural concepts into their intuitive belief systems — from God to atoms to evolution — they engage in coexistence thinking,” said Cristine Legare, assistant professor of psychology and lead author of the study. “When they merge supernatural and scientific explanations, they integrate them in a variety of predictable and universal ways.”

Legare and her colleagues reviewed more than 30 studies on how people (ages 5-75) from various countries reason with three major existential questions: the origin of life, illness and death. They also conducted a study with 366 respondents in South Africa, where biomedical and traditional healing practices are both widely available.

As part of the study, Legare presented the respondents with a variety of stories about people who had AIDS. They were then asked to endorse or reject several biological and supernatural explanations for why the characters in the stories contracted the virus.

According to the findings, participants of all age groups agreed with biological explanations for at least one event. Yet supernatural explanations such as witchcraft were also frequently supported among children (ages 5 and up) and universally among adults.

Among the adult participants, only 26 percent believed the illness could be caused by either biology or witchcraft. And 38 percent split biological and scientific explanations into one theory. For example: “Witchcraft, which is mixed with evil spirits, and unprotected sex caused AIDS.” However, 57 percent combined both witchcraft and biological explanations. For example: “A witch can put an HIV-infected person in your path.”

Legare said the findings contradict the common assumption that supernatural beliefs dissipate with age and knowledge.

“The findings show supernatural explanations for topics of core concern to humans are pervasive across cultures,” Legare said. “If anything, in both industrialized and developing countries, supernatural explanations are frequently endorsed more often among adults than younger children.”

The results provide evidence that reasoning about supernatural phenomena is a fundamental and enduring aspect of human thinking, Legare said.

“The standard assumption that scientific and religious explanations compete should be re-evaluated in light of substantial psychological evidence,” Legare said. “The data, which spans diverse cultural contexts across the lifespan, shows supernatural reasoning is not necessarily replaced with scientific explanations following gains in knowledge, education or technology.”

Journal Reference:

  1. Cristine H. Legare, E. Margaret Evans, Karl S. Rosengren, Paul L. Harris. The Coexistence of Natural and Supernatural Explanations Across Cultures and DevelopmentChild Development, 2012; 83 (3): 779 DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8624.2012.01743.x

Profeta do nada óbvio (FSP)

RUY CASTRO

São Paulo, segunda-feira, 09 de julho de 2012

RIO DE JANEIRO - Nelson Rodrigues era diabólico. Com toda a miopia e aversão a óculos, seu poder de enxergar ao longe era desconcertante. Como em 1970, quando, durante meses, sustentou sozinho a certeza de que a seleção brasileira “ganharia andando” a Copa do México (seus colegas, os “profetas da derrota”, apostavam na correria das seleções europeias). Bem, o Brasil ganhou andando.

Outra premonição foi a de fins de maio de 1962, quando garantiu que, se Pelé se machucasse na Copa do Chile, o garoto Amarildo o substituiria como um “possesso”. Um mês depois, Pelé se contundiu na segunda partida e a Copa acabou para ele. Amarildo entrou nos jogos restantes, fez os gols que Pelé faria e foi o “Possesso” que Nelson anteviu.

Outra de suas “verdades eternas” -proclamada na “Resenha Facit”, que Nelson estrelava na TV Rio com João Saldanha, Armando Nogueira e demais- foi a de que o videoteipe era “burro”. Na hora, parecia absurdo -como contestar algo que se podia ver e rever? Trinta anos depois, uma infração de Júnior Baiano na área do Brasil passou em branco pelos videoteipes e só apareceu, dias depois, por um ângulo inusitado de câmera. O juiz, que marcara o pênalti, estava certo. O videoteipe era mesmo burro.

Em fins dos anos 60, Nelson produziu outra frase impossível de ser verificada e que parecia provocação: “Ainda seremos o maior país ex-católico do mundo”. Previa um declínio da fé católica no Brasil porque setores da igreja estavam trocando a promessa da vida eterna pela luta armada contra a ditadura.

Nas décadas seguintes, sai papa, entra papa, essa linha política seria abandonada. Mas o encanto se quebrara. Em 1970, os católicos eram 90% dos brasileiros. Hoje, segundo o IBGE, são 64%. E, em 2030, serão menos de 50%. Nelson errou a causa, mas sua sentença continuou de pé.

Skeptical Uses of ‘Religion’ in Debate on Climate Change (The Yale Forum on Climate Change & The Media)

Michael Svoboda   August 27, 2012

Religion’ and religion-inspired terms — savior, prophet, priests, heretic, dogma, crusade — are regularly used in efforts to influence public attitudes about climate change. But how does this language work, and on whom?

Over the past several months The Yale Forum has published a series of articles describing how major religious groups across America address climate change. Within the broader societal debate on this issue, however, the voices heard in these pieces may be outnumbered by those of a group with a very different take on the connections between religion and the environment: climate skeptics.

Since 2005, in op-eds published in newspapers (The Wall Street Journal, The Washington Examiner, The Washington Post, and The Washington Times), in magazines (Forbes, National Review, The Weekly Standard), and online (Fox News and Townhall and also climate-specific websites like Watts Up with That), conservative commentators have repeatedly described global warming as a religion.

So how does this use of religious language affect the public understanding of climate change? To answer this question, the Forum analyzed more than 250 op-eds, blog posts, and books published between 2005 and the present. The results suggest that this religious language may be most effective in fortifying the opinions of those using it: Calling global warming a “religion” effectively neutralizes appeals to “the scientific consensus.”

Taking the Measure of the Meme

To take your own quick measure of the global-warming-as-religion (hereafter GWAR) meme, try two related searches at Google: first search for “climate change” and “religion,” then for “global warming” and “religion.” The top ten items from the Forum‘s two most recent searches (20 items in all) broke down as follows:

  • 10% were by religious groups calling for action on climate change,
  • 25% were about religious groups calling for action on climate change,
  • 10% were against religious groups opposed to action on climate,
  • 50% described concern for global warming as a religion, and
  • 5% rebutted those who described concern for global warming as a religion.

Based on this sample, one is more likely to encounter an article or op-ed about global warming as a religion than an article or op-ed explaining how or whether a particular religious group addresses climate change.

The dominance of the GWAR meme is even greater when one looks specifically at conservative venues. Over the past year, approximately 100 op-ed pieces that touched on global warming were published in nationally recognized conservative newspapers and/or by nationally syndicated columnists whose work is aggregated by Townhall. Ten of these pieces equated accepting the science on global warming with religious belief; none offered a religious argument for action on climate change.

During the peak years of Al Gore’s An Inconvenient Truth (2006–2008), the ratio was far higher. Roughly 40% of the more than 150 conservative op-eds penned in response to the documentary, to its Academy Award, or to Al Gore’s Nobel Peace Prize included language (prophet, priests, savior, crusade, faith, dogma, heresy, faith, etc.) that framed concern for climate change as a religious belief. Some drew that analogy explicitly. (See, for example, Richard Lindzen’s March 8, 2007, op-ed piece forThe Wall Street Journal and The Daily Mail (UK) — “Global Warming: The Bogus Religion of Our Age.”)

And since then several climate skeptics — Christopher Horner (2007), Iain Murray (2008), Roy Spencer (2008), Christopher Booker (2009), Ian Wishart (2009), Steve Goreham (2010), Larry Bell (2011), Brian Sussman (2012), and Robert Zubrin (2012) — have included the GWAR meme in their books.

A Brief History of the Global-Warming-as-Religion Meme

The global-warming-as-religion meme is an offshoot of the environmentalism-as-religion meme, which, according to New American Foundation fellow and Arizona State University Law Professor Joel Garreau, can be traced back to religious critiques of Lynn White’s 1967 essay in Science, “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis.” By pinning the ecological blame on the Judaeo-Christian tradition’s instrumental view of nature, these authors argued, White seemed to call for the revival of nature worship.

Elements of these early critiques were reworked in what is perhaps the most well-known instance of the environmentalism-as-religion argument, Michael Crichton’s speech to the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco in 2003.

The first* example of the more specific global-warming-as-religion claim appears to be the aside in Republican Senator James Inhofe’s January 4, 2005, “update” to his “greatest hoax” speech: “Put simply, man-induced global warming is an article of religious faith.” Using slightly different language, Inhofe repeated this charge a few months later in his “Four Pillars of Climate Alarmism” speech.**

In between these two speeches, in a February 16, 2005, editorial for Capitalism Magazine by American Policy Center President Tom DeWeese, the GWAR meme gained titular status: “The New Religion Is Global Warming.”

But the most fully developed version of the global-warming-as-religion analogy is the nearly 5,000-word essay published on the Web in 2007 by retired British mathematician John Brignell — who cites Crichton’s 2003 speech in his opening paragraph.

The more generic environmentalism-as-religion meme now seems confined to Earth Day, which Emory University economics professor Paul Rubin described in an April 22, 2010, WSJ op-ed piece as environmentalism’s “holy day.” Two recent examples, from this past April, were provided by former business consultant W.A. Beatty and by Dale Hurd, a “news veteran” for the Christian Broadcasting Network.

The GWAR meme appears as opportunities — cool summers; early, late, or heavy snowstorms; or scandals — arise. And its meaning can vary accordingly.

Nature/Climate as Sacred

Some of the first American “environmentalists” — David Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson, John Muir — often used religious language. Nature was where they most vividly experienced the presence of God. But when contemporary environmentalists use quasi-religious language without explicitly avowing a particular faith, their opponents may suspect that nature itself has become the object of their worship. When James Lovelock named his homeostatic model of the planet and its atmosphere after the ancient Greek earth goddess, Gaia, he provided a new ground for this suspicion.

For conservatives, there are strong and weak versions of this charge.

The strong charge is “paganism,” that environmentalists or climate activists/scientists worship nature in ways akin to the practices of the Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Greek, and Roman empires in which the ancient Jews and early Christians lived. This strong charge is typically leveled by evangelicals who publicly profess their own faith. Physicist James Wanliss and his colleagues — whose book and dvd,Resisting the Green Dragon, offer “A Biblical Response to One of the Greatest Deceptions of the Day” — provide perhaps the most vivid example.

The weak version reduces the charge of paganism to misplaced values. Very arch religious language may still be used, but the meaning is now metaphorical. In these more frequent instances of the GWAR meme, conservatives accuse climate activists/scientists of essentializing climate, of being too willing to slow or even disable our economic engine because they believe Earth has an “optimal climate.”

Climate Science as Cult

“Cult” implies that a given set of beliefs or practices is arcane, outside the mainstream, and insular. Someone embedded in a cult will not acknowledge conflicting evidence. So whenever new facts or dramatic events challenge the validity of climate science, at least in the minds of conservative skeptics, “cult of global warming” op-eds appear. Major snowstorms, cold snaps, and years that fail to surpass 1998′s average annual temperature provide these new “facts.”

Odd religious news can also prompt “cult of global warming” op-eds. The third no-show of Harold Camping’s apocalypse provided the prompt, last fall, for op-eds by Michael Barone and Derek Hunter. (The “cult” in the title of Michael Barone’s piece, however, may be the work of the Post’s editor; thesame piece appeared under a different title in The Washington Examiner.)

Climate Science as Corrupt Orthodoxy

But it’s hard to depict a thoroughly institutionalized effort like climate science as a cult. The international undertaking that is science is more plausibly compared with the Roman Catholic Church. And for climate skeptics, the best of the many possible instances of that church is the Roman Catholic Church of the late Renaissance, the church that condemned both Luther and Galileo.

The very Nobel public profiles of Al Gore and the IPCC, from 2006 to 2008, prompted many comparisons with priests and popes, cardinals and curia. Add in carbon offsets and the Reformation riffs practically wrote themselves. Conservative columnist Charles Krauthammer’s March 16, 2007,column in Time exemplifies this subgenre:

In other words, the rich reduce their carbon output by not one ounce. But drawing on the hundreds of millions of net worth in the Kodak theatre [for the "carbon-neutral" 2007 Academy Awards], they pull out lunch money to buy ecological indulgences. The last time the selling of pardons was prevalent — in a predecessor religion to environmentalism called Christianity — Martin Luther lost his temper and launched the Reformation.

(It should be noted, however, that climate activists and environmental journalists have themselves sometimes written about their ecological “sins.”)

While green hypocrisy was the primary target of Krauthammer’s 2007 column, orthodoxy and dogma are always at least secondary targets in this use of the GWAR meme. And shots were taken at them in a February 9, 2007, National Review column by Rich Lowry; a May 30, 2008, Washington Post column by Charles Krauthammer; a March 9, 2009, Townhall piece by Robert Knight; a January 13, 2010, Townhallcolumn by Walter E. Williams; a November 29, 2011, Wall Street Journal column by Bret Stephens; and, most recently, an April 26, 2012, post by David Solway. This is the most common use of the GWAR meme.

Dissenting Religions and the Scientific Consensus

But one might argue that by depicting climate scientists and activists as members of an aloof and self-serving (and possibly self-deluding) priesthood, conservatives are themselves engaged in religious posturing, for self-righteous dissent is part of the DNA of the western religious tradition.

Ancient Israel was a small country surrounded by much more powerful empires. Some heroes of the Bible — e.g., Daniel, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego — worked as trusted bureaucrats within state-ecclesiastical systems based on cosmologies they did not believe in. When ordered to consent to the beliefs of their rulers, they refused.

During the Protestant Reformation religious dissent often became political dissent. Today’s evangelicals are dissenters from mainstream denominations that dissented first from the Church of England and then from King George. Now they dissent from Washington.

But in the U.S., Roman Catholics too can view themselves as a dissenting minority, as, for example, when the Catholic Bishops objected to parts of the new healthcare law.

In fact, Americans are so primed for dissensus that both sides in the climate debate find it plausible to claim the mantle of Galileo.


In the run-up to the December 2009 conference in Copenhagen, cartoonists Michael Ramirez and David Horsey published cartoons that drew exactly opposite conclusions from the history of science, including Galileo’s conflict with the Roman Catholic Church regarding Copernicus’s heliocentric model of the solar system.

Within this charged religious history, a steadfast minority (of Jews, early Christians, Protestants, or Puritans) has been correct more often than the majority, than the broader cultural consensus (of Egyptians/Assyrians/Babylonians/Persians, Greeks/Romans, Roman Catholics, or Anglicans). Thus the GWAR meme not only legitimizes dissent (because everyone is entitled to his or her own religious views), it also provides emotional reinforcement for it (because the “official” religion is almost always “false”). The Protestant vs. Catholic variant of the meme also reinforces climate skeptics’ narratives about greedy and scheming scientists and/or self-serving elites. For those who use it, the GWAR meme effectively inoculates them against “the scientific consensus.”

Managing the Meme

Much has been said and published by religious leaders trying to promote action on climate change. But these messages must compete against the global-warming-as-religion meme reinforced regularly in op-eds sent out by The Wall Street Journal to its two million plus subscribers and, more frequently, in columns posted by Townhall for its two million unique monthly visitors.

Are there counter-measures for this meme?

In his summer 2010 article in The New Atlantis, Joel Garreau, New American Foundation fellow and Lincoln Professor of Law, Culture and Values (Sandra Day O’Connor College of Law, Arizona State University), traced the emergence of environmentalism as a secular religion. In that piece, Gerreau speculated that “the two faces of religious environmentalism — the greening of mainstream religion and the rise of carbon Calvinism — may each transform the political and policy debate over climate change.” In response to an e-mailed query from The Yale Forum, after stressing that he did not “conflate faith-based environmentalism with the scientific study of climate,” Garreau explained his “pragmat[ic]” outlook:  ”I just lay out the facts (as startling as they may be to some), observe that faith-based systems are ubiquitous in history, and then ask, in public policy terms, how you deal with this situation.”

Garreau said he is not surprised that “climate change deniers [might] wish to point out the ironies of faith-based environmentalism rising up in parallel with scientific environmentalism.” But he said he does not think that would have much effect. He suggested no countermeasures but did anticipate a possible line of attack: “It would hardly be surprising if there were a few under-examined pieties in their own world view.”

From the title of University of Maryland School of Public Policy professor Robert H. Nelson’s 2010 book,The New Holy Wars: Economic Religion vs. Environmental Religion in Contemporary America, one might infer that the playing field for climate policy might be leveled by calling attention to the equally religious faith in economics, in economic growth in particular. But what would be gained from a “religious” standoff between economics and environmentalism? In response to an e-mail question, Nelson listed three benefits:

First, … it helps us to understand … the … intensity of the disagreements about climate policy. Second, it offers a note of caution to all participants, given [that past] religious disagreements have too often escalated beyond all reason …. Third, … [s]eeing economics and environmentalism as religions, and discussing them as such, [would bring their] core value assumptions to the surface.

In other words, pushing back with the same religious language might be an effective countermeasure, at least initially. Then, Nelson added,  ”a secular religious ‘ecumenical movement’” could perhaps resolve the tensions between economics and environmentalism.

One clearly should proceed with caution in pursuing any “religious” countermeasures. The cultural and historical associations evoked by religious language do not necessarily favor “consensus,” especially a consensus presented in authoritative terms. In American history, religious groups have splintered far more often than they have united.

Bottom line: Climate communicators should expect and prepare for religious language. But they should weigh the subtle cultural messages religious language carries before deciding whether or how to use or respond to it.

*If readers know of an earlier example, please send the reference and/or the link to the author.
**Brian McCammack’s September 2007 
American Quarterly article, “Hot Damned America: Evangelicalism and the Climate Policy Debate,” pointed the way to these two speeches by Senator Inhofe.

Michael Svoboda

Michael Svoboda (PhD, Hermeneutics) is an Asst. Prof. of Writing at The George Washington University. Previously the owner of an academic bookstore, he now tracks and analyzes efforts to communicate climate change, including the stream of research and policy published by NGOs. E-mail: msvoboda@yaleclimatemediaforum.org

Sweden recognises new file-sharing religion Kopimism (BBC)

5 January 2012 Last updated at 13:49 GMT

Fingers nearly touchingFile-sharing is a religious ceremony according to the church leader

A “church” whose central tenet is the right to file-share has been formally recognised by the Swedish government.

The Church of Kopimism claims that “kopyacting” – sharing information through copying – is akin to a religious service.

The “spiritual leader” of the church said recognition was a “large step”.

But others were less enthusiastic and said the church would do little to halt the global crackdown on piracy.

Holy information

It doesn’t mean illegal file-sharing will become legal, any more than if ‘Jedi’ was recognised as a religion everyone would be walking around with light sabres” - Mark Mulligan, Music analyst

The Swedish government agency Kammarkollegiet finally registered the Church of Kopimism as a religious organisation shortly before Christmas, the group said.

“We had to apply three times,” said Gustav Nipe, chairman of the organisation.

The church, which holds CTRL+C and CTRL+V (shortcuts for copy and paste) as sacred symbols, does not directly promote illegal file sharing, focusing instead on the open distribution of knowledge to all.

It was founded by 19-year-old philosophy student and leader Isak Gerson. He hopes that file-sharing will now be given religious protection.

“For the Church of Kopimism, information is holy and copying is a sacrament. Information holds a value, in itself and in what it contains and the value multiplies through copying. Therefore copying is central for the organisation and its members,” he said in a statement.

“Being recognised by the state of Sweden is a large step for all of Kopimi. Hopefully this is one step towards the day when we can live out our faith without fear of persecution,” he added.

The church’s website has been unavailable since it broke the news of its religious status. A message urged those interested in joining to “come back in a couple of days when the storm has settled”.

Despite the new-found interest in the organisation, experts said religious status for file-sharing would have little effect on the global crackdown on piracy.

“It is quite divorced from reality and is reflective of Swedish social norms rather than the Swedish legislative system,” said music analyst Mark Mulligan.

“It doesn’t mean that illegal file-sharing will become legal, any more than if ‘Jedi’ was recognised as a religion everyone would be walking around with light sabres.

“In some ways these guys are looking outdated. File-sharing as a means to pirate content is becoming yesterday’s technology,” he added.

Piracy crackdown

The establishment of the church comes amid a backdrop of governmental zero-tolerance towards piracy.

The crackdown on piracy has moved focus away from individual pirates and more towards the ecosystem that supports piracy.

In the US, the Stop Online Piracy Act (Sopa) aims to stop online ad networks and payment processors from doing business with foreign websites accused of enabling or facilitating copyright infringement.

It could also stop search engines from linking to the allegedly infringing sites. Domain name registrars could be forced to take down the websites, and internet service providers forced to block access to the sites accused of infringing.

The government is pushing ahead with the controversial legislation despite continued opposition.

 

*   *   *

Kopimism: the world’s newest religion explained (New Scientist)

14:35 06 January 2012 by Alison George

Download this in memory of me <i>(Image: Lars Johansson)</i>Isak Gerson is spiritual leader of the world’s newest religion, Kopimism, devoted to file-sharing. On 5 January the Church of Kopimism was formallyrecognised as a religion by the Swedish government.

Tell me about this new file-sharing religion, Kopimism.
We were founded about 15 months ago and we believe that information is holy and that the act of copying is holy.

Why make a religion out of file-sharing? Why not just be an ordinary club without defining yourselves as being a religious community?
Because we see ourselves as a religious group, a church seems like a good way of organising ourselves.

Was it hard to become an official religion?
We have had this faith for several years and one day we thought, why not try and get it registered? It was quite difficult. The authorities were quite dogmatic with their formalities. It took us three tries and more than a year to get recognised.

What criteria do you have to meet to become an official religion?
The law states that to be a religion you have to be an organisation that practises moments of prayer or meditation in your rituals.

What are the Kopimist prayers and meditations?
We have a part of our religious practices where we worship the value of information by copying it.

You call this “kopyacting”. Do you actually meet up in a building, like a church, to undertake these rituals?
We do meet up, but it doesn’t have to be a physical room. It could be a server or a web page too.

I understand that certain symbols have special significance in Kopimism.
Yes. There is the “kopimi” logo, which is a K written inside a pyramid a symbol used online to show you want to be copied. But there are also symbols that represent and encourage copying, for example, “CTRL+V” and “CTRL+C”.

Why is information, and sharing it, so important to you?
Information is the building block of everything around me and everything I believe in. Copying it is a way of multiplying the value of information.

What’s your stance on illegal file-sharing?
I think that the copyright laws are very problematic, and at least need to be rewritten, but I would suggest getting rid of most of them.

So all file-sharing should be legal?
Absolutely.

Are you just trying to make a point, or is this religion for real?
We’ve had this faith for several years.

What has the reaction been from established churches?
I haven’t spoken to many of them, but those I have spoken to have been curious, and seen it as an interesting discussion.

Can you get excommunicated from the Church of Kopimism?
We have never thought about it. But if you don’t believe in our values then I guess there is no point in being a member, and if you do believe in our values you can’t really be excommunicated.

How many church members are there?
Around 3000.

How do you become a Kopimist?
Our site is down for moment, because there has been too much traffic, but when it is up, you just have to read about our values and agree with them, then you can register on the web page.

Is there a deity associated with Kopimism?
No, there isn’t.

Is Julian Assange a high priest of Kopimism?
No. We have had no communication with him.

Does Kopimism have anything to say about the afterlife?
Not really. As a religion we are not so focussed on humans.

It could be a digital afterlife.
Information doesn’t really have a life, but I guess it can be forgotten, but as long as it is copied it won’t be.

Profile

Isak Gerson is a 20-year-old philosophy student at Uppsala University, Sweden. Together with Gustav Nipe – a member of Sweden’s Pirate party – and others, he has founded the Church of Kopimism.

 

*    *    *

Kopimism, Sweden’s Pirate Religion, Begins to Plunder America (U.S.News)

‘Kopimism’ gives internet piracy a place to worship

April 20, 2012

The symbol of Kopimism, a religion dedicated to information sharing.The symbol of Kopimism, a religion dedicated to information sharing.

A Swedish religion whose dogma centers on the belief that people should be free to copy and distribute all information—regardless of any copyright or trademarks—has made its way to the United States.

Followers of so-called “Kopimism” believe copying, sharing, and improving on knowledge, music, and other types of information is only human—the Romans remixed Greek mythology, after all, they say. In January, Kopimism—a play on the words “copy me”—was formally recognized by a Swedish government agency, raising its profile worldwide.

“Culture is something that makes people feel much better and makes people appreciate their world in a different way. Knowledge is also something we should copy regardless of the law,” says Isak Gerson, the 20-year-old founder of Kopimism. “It makes us better when we share knowledge and culture with each other.”

More than 3,500 people “like” Kopimism on Facebook, and thousands more practice its sacred ritual of file sharing. According to its manifesto, private, closed-source software code and anti-piracy software are “comparable to slavery.” Kopimist “Ops,” or spiritual leaders, are encouraged to give counsel to people who want to pirate files, are banned from recording and should encrypt all virtual religious service meetings “because of society’s vicious legislative and litigious persecution of Kopimists.”

Official in-person meetings must happen in places free of anti-Kopimist monitoring and in spaces with the Kopimist symbol—a pyramid with the letter K inside. To be initiated new parishioners must share the Kopimist symbol and say the sacred words “copied and seeded.”

The gospel of the church has begun to spread, with Kopimist branches in 18 countries.

An American branch of the religion was recently registered with Illinois and is in the process of gaining federal recognition, according to Christopher Carmean, a 25-year-old student at the University of Chicago and head of the U.S. branch.

“Data is what we are made of, data is what defines our life, and data is how we express ourselves,” says Carmean. “Forms of copying, remixing, and sharing enhance the quality of life for all who have access to them. Attempts to hinder sharing are antithetical to our data-driven existence.”

About 450 people have registered with his church, and about 30 of them are actively practicing the religion, whose symbols include Ctrl+C and Ctrl+V—the keyboard shortcuts for copy and paste.

It’s no surprise the religion was born in Sweden—it has some of the laxest copyright laws in the world. The Swedish Pirate Party has two seats in the European Parliament, and The Pirate Bay, a Swedish website that’s one of the world’s largest portals to illegal files, has avoided being shut down for years.

Gerson is happy to allow people who want to open their own branches of Kopimism to copy its symbols and religious documents.

“There’s been a couple people that asked me [to start congregations], but I tell them they shouldn’t ask. You don’t need permission,” he says. “It’s a project, and I want projects to be copied, so I’m happy when people copy without asking.”

Most Kopimists say they realized they were practicing the religion before they found it.

“There are many people who are like me, who always held the Kopimist ideals, but hadn’t yet heard of the official church,” says Lauren Pespisa, a web developer in Cambridge, Mass., who gave a speech about the religion in March to a group of anti-copyright activists called the Massachusetts Pirate Party. “I think some people are like me and have embraced it officially and publicly, but some people believe in it and don’t really want to mix religion and politics.”

That’s a big criticism of the religion—lawsuits brought upon Kopimists is a form of religious persecution, according to Gerson. But Pespisa says that crying persecution in court probably “wouldn’t hold up in reality.”

In a blog post in late March, Carmean wrote that people should not “bring a legal argument to a religion fight.”

“Expecting any religion to provide a logic-based mandate for every single action that one might take is absurd and offensive,” he wrote. “It insults the basic moral fiber of Kopimists and all of humanity to outright demand a total moral code of conduct from anyone purporting to have a new perspective on issues of our time.”

Although many Kopimists are practicing a “sacred” ritual whenever they download or share a movie, CD, or book, they also regularly meet in online chat rooms to discuss the religion. Many of them are also internet activists, working to make file sharing legal, regardless of copyright. Even if they’re unsuccessful, Gerson is happy to help the information flow in any way he can.

“I think we need to change the laws, but I don’t think we need to focus only on them. I think laws can, in many cases, be ignored,” he says. “We want to encourage people to share regardless of what the laws say.”

EBay bans sale of spells and hexes (CNN)

By Erin Kim @CNNMoneyTech August 16, 2012: 4:27 PM ET

Starting in September, eBay is blocking the sale of potions and other magical goods.

NEW YORK (CNNMoney) — Sorry, love spell vendors: eBay is cracking down on the sale of magical wares.

Beginning in September, the site is banning the sale of “advice, spells, curses, hexing, conjuring, magic, prayers, blessing services, magic potions, [and] healing sessions,” according to a policy update.

The company is also eliminating its category listings for psychic readings and tarot card sessions.

The update is a part of a “multi-year effort…to build trust in the marketplace and support sellers,” eBay (EBAYFortune 500) wrote in its company blog.

Has anyone actually been buying magic on eBay? It seems so: The site’s “spells and potions” category currently has more than 6,000 active listings and happy feedback from quite a few satisfied buyers.

“Best spell caster on Ebay,” one customer wrote after a recent purchase.

“Wonderful post-spells communication!” another raved. “We bought 4 spells! Highly Recommend!”

Spells and hexes aside, eBay is rolling out a long list of rule tweaks, as it does several times a year. For example, buyers will now be required to contact sellers before getting eBay involved with any issues regarding a purchase. Sellers will also be subject to a fee for ending an auction earlier than planned.

EBay also banned the sale of “work from home businesses & information,” a category that is often abused by scammers.

EBay isn’t the only online marketplace culling its listings. Etsy, a platform for homemade goods, also recently prohibited the sale of various items, including drug paraphernalia and body parts. To top of page

First Published: August 16, 2012: 4:27 PM ET

*   *   *

Etsy blocks sales of drugs and human remains

By Erin Kim @CNNMoneyTech August 10, 2012: 5:55 PM ET

NEW YORK (CNNMoney) — Etsy has become the go-to spot for homemade jewelry, knickknacks and household goods. Apparently, some have also been using the online marketplace to sell everything from drugs to human remains.

Now Etsy is cracking down.

The online marketplace recently revised its policies, excluding from its list of sellable items such products as tobacco, hazardous materials and body parts. (Hair and teeth are still OK).

“Odd as it may sound, we’ve spent long hours over the past several months extensively researching some offbeat and fascinating topics, from issues surrounding the sale of human bones to the corrosive and toxic properties of mercury,” the company wrote on its official blog on Wednesday.

Etsy says the changes are made in order to comply with legal rules and restrictions.

“But beyond that, when it comes right down to it, some things just aren’t in the spirit of Etsy,” the online company wrote. “While we understand that it is possible for certain items to be carefully and legally bought and sold, Etsy is just not the right venue for them.”

The new policy prohibits the sale of human body parts, including but not limited to “things such as skulls, bones, articulated skeletons, bodily fluids, preserved tissues or organs, and other similar products.”

Etsy banned most drug paraphernalia, though the company said it is not explicitly banning the sale of medical drugs. Instead, it’s asking that sellers remove any claims of “cure or relief of a health condition or illness.”

That set off a slew of angry posts from Etsy sellers in the company’s public forums.

“Now I need to change near[ly] a quarter of my listings or remove them,”wrote Etsy user Chrissy-jo, who operates an online store called KindredImages. “How am I going explain the use of a salve or even an aromatherapy eye pillow without making the claim that it aids in healing wounds or it helps relieve migraines?”

Another Etsy user named Irina, who runs PheonixBotanicals, wrote: “As an herbal crafter, I find the idea of being banned from listing traditional uses and folklore of plants quite disheartening.”

Sellers on Etsy operate their own shops, where they vend goods that are usually homemade. The online store plans to reach out to individual sellers to ask them to either remove a problematic listing or make changes to align with the company’s policy. To top of page

First Published: August 10, 2012: 4:10 PM ET

Deeply Held Religious Beliefs Prompting Sick Kids to Be Given ‘Futile’ Treatment (Science Daily)

ScienceDaily (Aug. 13, 2012) — Parental hopes of a “miraculous intervention,” prompted by deeply held religious beliefs, are leading to very sick children being subjected to futile care and needless suffering, suggests a small study in the Journal of Medical Ethics.

The authors, who comprise children’s intensive care doctors and a hospital chaplain, emphasise that religious beliefs provide vital support to many parents whose children are seriously ill, as well as to the staff who care for them.

But they have become concerned that deeply held beliefs are increasingly leading parents to insist on the continuation of aggressive treatment that ultimately is not in the best interests of the sick child.

It is time to review the current ethics and legality of these cases, they say.

They base their conclusions on a review of 203 cases which involved end of life decisions over a three year period.

In 186 of these cases, agreement was reached between the parents and healthcare professionals about withdrawing aggressive, but ultimately futile, treatment.

But in the remaining 17 cases, extended discussions with the medical team and local support had failed to resolve differences of opinion with the parents over the best way to continue to care for the very sick child in question.

The parents had insisted on continuing full active medical treatment, while doctors had advocated withdrawing or withholding further intensive care on the basis of the overwhelming medical evidence.

The cases in which withdrawal or withholding of intensive care was considered to be in the child’s best interests were consistent with the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health guidance.

Eleven of these cases (65%) involved directly expressed religious claims that intensive care should not be stopped because of the expectation of divine intervention and a complete cure, together with the conviction that the opinion of the medical team was overly pessimistic and wrong.

Various different faiths were represented among the parents, including Christian fundamentalism, Islam, Judaism, and Roman Catholicism.

Five of the 11 cases were resolved after meeting with the relevant religious leaders outside the hospital, and intensive care was withdrawn in a further case after a High Court order.

But five cases were not resolved, so intensive care was continued. Four of these children eventually died; one survived with profound neurological disability.

Six of the 17 cases in which religious belief was not a cited factor, were all resolved without further recourse to legal, ethical, or socio-religious support. Intensive care was withdrawn in all these children, five of whom died and one of whom survived, but with profound neurological disability.

The authors emphasise that parental reluctance to allow treatment to be withdrawn is “completely understandable as [they] are defenders of their children’s rights, and indeed life.”

But they argue that when children are too young to be able to actively subscribe to their parents’ religious beliefs, a default position in which parental religion is not the determining factor might be more appropriate.

They cite Article 3 of the Human Rights Act, which aims to ensure that no one is subjected to torture or inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment.

“Spending a lifetime attached to a mechanical ventilator, having every bodily function supervised and sanitised by a carer or relative, leaving no dignity or privacy to the child and then adult, has been argued as inhumane,” they argue.

And they conclude: “We suggest it is time to reconsider current ethical and legal structures and facilitate rapid default access to courts in such situations when the best interests of the child are compromised in expectation of the miraculous.”

In an accompanying commentary, the journal’s editor, Professor Julian Savulescu, advocates: “Treatment limitation decisions are best made, not in the alleged interests of patients, but on distributive justice grounds.”

In a publicly funded system with limited resources, these should be given to those whose lives could be saved rather than to those who are very unlikely to survive, he argues.

“Faced with the choice between providing an intensive care bed to a [severely brain damaged] child and one who has been at school and was hit by a cricket ball and will return to normal life, we should provide the bed to the child hit by the cricket ball,” he writes.

In further commentaries, Dr Steve Clarke of the Institute for Science and Ethics maintains that doctors should engage with devout parents on their own terms.

“Devout parents, who are hoping for a miracle, may be able to be persuaded, by the lights of their own personal…religious beliefs, that waiting indefinite periods of time for a miracle to occur while a child is suffering, and while scarce medical equipment is being denied to other children, is not the right thing to do,” he writes.

Leading ethicist, Dr Mark Sheehan, argues that these ethical dilemmas are not confined to fervent religious belief, and to polarise the issue as medicine versus religion is unproductive, and something of a “red herring.”

Referring to the title of the paper, Charles Foster, of the University of Oxford, suggests that the authors have asked the wrong question. “The legal and ethical orthodoxy is that no beliefs, religious or secular, should be allowed to stonewall the best interests of the child,” he writes.

New Book Explores ‘Noah’s Flood’: Says Bible and Science Can Get Along (Science Daily)

ScienceDaily (Aug. 14, 2012) — David Montgomery is a geomorphologist, a geologist who studies changes to topography over time and how geological processes shape landscapes. He has seen firsthand evidence of how the forces that have shaped Earth run counter to some significant religious beliefs.

But the idea that scientific reason and religious faith are somehow at odds with each other, he said, “is, in my view, a false dichotomy.”

In a new book, “The Rocks Don’t Lie: A Geologist Investigates Noah’s Flood” (Aug. 27, 2012, W.W. Norton), Montgomery explores the long history of religious thinking — particularly among Christians — on matters of geological discovery, from the writings of St. Augustine 1,700 years ago to the rise in the mid-20th century of the most recent rendering of creationism.

“The purpose is not to tweak people of faith but to remind everyone about the long history in the faith community of respecting what we can learn from observing the world,” he said.

Many of the earliest geologists were clergy, he said. Nicolas Steno, considered the founder of modern geology, was a 17th century Roman Catholic priest who has achieved three of the four steps to being declared a saint in the church.

“Though there are notable conflicts between religion and science — the famous case of Galileo Galilei, for example — there also is a church tradition of working to reconcile biblical stories with known scientific fact,” Montgomery said.

“What we hear today as the ‘Christian’ positions are really just one slice of a really rich pie,” he said.

For nearly two centuries there has been overwhelming geological evidence that a global flood, as depicted in the story of Noah in the biblical book of Genesis, could not have happened. Not only is there not enough water in the Earth system to account for water levels above the highest mountaintop, but uniformly rising levels would not allow the water to have the erosive capabilities attributed to Noah’s Flood, Montgomery said.

Some rock formations millions of years old show no evidence of such large-scale water erosion. Montgomery is convinced any such flood must have been, at best, a regional event, perhaps a catastrophic deluge in Mesopotamia. There are, in fact, Mesopotamian stories with details very similar, but predating, the biblical story of Noah’s Flood.

“If your world is small enough, all floods are global,” he said.

Perhaps the greatest influence in prompting him to write “The Rocks Don’t Lie” was a 2002 expedition to the Tsangpo River on the Tibetan Plateau. In the fertile river valley he found evidence in sediment layers that a great lake had formed in the valley many centuries ago, not once but numerous times. Downstream he found evidence that a glacier on several occasions advanced far enough to block the river, creating the huge lake.

But ice makes an unstable dam, and over time the ice thinned and finally give way, unleashing a tremendous torrent of water down the deepest gorge in the world. It was only after piecing the story together from geological evidence that Montgomery learned that local oral traditions told of exactly this kind of great flood.

“To learn that the locals knew about it and talked about it for the last thousand years really jolted my thinking. Here was evidence that a folk tale might be reality based,” he said.

He has seen evidence of huge regional floods in the scablands of Eastern Washington, carved by torrents when glacial Lake Missoula breached its ice dam in Montana and raced across the landscape, and he found Native American stories that seem to tell of this catastrophic flood.

Other flood stories dating back to the early inhabitants of the Pacific Northwest and from various islands in the Pacific Ocean, for example, likely tell of inundation by tsunamis after large earthquakes.

But he noted that in some regions of the world — in Africa, for example — there are no flood stories in the oral traditions because there the annual floods help sustain life rather than bring destruction.

Floods are not always responsible for major geological features. Hiking a trail from the floor of the Grand Canyon to its rim, Montgomery saw unmistakable evidence of the canyon being carved over millions of years by the flow of the Colorado River, not by a global flood several thousand years ago as some people still believe.

He describes that hike in detail in “The Rocks Don’t Lie.” He also explores changes in the understanding of where fossils came from, how geologists read Earth history in layers of rock, and the writings of geologists and religious authorities through the centuries.

Montgomery hopes the book might increase science literacy. He noted that a 2001 National Science Foundation survey found that more than half of American adults didn’t realize that dinosaurs were extinct long before humans came along.

But he also would like to coax readers to make sense of the world through both what they believe and through what they can see for themselves, and to keep an open mind to new ideas.

“If you think you know everything, you’ll never learn anything,” he said.

14 Wacky “Facts” Kids Will Learn in Louisiana’s Voucher Schools (Mother Jones)

—By Deanna Pan | Tue Aug. 7, 2012 3:00 AM PDT

God Bless Our SchoolSeparation of church and what? Currier & Ives/Library of Congress

Thanks to a new law privatizing public education in Louisiana, Bible-based curriculum can now indoctrinate young, pliant minds with the good news of the Lord—all on the state taxpayers’ dime.

Under Gov. Bobby Jindal’s voucher program, considered the most sweeping in the country, Louisiana is poised to spend tens of millions of dollars to help poor and middle-class students from the state’s notoriously terrible public schools receive a private education. While the governor’s plan sounds great in the glittery parlance of the state’s PR machine, the program is rife with accountability problems that actually haven’t been solved by the new standards the Louisiana Department of Education adopted two weeks ago.

For one, of the 119 (mostly Christian) participating schools, Zack Kopplin, a gutsy college sophomore who’s taken to Change.org to stonewall the program, has identified at least 19that teach or champion creationist nonscience and will rake in nearly $4 million in public funding from the initial round of voucher designations.

Many of these schools, Kopplin notes, rely on Pensacola-based A Beka Book curriculum or Bob Jones University Press textbooks to teach their pupils Bible-based “facts,” such as the existence ofNessie the Loch Ness Monster and all sorts of pseudoscience that researcher Rachel Tabachnick and writer Thomas Vinciguerra have thankfully pored over so the rest of world doesn’t have to.

Here are some of my favorite lessons:

1. Dinosaurs and humans probably hung out: ”Bible-believing Christians cannot accept any evolutionary interpretation. Dinosaurs and humans were definitely on the earth at the same time and may have even lived side by side within the past few thousand years.”—Life Science, 3rd ed., Bob Jones University Press, 2007

Much like Whoopi and Teddy in the cinematic classic Theodore Rex. Screenshot: YouTube

Much like tough cop Katie Coltrane and Teddy the T-rex in the direct-to-video hit Theodore Rex Screenshot: YouTube

2. Dragons were totally real: “[Is] it possible that a fire-breathing animal really existed? Today some scientists are saying yes. They have found large chambers in certain dinosaur skulls…The large skull chambers could have contained special chemical-producing glands. When the animal forced the chemicals out of its mouth or nose, these substances may have combined and produced fire and smoke.”—Life Science, 3rd ed., Bob Jones University Press, 2007

3“God used the Trail of Tears to bring many Indians to Christ.”—America: Land That I Love, Teacher ed., A Beka Book, 1994

4. Africa needs religion: “Africa is a continent with many needs. It is still in need of the gospel…Only about ten percent of Africans can read and write. In some areas the mission schools have been shut down by Communists who have taken over the government.”—Old World History and Geography in Christian Perspective, 3rd ed., A Beka Book, 2004

The literacy rate in Africa is "only about 10 percent"--give or take a few dozen percentage points. residentevil_stars2001/Flickr

The literacy rate in Africa is “only about 10 percent”…give or take a few dozen percentage pointsresidentevil_stars2001/Flickr

5. Slave masters were nice guys: ”A few slave holders were undeniably cruel. Examples of slaves beaten to death were not common, neither were they unknown. The majority of slave holders treated their slaves well.”—United States History for Christian Schools, 2nd ed., Bob Jones University Press, 1991

Slaves and their masters: BFF 4lyfe!  Edward Williams Clay/Library of Congress

Doesn’t everyone look happy?! Edward Williams Clay/Library of Congress

6. The KKK was A-OK: “[The Ku Klux] Klan in some areas of the country tried to be a means of reform, fighting the decline in morality and using the symbol of the cross. Klan targets were bootleggers, wife-beaters, and immoral movies. In some communities it achieved a certain respectability as it worked with politicians.”—United States History for Christian Schools, 3rd ed., Bob Jones University Press, 2001

Just your friendly neighborhood Imperial Wizard! Unknown/Library of Congress

Just your friendly neighborhood Imperial Wizard Unknown/Library of Congress

7. The Great Depression wasn’t as bad as the liberals made it sound: ”Perhaps the best known work of propaganda to come from the Depression was John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath…Other forms of propaganda included rumors of mortgage foreclosures, mass evictions, and hunger riots and exaggerated statistics representing the number of unemployed and homeless people in America.”—United States History: Heritage of Freedom, 2nd ed., A Beka Book, 1996

Definitely Photoshopped.  U.S. National Archives and Records Administration/Wikipedia

Definitely Photoshopped. U.S. National Archives and Records Administration/Wikipedia

8. SCOTUS enslaved fetuses: ”Ignoring 3,500 years of Judeo-Christian civilization, religion, morality, and law, the Burger Court held that an unborn child was not a living person but rather the “property” of the mother (much like slaves were considered property in the 1857 case of Dred Scott v. Sandford).”—American Government in Christian Perspective, 2nd ed., A Beka Book, 1997

9. The Red Scare isn’t over yet: “It is no wonder that Satan hates the family and has hurled his venom against it in the form of Communism.”— American Government in Christian Perspective, 2nd ed., A Beka Book, 1997

Meanwhile, God sneezes glitter snot in the form of Capitalism. Catechetical Guild/Wikipedia

Catechetical Guild/Wikipedia

10. Mark Twain and Emily Dickinson were a couple of hacks: ”[Mark] Twain’s outlook was both self-centered and ultimately hopeless…Twain’s skepticism was clearly not the honest questioning of a seeker of truth but the deliberate defiance of a confessed rebel.”—Elements of Literature for Christian Schools, Bob Jones University, 2001

“Several of [Emily Dickinson's] poems show a presumptuous attitude concerning her eternal destiny and a veiled disrespect for authority in general. Throughout her life she viewed salvation as a gamble, not a certainty. Although she did view the Bible as a source of poetic inspiration, she never accepted it as an inerrant guide to life.”—Elements of Literature for Christian Schools, Bob Jones University, 2001

And her grammar was just despicable! Ugh! Todd-Bingham picture collection, 1837-1966 (inclusive)/ Manuscripts & Archives, Yale University

To say nothing of her poetry’s Syntax and Punctuation—how odious it is.Todd-Bingham picture collection, 1837-1966 (inclusive)/ Manuscripts & Archives, Yale University

11. Abstract algebra is too dang complicated: “Unlike the ‘modern math’ theorists, who believe that mathematics is a creation of man and thus arbitrary and relative, A Beka Bookteaches that the laws of mathematics are a creation of God and thus absolute…A Beka Bookprovides attractive, legible, and workable traditional mathematics texts that are not burdened with modern theories such as set theory.”—ABeka.com

Maths is hard! Screenshot: MittRomney.com

MATHS: Y U SO HARD? Screenshot: MittRomney.com

12Gay people “have no more claims to special rights than child molesters or rapists.”—Teacher’s Resource Guide to Current Events for Christian Schools, 1998-1999, Bob Jones University Press, 1998

13. “Global environmentalists have said and written enough to leave no doubt that their goal is to destroy the prosperous economies of the world’s richest nations.”Economics: Work and Prosperity in Christian Perspective, 2nd ed., A Beka Book, 1999

Plotting world destruction, BRB.  Lynn Freeny, Department of Energy/Flickr

Plotting economic apocalypse, BRB Lynn Freeny, Department of Energy/Flickr

14. Globalization is a precursor to rapture: ”But instead of this world unification ushering in an age of prosperity and peace, as most globalists believe it will, it will be a time of unimaginable human suffering as recorded in God’s Word. The Anti-christ will tightly regulate who may buy and sell.”—Economics: Work and Prosperity in Christian Perspective, 2nd ed., A Beka Book, 1999

He'll probably be in cahoots with the global environmentalists. Luca Signorelli/Wikipedia

Swapping insider-trading secrets is the devil’s favorite pastime. Luca Signorelli/WikipediaWhew! Seems extreme. But perhaps we shouldn’t be too surprised. Gov. Jindal, you remember,once tried to perform an exorcism on a college gal pal.

Mário Scheffer: “Vivemos uma crise sem precedentes na resposta à epidemia de HIV/Aids” (viomundo.com.br)

31 de julho de 2012

por Conceição Lemes

Mário Scheffer: “A condução é conservadora, defasada. A criatividade, a ousadia e o diálogo permanente com a sociedade civil  cederam lugar à arrogância”

Terminou nesta sexta-feira, em Washington, Estados Unidos, a 19ª Conferência Internacional sobre Aids. O Programa Nacional de DST/Aids, que até então era festejado e apontado como modelo para o mundo, sofreu críticas de especialistas durante toda a semana.

“A história de sucesso do programa brasileiro de aids entrou em declínio por fatores como a saída de recursos internacionais e o enfraquecimento da relação entre o governo e a sociedade civil”, avalia Eduardo Gomez, pesquisador da Universidade Rutgers de Camden, em Nova Jersey, EUA. “Historicamente, o programa brasileiro de aids tinha uma conexão forte com as ONGs, mas agora elas estão sem recursos e sem motivação. O governo precisa delas para conscientizar as populações difíceis de atingir.”

“O aumento da pressão de grupos religiosos e a redução das campanhas de prevenção junto às populações de maior risco são a maior ameaça ao programa brasileiro anti-aids”, pondera Massimo Ghidinelli, coordenador de Aids/HIV da Organização Panamericana da Saúde (OPAS). “Parece que, nos últimos anos, os grupos religiosos ficaram mais fortes e há uma menor intensidade na maneira pela qual o programa lida com questões de homofobia e sexualidade.”

Ontem, quinta-feira 26, ativistas brasileiros presentes à 19ª Conferência Internacional de Aids, em Washington, protestaram em frente ao estande do Ministério da Saúde contra o que definem como “retrocesso na resposta contra a epidemia”. O objetivo, segundo eles, foi mostrar ao mundo que o País “não é mais o mesmo” e “vive do sucesso do passado” no enfrentamento da doença.

“Até agora, as críticas eram principalmente de ONGs e ativistas brasileiros. Agora, são de especialistas estrangeiros renomados”, observa Mário Scheffer, presidente do Grupo Pela Vidda-SP. “O programa brasileiro de aids parou no tempo e não é mais motivo de orgulho nacional. Tivemos uma sucessão de perdas acumuladas. Vivemos uma crise sem precedentes na resposta à epidemia de HIV/aids.”

Ativista há mais de 20 anos e também professor do Departamento de Medicina Preventiva da Faculdade de Medicina da USP, Mário acompanha a epidemia de HIV/Aids desde o seu início nos anos 80. Além do olhar afiado e da expertise em saúde pública, ele conhece bem toda a trajetória do Programa Nacional de DST/Aids. Daí esta nossa entrevista:

Viomundo – Começou no domingo (22) e terminou hoje (27) em Washington a 19ª Conferência Internacional sobre Aids. No decorrer da semana, foram feitas várias críticas ao momento atual do programa brasileiro de aids. Você concorda com elas?

Mário Scheffer – Com certeza. Até agora, as críticas eram principalmente de ONGs brasileiras. Agora, são de especialistas estrangeiros renomados. Elas são a prova maior de que o programa brasileiro não é mais a principal referência internacional, perdemos a liderança e o ineditismo, não ousamos mais nas respostas excepcionais que marcaram nossa história de combate à aids.

Viomundo – As ONGs de aids sempre tiveram boa interlocução com o Ministério da Saúde. O que aconteceu?

Mário Scheffer — As ONGs e os ativistas pioneiros que são obviamente mais críticos não são mais ouvidos. O governo atualmente elege os interlocutores que lhes são mais convenientes e deslegitima muitos daqueles que deram contribuições históricas.

Sinal de que as coisas não vão nada bem por aqui é que tanto a crítica ao programa quanto o reconhecimento às ONGs e aos ativistas brasileiros têm que vir de fora.

Aliás, o presidente do Banco Mundial, Jim Yong Kim, em seu discurso na abertura da Conferência Internacional de Aids, domingo passado em Washington, fez um vigoroso elogio aos ativistas e citou especificamente as ONGs brasileiras. Disse que se hoje é possível falar em controle da epidemia e vislumbrar o seu fim, isso se deve fundamentalmente às ações desses ativistas.

Viomundo –  ONGs de aids estão fechando as portas no Brasil. Por quê?

Mário Scheffer – Vários motivos. Crise de pessoal, financeira, de sustentabilidade, não têm sede física, não têm dinheiro para pagar aluguel e telefone, têm que compor diretorias com apenas três pessoas  porque não há mais gente disponível. Também não conseguem mais montar  equipes para executar projetos, para chegar até as populações vulneráveis, o que só as ONGs são capazes de fazer.

Em outras palavras: algumas ONGs estão fechando as portas, como você disse. Mas está havendo também retração das atividades de todas elas.

Viomundo – Mas as críticas não se devem apenas à crise financeira e de pessoal das ONGs de aids?

Mário Scheffer – Essa é apenas uma das pontas da crise sem precedentes da resposta brasileira à epidemia, que também perdeu tecnicamente. Além disso, não há sensibilidade nem determinação do governo para perceber e para contribuir com a superação da crise das ONGs. Pelo contrário. Atualmente há uma crise política de relacionamento e mesmo de desprezo pela história das ONGs. O governo federal tem feito a opção — e isso não é só na área de aids — pela relação paroquial com a sociedade civil, uma política de cooptação e quebra-galho. Não ha mais crítica nem debate qualificado de ideias. Tivemos uma sucessão de perdas acumuladas.

Viomundo – Quais?

Mário Scheffer – Primeiro, perdemos a força do trabalho voluntário por meio do qual as pessoas participavam de nossas ONGs, exprimiam sua solidariedade, doavam tempo, trabalho e talento para a luta contra a aids. Não é mais uma causa mobilizadora e isso tem a ver com a imagem trabalhada pelo governo de que temos o melhor programa do mundo e que por aqui está tudo resolvido.

Segundo, com a ascensão das ONGs picaretas e bandidas, criadas para alimentar a corrupção em vários ministérios, cresceu o preconceito e foram impostas mais barreiras para as organizações sérias, que já tinham dificuldade em acessar recursos públicos.

Desde que realizado com critério, transparência, concorrência pública e rigorosa prestação de contas, as ONGs deveriam ter o direito de acessar fundos públicos para exercer o controle, a fiscalização e a participação nas políticas públicas, como acontece em várias democracias.

Terceiro, diante da imagem de que o Brasil hoje é um país rico e resolveu o problema da aids (o que não é verdade), acabou o apoio internacional às ONGs brasileiras de aids.

Resultado: sem ajuda de comunidades e empresas e com uma causa que não toca mais o coração de doadores e voluntários, passamos a viver a dificuldade crescente de assegurar recursos institucionais para a manutenção das ONGs. Com isso, arrefeceu o nosso ativismo e controle sobre as políticas públicas.

Viomundo – E os financiamentos governamentais vinculados a projetos?

Mário Scheffer – Eles fazem parte de um modelo esgotado em que as ONGs de aids foram reduzidas a mão de obra barata para prestação de serviços que o Ministério da Saúde e secretarias estaduais e municipais de saúde não conseguem realizar. Não bastasse isso, muitas vezes estados e municípios não repassam esse recursos às ONGs e quando o fazem, não há continuidade nem avaliação da eficácia das ações financiadas.

Viomundo – Um pouco atrás você falou que o programa brasileiro de aids perdeu tecnicamente. Em que medida? 

Mário Scheffer — Não houve renovação nem atualização dos quadros técnicos. Os desafios hoje são outros, mas a condução é conservadora, defasada. A criatividade, a ousadia e o diálogo permanente com a sociedade civil  cederam lugar à arrogância. Sem a força e a autonomia de outrora, os programas de aids —  o nacional e vários estaduais e municipais — estão isolados e enfraquecidos politicamente dentro dos governos.

Em São Paulo, por exemplo, muitos serviços municipais de aids estão sem médicos,   os estaduais, superlotados, sendo privatizados, fechando leitos, e os programas de aids sem nenhuma governabilidade sobre isso.

Já o programa nacional nem sequer dá mais as fichas sobre a produção nacional de antirretrovirais genéricos. Hoje é um processo sem transparência. O Ministério da Saúde não dá um passo sem o amém da Casa Civil e dos fundamentalistas religiosos que integram a base governista, o que emperra programas de prevenção de aids.

Viomundo – O que ONGs e ativistas da área de aids querem?

Mário Scheffer — Queremos ser respeitados e ouvidos mas em novos patamares de relacionamento. Ninguém desistiu da luta. Nossas ONGs querem continuar atuando nas diversas frentes, na prevenção, na assistência das casas de apoio, nas assessorias jurídicas, na defesa dos direitos das pessoas que vivem com HIV. Queremos continuar fazendo o mesmo ativismo que nos levou a conquistar o acesso universal aos medicamentos, derrubar patentes, lutar contra a exclusão de coberturas pelos planos de saúde privados, acessar os vulneráveis e alçá-los à condição de cidadãos.

O mesmo ativismo que nos leva a apontar que, diferentemente do que dizem, o acesso aos antirretrovirais no Brasil não é universal, pois o diagnóstico tardio é altíssimo e ainda existem desabastecimentos ocasionais. Que nos leva a dizer que não existe política de prevenção adequada a um perfil de epidemia concentrada em certas populações, como os homossexuais, atualmente os maiores negligenciados de prevenção em aids no Brasil.

Hoje estão ameaçados princípios essenciais que forjaram o combate à aids no Brasil, que um dia chegou a quebrar barreiras e tabus. Essa ousadia necessária deu lugar a um programa sem vida, covarde, que promove autocensura, se alinha com forças retrógradas, como no caso recente da campanha dirigida aos gays.

Um programa que se debruça sobre glórias do passado e exibe uma real incapacidade , lentidão e perda da capacidade técnica e política . Não tem conseguido dar respostas à altura das novas dinâmicas e desafios da epidemia e a comunidade internacional passou a perceber isso.

Neste momento de grandes mudanças, com esperança concreta da cura e controle da aids, novas armas para prevenção, necessidade de ampliarmos a oferta de testagem e tratamento a todos os infectados, o Brasil está paralisado, com seus indicadores de mortalidade e de novas infecções pelo HIV estacionados. O programa brasileiro de aids parou no tempo e não é mais motivo de orgulho nacional.

Bryan Fischer Blames ‘Liberals’ Way’ For Aurora Mass Shooting (The Huffington Post)

The Huffington Post  |  By Meredith Bennett-Smith Posted: 07/24/2012 2:51 pm Updated: 07/24/2012 9:12 pm

Video

Pundits across the political spectrum have been quick to use the weekend’s tragic mass shooting at an Aurora, Colo., movie theater as a means of pushing various threads of partisan rhetoric.

Bryan Fischer, the oft-quoted mouthpiece of the American Family Association, was quick to jump on the bandwagon, tying the mass shooting first to a general breakdown in Judeo-Christian values, and most recently to the public school system’s teaching of evolution.

The Raw Story published comments made Monday by Fischer, the director of issues analysis for the fundamentalist Christian organization, during his daily radio show, “Focal Point.” In an impressive feat of extrapolation, Fischer linked the massacre to “the liberals’ way” of teaching the theory of evolution and preventing prayer in schools.

Fischer wondered aloud if bestselling author and California magachurch evangelical Reverend Rick Warren was referring to the alleged shooter, James Holmes, when hetweeted, “When students are taught they are no different from animals, they act like it.”

“If this tweet was connected to the shooting, to this James Holmes, to the one that killed the 12 and wounded the 58 in this theater, it would be appropriate,” Fischer said.

Fischer went on to blame Holmes’ murderous tendencies on Charles’ Darwin’s principle of survival of the fittest.

“[Holmes] sees himself as evolutionarily advanced just like he was taught in school about Darwin, that this is how natural selection works,” Fischer said.

Fischer then moved on to also blame the killings on the end of organized prayer in schools. The Supreme Court prohibited state-sponsored prayer in schools in two landmark cases in the early 1960s: Engel v. Vitale in 1962 and Abington School District v. Schempp one year later.

“We have spent 60 years telling God to get lost,” Fischer said. “What if every single day in [James Holmes'] educational process, there had been readings from the word of God … Who knows if things could have been different. But we’ve tried it the other way. The point of my column, we’ve tried it the liberals’ way for 60 years now. What do we got? We have massacres in Aurora.”

Fischer did not mention the fact that James Holmes’ family belonged to the Penasquitos Lutheran Church for about ten years, as originally reported by the Associated Press. Holmes’ mother still attends services there regularly.

The American Family Association is no stranger to controversy. In comments made during a segment of the AFA Journal program on Friday and reported by Right Wing Watch, AFA news director Fred Jackson, co-host Teddy James and guest Jerry Newcombe of the Truth in Action Ministries suggested that violent incidents in America, including in Aurora, were evidence of God’s judgement.

“The AFA Journal has been dealing with denominations that no longer believe in the God of the Bible,” Jackson said. “They no longer believe that Jesus is the only way of salvation, they teach that God is OK with homosexuality, this is just increasing more and more. It is mankind shaking its fist at the authority of God.”

“And God will not be silent when he’s mocked, and we need to remember that,”James said, to which Jackson replied, “We are seeing his judgment. You know, some people talk about ‘God’s judgment must be just around the corner,’ we are seeing it.”

The New Theism: Shedding Beliefs, Celebrating Knowledge (or Science is Religion 2.0) (Metanexus.net)

michael dowd and connie barlow: soulful science

 May 30, 2012

By Michael Dowd:

Since April 2002, my science-writer wife Connie Barlow and I have traveled North America virtually nonstop. We have addressed more than 1,600 secular and religious groups of all kinds. Our goal is to communicate the inspiring and empowering side of science to as many people as possible.

Whether addressing evangelicals, atheists, UUs, or gurus, our message is always the same: We show how a deeply meaningful and fully evidence-based view of big history, human nature, and death can inspire people of all backgrounds and beliefs to live in integrity and cooperate in service of a just and thriving future for all.

Over the course of the last decade, in addition to talking with folks after our programs, Connie and I have lived with hundreds of people in their homes. We’ve thus been privileged to have intellectually rich and heartful conversations with countless kindred spirits—those, like us, whose passion lies at the intersection of science, inspiration, and sustainability.

The following section reflects the thinking and work of many individuals, but should be considered only a rough first draft. Feedback is welcome. Please email me your questions, comments, criticisms, and especially your suggestions for improvement at Michael@ThankGodforEvolution.com.

A Manifesto for the New Theism

A new breed of theist is emerging in nearly every denomination and religion across the globe, and many of us are grateful to the New Atheists for calling us out of the closet.

New Theists are not believers; we’re evidentialists. We value scientific, historic, and cross-cultural evidence over ancient texts, religious dogma, or ecclesiastical authority. We also maintain that religion must accommodate to science, not vice versa.

New Theists are not supernaturalists; we’re naturalists. We are inspired and motivated more by this world and this life than by promises of a future otherworld or afterlife. This does not, however, mean that we diss uplifting or transcendent experiences. We don’t. But neither do we see the mystical as divorced from the natural.

As secular Jews differ from fundamentalist Jews, New Theists differ from traditional theists. While most of us value traditional religious language and rituals, and we certainly value community, we no longer interpret literally any of the otherworldly or supernatural-sounding language in our scriptures, creeds, and doctrines. Indeed, we interpret all mythic language as one would interpret a dream: metaphorically, symbolically.

New Theists practice what might be called a “woo-free spirituality.” Indeed, spirituality for us mostly means the mindset, heart-space, and tools that assist us in growing in right relationship to reality and supporting others in doing the same.

New Theists are legion; we are diverse. Many of us continue to call ourselves Christian, Jewish, Muslim, or Hindu. We may self-identify as emergentist, freethinker, neo-humanist, agnostic, deist, pantheist, panentheist—and, yes, even atheist.

New Theists don’t believe in God. We know that throughout human history, the word “God” has always and everywhere been a meaning-filled interpretation, a mythic personification of forces and realities incomprehensible in a prescientific age. We also know that interpretations and personifications don’t exist or fail to exist. Rather, they are more or less helpful, more or less meaningful, more or less inspiring.

New Theists view religion and religious language through an empirical, evidential, evolutionary lens, rather than through a theological or philosophical one. Indeed, an ability to distinguish subjective and objective reality—practical truth (that which reliably produces personal wholeness and social coherence) from factual truth (that which is measurably real)—is one of the defining characteristics of New Theists.

New Theists do not have a creed (we’re not that organized). But if we did, it might simply be this:

Reality is our God, evidence is our scripture, and integrity is our religion.

By “reality is our God” we mean that honoring and working with what is real, as evidentially and collectively discerned, and creatively imagining what could be in light of this, is our ultimate concern and commitment.

By “evidence is our scripture” we mean that scientific, historic, and cross-cultural evidence provides a better understanding and a more authoritative map of how things are and which things matter (or what’s real and what’s important) than do ancient mythic writings or handed-down wisdom.

And by “integrity is our religion” we mean that living in right relationship to reality and helping others and our species do the same is our great responsibility and joy.

Why call ourselves “theists” at all if we’re not supernatural, otherworldly believers? Simply this:

All theological “isms” (e.g., theism, deism, pantheism, atheism) came into being long before we had an evolutionary understanding of emergence. Therefore, all such concepts are outdated, misleading, and unnecessarily divisive if they are not redefined and reinterpreted in an evolutionary context. Other terms that have been offered, in addition to “New Theist,” include “evolutionary theist,” “evolutionary humanist,” “post-theist,” and “creatheist” (pronounced variously and humorously, “crea-theist” or “cree-atheist”).

Labels are far less important to us than celebrating the fact that we are naturalists who wish to be counted among the religious of the world—no less than all others who are devoted to something sacred and larger than themselves.

Whatever our differences, we are evidentialists, committed to living upstanding moral lives in service of a just and thriving future for humanity and the larger body of life.

We see this as Religion 2.0.

Originally published on The Advent of Evolutionary Christianity: Conversations at the Leading Edge of Faith.

Bill Maher: “… praying away hurricanes is (not) meteorology” (TheHuffington Post)

Bill Maher: Liberty University Is Not A Real School

By  Posted: 05/19/2012 11:10 pm Updated: 05/20/2012 11:18 am

Bill Maher Liberty University

At the end of “Real Time” Friday night, Bill Maher lambasted Liberty University, the Virginia religious university that has become a mandatory stop for Republican presidential candidates. (Watch above.)

“You can’t expect me to believe anything Mitt Romney said last week at Liberty University, because a) he’s a liar and b) Liberty University isn’t really a university,” Maher began. “It’s not like an actual statesman visited a real college. It’s more like the Tupac hologram visited Disneyland and said what he would do as president during the Main Street Electrical Parade.”

Romney delivered Liberty’s commencement speech on May 12.

Maher noted that Liberty teaches “creation science,” and the idea that earth was created 5,000 years ago. “This is a school you flunk out of when you get the answers right,” he joked.

Much as conservatives believe gay marriage cheapens their own vows, “I think a diploma from Liberty cheapens my diploma from a real school,” he continued. “I worked really hard for four years and sold a lot of drugs to get that thing.”

Liberty’s diploma may look real, Maher said, but “when you confuse a church with a school, Maher went on, “it mixes up the things you believe — religion — with the things we know — education. Then you start thinking that creationism is science, and gay aversion is psychology, and praying away hurricanes is meteorology.”

Jews Are a ‘Race,’ Genes Reveal (The Jewish Daily Forward)

MONTAGE KURT HOFFMAN

By Jon Entine

Published May 04, 2012, issue of May 11, 2012.

In his new book, “Legacy: A Genetic History of the Jewish People,” Harry Ostrer, a medical geneticist and professor at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York, claims that Jews are different, and the differences are not just skin deep. Jews exhibit, he writes, a distinctive genetic signature. Considering that the Nazis tried to exterminate Jews based on their supposed racial distinctiveness, such a conclusion might be a cause for concern. But Ostrer sees it as central to Jewish identity.

“Who is a Jew?” has been a poignant question for Jews throughout our history. It evokes a complex tapestry of Jewish identity made up of different strains of religious beliefs, cultural practices and blood ties to ancient Palestine and modern Israel. But the question, with its echoes of genetic determinism, also has a dark side.

Geneticists have long been aware that certain diseases, from breast cancer to Tay-Sachs, disproportionately affect Jews. Ostrer, who is also director of genetic and genomic testing at Montefiore Medical Center, goes further, maintaining that Jews are a homogeneous group with all the scientific trappings of what we used to call a “race.”

For most of the 3,000-year history of the Jewish people, the notion of what came to be known as “Jewish exceptionalism” was hardly controversial. Because of our history of inmarriage and cultural isolation, imposed or self-selected, Jews were considered by gentiles (and usually referred to themselves) as a “race.” Scholars from Josephus to Disraeli proudly proclaimed their membership in “the tribe.”


Legacy: A Genetic History of the Jewish People
By Harry Ostrer
Oxford University Press, 288 Pages, $24.95

Ostrer explains how this concept took on special meaning in the 20th century, as genetics emerged as a viable scientific enterprise. Jewish distinctiveness might actually be measurable empirically. In “Legacy,” he first introduces us to Maurice Fishberg, an upwardly mobile Russian-Jewish immigrant to New York at the fin de siècle. Fishberg fervently embraced the anthropological fashion of the era, measuring skull sizes to explain why Jews seemed to be afflicted with more diseases than other groups — what he called the “peculiarities of the comparative pathology of the Jews.” It turns out that Fishberg and his contemporary phrenologists were wrong: Skull shape provides limited information about human differences. But his studies ushered in a century of research linking Jews to genetics.

Ostrer divides his book into six chapters representing the various aspects of Jewishness: Looking Jewish, Founders, Genealogies, Tribes, Traits and Identity. Each chapter features a prominent scientist or historical figure who dramatically advanced our understanding of Jewishness. The snippets of biography lighten a dense forest of sometimes-obscure science. The narrative, which consists of a lot of potboiler history, is a slog at times. But for the specialist and anyone touched by the enduring debate over Jewish identity, this book is indispensable.

“Legacy” may cause its readers discomfort. To some Jews, the notion of a genetically related people is an embarrassing remnant of early Zionism that came into vogue at the height of the Western obsession with race, in the late 19th century. Celebrating blood ancestry is divisive, they claim: The authors of “The Bell Curve” were vilified 15 years ago for suggesting that genes play a major role in IQ differences among racial groups.

Furthermore, sociologists and cultural anthropologists, a disproportionate number of whom are Jewish, ridicule the term “race,” claiming there are no meaningful differences between ethnic groups. For Jews, the word still carries the especially odious historical association with Nazism and the Nuremberg Laws. They argue that Judaism has morphed from a tribal cult into a worldwide religion enhanced by thousands of years of cultural traditions.

Is Judaism a people or a religion? Or both? The belief that Jews may be psychologically or physically distinct remains a controversial fixture in the gentile and Jewish consciousness, and Ostrer places himself directly in the line of fire. Yes, he writes, the term “race” carries nefarious associations of inferiority and ranking of people. Anything that marks Jews as essentially different runs the risk of stirring either anti- or philo-Semitism. But that doesn’t mean we can ignore the factual reality of what he calls the “biological basis of Jewishness” and “Jewish genetics.” Acknowledging the distinctiveness of Jews is “fraught with peril,” but we must grapple with the hard evidence of “human differences” if we seek to understand the new age of genetics.

Although he readily acknowledges the formative role of culture and environment, Ostrer believes that Jewish identity has multiple threads, including DNA. He offers a cogent, scientifically based review of the evidence, which serves as a model of scientific restraint.

“On the one hand, the study of Jewish genetics might be viewed as an elitist effort, promoting a certain genetic view of Jewish superiority,” he writes. “On the other, it might provide fodder for anti-Semitism by providing evidence of a genetic basis for undesirable traits that are present among some Jews. These issues will newly challenge the liberal view that humans are created equal but with genetic liabilities.”

Jews, he notes, are one of the most distinctive population groups in the world because of our history of endogamy. Jews — Ashkenazim in particular — are relatively homogeneous despite the fact that they are spread throughout Europe and have since immigrated to the Americas and back to Israel. The Inquisition shattered Sephardi Jewry, leading to far more incidences of intermarriage and to a less distinctive DNA.

In traversing this minefield of the genetics of human differences, Ostrer bolsters his analysis with volumes of genetic data, which are both the book’s greatest strength and its weakness. Two complementary books on this subject — my own “Abraham’s Children: Race, Identity, and the DNA of the Chosen People” and “Jacob’s Legacy: A Genetic View of Jewish History” by Duke University geneticist David Goldstein, who is well quoted in both “Abraham’s Children” and “Legacy” — are more narrative driven, weaving history and genetics, and are consequently much more congenial reads.

The concept of the “Jewish people” remains controversial. The Law of Return, which establishes the right of Jews to come to Israel, is a central tenet of Zionism and a founding legal principle of the State of Israel. The DNA that tightly links Ashkenazi, Sephardi and Mizrahi, three prominent culturally and geographically distinct Jewish groups, could be used to support Zionist territorial claims — except, as Ostrer points out, some of the same markers can be found in Palestinians, our distant genetic cousins, as well. Palestinians, understandably, want their own right of return.

That disagreement over the meaning of DNA also pits Jewish traditionalists against a particular strain of secular Jewish liberals that has joined with Arabs and many non-Jews to argue for an end to Israel as a Jewish nation. Their hero is Shlomo Sand, an Austrian-born Israeli historian who reignited this complex controversy with the 2008 publication of “The Invention of the Jewish People.”

Sand contends that Zionists who claim an ancestral link to ancient Palestine are manipulating history. But he has taken his thesis from novelist Arthur Koestler’s 1976 book, “The Thirteenth Tribe,” which was part of an attempt by post-World War II Jewish liberals to reconfigure Jews not as a biological group, but as a religious ideology and ethnic identity.

The majority of the Ashkenazi Jewish population, as Koestler, and now Sand, writes, are not the children of Abraham but descendants of pagan Eastern Europeans and Eurasians, concentrated mostly in the ancient Kingdom of Khazaria in what is now Ukraine and Western Russia. The Khazarian nobility converted during the early Middle Ages, when European Jewry was forming.

Although scholars challenged Koestler’s and now Sand’s selective manipulation of the facts — the conversion was almost certainly limited to the tiny ruling class and not to the vast pagan population — the historical record has been just fragmentary enough to titillate determined critics of Israel, who turned both Koestler’s and Sand’s books into roaring best-sellers.

Fortunately, re-creating history now depends not only on pottery shards, flaking manuscripts and faded coins, but on something far less ambiguous: DNA. Ostrer’s book is an impressive counterpoint to the dubious historical methodology of Sand and his admirers. And, as a co-founder of the Jewish HapMap — the study of haplotypes, or blocks of genetic markers, that are common to Jews around the world — he is well positioned to write the definitive response.

In accord with most geneticists, Ostrer firmly rejects the fashionable postmodernist dismissal of the concept of race as genetically naive, opting for a more nuanced perspective.

When the human genome was first mapped a decade ago, Francis Collins, then head of the National Genome Human Research Institute, said: “Americans, regardless of ethnic group, are 99.9% genetically identical.” Added J. Craig Venter, who at the time was chief scientist at the private firm that helped sequenced the genome, Celera Genomics, “Race has no genetic or scientific basis.” Those declarations appeared to suggest that “race,” or the notion of distinct but overlapping genetic groups, is “meaningless.”

But Collins and Venter have issued clarifications of their much-misrepresented comments. Almost every minority group has faced, at one time or another, being branded as racially inferior based on a superficial understanding of how genes peculiar to its population work. The inclination by politicians, educators and even some scientists to underplay our separateness is certainly understandable. But it’s also misleading. DNA ensures that we differ not only as individuals, but also as groups.

However slight the differences (and geneticists now believe that they are significantly greater than 0.1%), they are defining. That 0.1% contains some 3 million nucleotide pairs in the human genome, and these determine such things as skin or hair color and susceptibility to certain diseases. They contain the map of our family trees back to the first modern humans.

Both the human genome project and disease research rest on the premise of finding distinguishable differences between individuals and often among populations. Scientists have ditched the term “race,” with all its normative baggage, and adopted more neutral terms, such as “population” and “clime,” which have much of the same meaning. Boiled down to its essence, race equates to “region of ancestral origin.”

Ostrer has devoted his career to investigating these extended family trees, which help explain the genetic basis of common and rare disorders. Today, Jews remain identifiable in large measure by the 40 or so diseases we disproportionately carry, the inescapable consequence of inbreeding. He traces the fascinating history of numerous “Jewish diseases,” such as Tay-Sachs, Gaucher, Niemann-Pick, Mucolipidosis IV, as well as breast and ovarian cancer. Indeed, 10 years ago I was diagnosed as carrying one of the three genetic mutations for breast and ovarian cancer that mark my family and me as indelibly Jewish, prompting me to write “Abraham’s Children.”

Like East Asians, the Amish, Icelanders, Aboriginals, the Basque people, African tribes and other groups, Jews have remained isolated for centuries because of geography, religion or cultural practices. It’s stamped on our DNA. As Ostrer explains in fascinating detail, threads of Jewish ancestry link the sizable Jewish communities of North America and Europe to Yemenite and other Middle Eastern Jews who have relocated to Israel, as well as to the black Lemba of southern Africa and to India’s Cochin Jews. But, in a twist, the links include neither the Bene Israel of India nor Ethiopian Jews. Genetic tests show that both groups are converts, contradicting their founding myths.

Why, then, are Jews so different looking, usually sharing the characteristics of the surrounding populations? Think of red-haired Jews, Jews with blue eyes or the black Jews of Africa. Like any cluster — a genetic term Ostrer uses in place of the more inflammatory “race” — Jews throughout history moved around and fooled around, although mixing occurred comparatively infrequently until recent decades. Although there are identifiable gene variations that are common among Jews, we are not a “pure” race. The time machine of our genes may show that most Jews have a shared ancestry that traces back to ancient Palestine but, like all of humanity, Jews are mutts.

About 80% of Jewish males and 50% of Jewish females trace their ancestry back to the Middle East. The rest entered the “Jewish gene pool” through conversion or intermarriage. Those who did intermarry often left the faith in a generation or two, in effect pruning the Jewish genetic tree. But many converts became interwoven into the Jewish genealogical line. Reflect on the iconic convert, the biblical Ruth, who married Boaz and became the great-grandmother of King David. She began as an outsider, but you don’t get much more Jewish than the bloodline of King David!

To his credit, Ostrer also addresses the third rail of discussions about Jewishness and race: the issue of intelligence. Jews were latecomers to the age of freethinking. While the Enlightenment swept through Christian Europe in the 17th century, the Haskalah did not gather strength until the early 19th century. By the beginning of the new millennium, however, Jews were thought of as among the smartest people on earth. The trend is most prominent in America, which has the largest concentration of Jews outside Israel and a history of tolerance.

Although Jews make up less than 3% of the population, they have won more than 25% of the Nobel Prizes awarded to American scientists since 1950. Jews also account for 20% of this country’s chief executives and make up 22% of Ivy League students. Psychologists and educational researchers have pegged their average IQ at 107.5 to 115, with their verbal IQ at more than 120, a stunning standard deviation above the average of 100 found in those of European ancestry. Like it or not, the IQ debate will become an increasingly important issue going forward, as medical geneticists focus on unlocking the mysteries of the brain.

Many liberal Jews maintain, at least in public, that the plethora of Jewish lawyers, doctors and comedians is the product of our cultural heritage, but the science tells a more complex story. Jewish success is a product of Jewish genes as much as of Jewish moms.

Is it “good for the Jews” to be exploring such controversial subjects? We can’t avoid engaging the most challenging questions in the age of genetics. Because of our history of endogamy, Jews are a goldmine for geneticists studying human differences in the quest to cure disease. Because of our cultural commitment to education, Jews are among the top genetic researchers in the world.

As humankind becomes more genetically sophisticated, identity becomes both more fluid and more fixed. Jews in particular can find threads of our ancestry literally anywhere, muddying traditional categories of nationhood, ethnicity, religious belief and “race.” But such discussions, ultimately, are subsumed by the reality of the common shared ancestry of humankind. Ostrer’s “Legacy” points out that — regardless of the pros and cons of being Jewish — we are all, genetically, in it together. And, in doing so, he gets it just right.

Jon Entine is the founder and director of the Genetic Literacy Project at George Mason University, where he is senior research fellow at the Center for Health and Risk Communication. His website is www.jonentine.com.

Read more: http://www.forward.com/articles/155742/jews-are-a-race-genes-reveal/?p=all#ixzz1uJ67qPdJ

Novelas brasileiras passam imagem de país branco, critica escritora moçambicana (Agência Brasil)

17/04/2012 – 15h35

Alex Rodrigues
Repórter da Agência Brasil

 Brasília – “Temos medo do Brasil.” Foi com um desabafo inesperado que a romancista moçambicana Paulina Chiziane chamou a atenção do público do seminário A Literatura Africana Contemporânea, que integra a programação da 1ª Bienal do Livro e da Leitura, em Brasília (DF). Ela se referia aos efeitos da presença, em Moçambique, de igrejas e templos brasileiros e de produtos culturais como as telenovelas que transmitem, na opinião dela, uma falsa imagem do país.

“Para nós, moçambicanos, a imagem do Brasil é a de um país branco ou, no máximo, mestiço. O único negro brasileiro bem-sucedido que reconhecemos como tal é o Pelé. Nas telenovelas, que são as responsáveis por definir a imagem que temos do Brasil, só vemos negros como carregadores ou como empregados domésticos. No topo [da representação social] estão os brancos. Esta é a imagem que o Brasil está vendendo ao mundo”, criticou a autora, destacando que essas representações contribuem para perpetuar as desigualdades raciais e sociais existentes em seu país.

“De tanto ver nas novelas o branco mandando e o negro varrendo e carregando, o moçambicano passa a ver tal situação como aparentemente normal”, sustenta Paulina, apontando para a mesma organização social em seu país.

A presença de igrejas brasileiras em território moçambicano também tem impactos negativos na cultura do país, na avaliação da escritora. “Quando uma ou várias igrejas chegam e nos dizem que nossa maneira de crer não é correta, que a melhor crença é a que elas trazem, isso significa destruir uma identidade cultural. Não há o respeito às crenças locais. Na cultura africana, um curandeiro é não apenas o médico tradicional, mas também o detentor de parte da história e da cultura popular”, detacou Paulina, criticando os governos dos dois países que permitem a intervenção dessas instituições.

Primeira mulher a publicar um livro em Moçambique, Paulina procura fugir de estereótipos em sua obra, principalmente, os que limitam a mulher ao papel de dependente, incapaz de pensar por si só, condicionada a apenas servir.

“Gosto muito dos poetas de meu país, mas nunca encontrei na literatura que os homens escrevem o perfil de uma mulher inteira. É sempre a boca, as pernas, um único aspecto. Nunca a sabedoria infinita que provém das mulheres”, disse Paulina, lembrando que, até a colonização europeia, cabia às mulheres desempenhar a função narrativa e de transmitir o conhecimento.

“Antes do colonialismo, a arte e a literatura eram femininas. Cabia às mulheres contar as histórias e, assim, socializar as crianças. Com o sistema colonial e o emprego do sistema de educação imperial, os homens passam a aprender a escrever e a contar as histórias. Por isso mesmo, ainda hoje, em Moçambique, há poucas mulheres escritoras”, disse Paulina.

“Mesmo independentes [a partir de 1975], passamos a escrever a partir da educação europeia que havíamos recebido, levando os estereótipos e preconceitos que nos foram transmitidos. A sabedoria africana propriamente dita, a que é conhecida pelas mulheres, continua excluída. Isso para não dizer que mais da metade da população moçambicana não fala português e poucos são os autores que escrevem em outras línguas moçambicanas”, disse Paulina.

Durante a bienal, foi relançado o livro Niketche, uma história de poligamia, de autoria da escritora moçambicana.

The Inside Story on Climate Scientists Under Siege (Wired/The Guardian)

By Suzanne Goldenberg, The Guardian
February 17, 2012 |

It is almost possible to dismiss Michael Mann’s account of a vast conspiracy by the fossil fuel industry to harass scientists and befuddle the public. His story of that campaign, and his own journey from naive computer geek to battle-hardened climate ninja, seems overwrought, maybe even paranoid.

But now comes the unauthorized release of documents showing how a libertarian thinktank, the Heartland Institute, which has in the past been supported by Exxon, spent millions on lavish conferences attacking scientists and concocting projects to counter science teaching for kindergarteners.

Mann’s story of what he calls the climate wars, the fight by powerful entrenched interests to undermine and twist the science meant to guide government policy, starts to seem pretty much on the money. He’s telling it in a book out on March 6, The Hockey Stick and the Climate Wars: Dispatches From the Front Lines.

“They see scientists like me who are trying to communicate the potential dangers of continued fossil fuel burning to the public as a threat. That means we are subject to attacks, some of them quite personal, some of them dishonest.” Mann said in an interview conducted in and around State College, home of Pennsylvania State University, where he is a professor.

It’s a brilliantly sunny day, and the light snowfall of the evening before is rapidly melting.

Mann, who seems fairly relaxed, has just spoken to a full-capacity, and uniformly respectful and supportive crowd at the university.

It’s hard to square the surroundings with the description in the book of how an entire academic discipline has been made to feel under siege, but Mann insists that it is a given.

“It is now part of the job description if you are going to be a scientist working in a socially relevant area like human-caused climate change,” he said.

He should know. For most of his professional life has been at the center of those wars, thanks to a paper he published with colleagues in the late 1990s showing a sharp upward movement in global temperatures in the last half of the 20th century. The graph became known as the “hockey stick”.

If the graph was the stick, then its publication made Mann the puck. Though other prominent scientists, such as Nasa’s James Hansen and more recently Texas Tech University’s Katharine Hayhoe, have also been targeted by contrarian bloggers and thinktanks demanding their institutions turn over their email record, it’s Mann who’s been the favorite target.

He has been regularly vilified on Fox news and contrarian blogs, and by Republican members of Congress. The attorney general of Virginia, who has been fighting in the courts to get access to Mann’s email from his earlier work at the University of Virginia. And then there is the high volume of hate mail, the threats to him and his family.

“A day doesn’t go by when I don’t have to fend off some attack, some specious criticism or personal attack,” he said. “Literally a day doesn’t go by where I don’t have to deal with some of the nastiness that comes out of a campaign that tries to discredit me, and thereby in the view of our detractors to discredit the entire science of climate change.”

By now he and other climate scientists have been in the trenches longer than the U.S. army has been in Afghanistan.

And Mann has proved a willing combatant. He has not gone so far as Hansen, who has been arrested at the White House protesting against tar sands oil and in West Virginia protesting against coal mining. But he spends a significant part of his working life now blogging and tweeting in his efforts to engage with the public – and fending off attacks.

On the eve of his talk at Penn State, a coal industry lobby group calling itself the Common Sense Movement/Secure Energy for America put up a Facebook page demanding the university disinvite their own professor from speaking, and denouncing Mann as a “disgraced academic” pursuing a radical environmental agenda. The university refused. Common Sense appeared to have dismantled the Facebook page.

But Mann’s attackers were merely regrouping. A hostile blogger published a link to Mann’s Amazon page, and his opponents swung into action, denouncing the book as a “fairy tale” and climate change as “the greatest scam in human history.”

It was not the life Mann envisaged when he began work on his post-graduate degree at Yale. All Mann knew then was that he wanted to work on big problems, that resonated outside academia. At heart, he said, he was like one of the amiable nerds on the television show Big Bang Theory.

“At that time I wanted nothing more than just to bury my head in my computer and study data and write papers and write programs,” he said. “That is the way I was raised. That is the culture I came from.”

What happened instead was that the “hockey stick” graph, because it so clearly represented what had happened to the climate over the course of hundreds of years, itself became a proxy in the climate wars. (Mann’s reconstruction of temperatures over the last millennium itself used proxy records from tree rings and coral).

“I think because the hockey stick became an icon, it’s been subject to the fiercest of attacks really in the whole science of climate change,” he said.

The U.N.’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change produced a poster-sized graph for the launch of its climate change report in 2001.

Those opposed to climate change began accusing Mann of overlooking important data or even manipulating the records. None of the allegations were ever found to have substance. The hockey stick would eventually be confirmed by more than 10 other studies.

Mann, like other scientists, was just not equipped to deal with the media barrage. “It took the scientific community some time I think to realize that the scientific community is in a street fight with climate change deniers and they are not playing by the rules of engagement of science. The scientific community needed some time to wake up to that.”

By 2005, when Hurricane Katrina drew Americans’ attention to the connection between climate change and coastal flooding, scientists were getting better at making their case to the public. George Bush, whose White House in 2003 deleted Mann’s hockey stick graph from an environmental report, began talking about the need for biofuels. Then Barack Obama was elected on a promise to save a planet in peril.

But as Mann lays out in the book, the campaign to discredit climate change continued to operate, largely below the radar until November 2009 when a huge cache of email from the University of East Anglia’s Climatic Research Unit was released online without authorization.

Right-wing media and bloggers used the emails to discredit an entire body of climate science. They got an extra boost when an embarrassing error about melting of Himalayan glaciers appeared in the U.N.’s IPCC report.

Mann now admits the climate community took far too long to realize the extent of the public relations debacle. Aside from the glacier error, the science remained sound. But Mann said now: “There may have been an overdue amount of complacency among many in the scientific community.”

Mann, who had been at the center of so many debates in America, was at the heart of the East Anglia emails battle too.

Though he has been cleared of any wrongdoing, Mann does not always come off well in those highly selective exchanges of email released by the hackers. In some of the correspondence with fellow scientists, he is abrupt, dismissive of some critics. In our time at State College, he mentions more than once how climate scientists are a “cantankerous” bunch. He has zero patience, for example, for the polite label “climate skeptic” for the network of bloggers and talking heads who try to discredit climate change.

“When it comes to climate change, true skepticism is two-sided. One-sided skepticism is no skepticism at all,” he said. “I will call people who deny the science deniers … I guess I won’t be deterred by the fact that they don’t like the use of that term and no doubt that just endears me to them further.”

“It’s frustrating of course because a lot of us would like to get past this nonsensical debate and on to the real debate to be had about what to do,” he said.

But he said there are compensations in the support he gets from the public. He moves over to his computer to show off a web page: I ❤ climate scientists. He’s one of three featured scientists. “It only takes one thoughtful email of support to offset a thousand thoughtless attacks,” Mann said.

And although there are bad days, he still seems to believe he is on the winning side.

Across America, this is the third successive year of weird weather. The U.S. department of agriculture has just revised its plant hardiness map, reflecting warming trends. That is going to reinforce scientists’ efforts to cut through the disinformation campaign, Mann said.

“I think increasingly the campaign to deny the reality of climate change is going to come up against that brick wall of the evidence being so plain to people whether they are hunters, fishermen, gardeners,” he said.

And if that doesn’t work then Mann is going to fight to convince them.

“Whether I like it or not I am out there on the battlefield,” he said. But he believes the experiences of the last decade have made him, and other scientists, far better fighters.

“Those of us who have had to go through this are battle-hardened and hopefully the better for it,” he said. “I think you are now going to see the scientific community almost uniformly fighting back against this assault on science. I don’t know what’s going to happen in the future, but I do know that my fellow scientists and I are very ready to engage in this battle.”

Video: James West, The Climate Desk

Original story at The Guardian.

How did the KKK lose nearly one-third of its chapters in one year? (Slate)

Ku Klux Kontraction

By |Posted Thursday, March 8, 2012, at 4:55 PM ET

57886367

Members of the Fraternal White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan participate in the 11th Annual Nathan Bedford Forrest Birthday march July 11, 2009 in Pulaski, Tenn.Spencer Platt/Getty Images

The number of hate groups in the United States is on the rise, but the Ku Klux Klan is losing chapters, according to data released on Wednesday by the Southern Poverty Law Center. The number of KKK chapters dropped from 221 to 152 in just one year. Why is the Klan shrinking?

Consolidation and defections. The Klan is not a stable organization. There’s no real national leadership, and chapters are constantly appearing, disappearing, splitting, and merging. In 2010, to take one example, the True Invisible Empire Knights of Pulaski, Tenn., merged with the Traditional American Knights from Potosi, Mo. to form the True Invisible Empire Traditionalist American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. (Note: this link, like others in this article, leads to an extremist website.) Such mergers decrease the number of chapters without necessarily changing membership totals. Not all the Klan’s losses are just on paper, though. Jeremy Parker, who led the Ohio-based Brotherhood of Klans, left the KKK for the Aryan Nations in 2010 and likely took a significant number of members with him. The Brotherhood of Klans was the second-largest Klan association in the country, with 38 chapters.

Membership totals are hard to track, because the Klan doesn’t willingly release member lists. Over the long term, the KKK is clearly contracting, since its rolls have shrunk from millions in the 1920s to between 3,000 and 5,000 today. But no one knows how membership has changed in the last few years.

Klan-watchers, however, suspect that the nation’s oldest domestic terrorist organization is indeed struggling to keep pace with other racist hate groups. Young racists tend to think of the Klan as their grandfathers’ hate group, and of its members as rural, uneducated, and technologically unsophisticated. The Klan doesn’t seem to have used the web and social media as well as its competitors. The group’s failure to effectively deploy technology is a bit of an irony, since one of those newfangled motion pictures, The Birth of a Nation, launched the KKK’s second era in 1915.

The Klan’s history of violence is another challenge to recruitment. The organization will always be associated with the lynching of innocent African-Americans in the 20th century, which puts off more moderate racists.

The KKK is also suffering from a proliferation of competitors. People who wanted to join a white supremacist movement back in the 1920s didn’t have a lot of choices. Today, there are countless options, enabling an extremist to find a group that matches his personal brand of intolerance. The more extreme groups in the burgeoning patriot movement cater to anti-Muslim, homophobic, and xenophobic sentiment, with less animosity toward African-Americans and Jews. Aryan Nations offers a heavy focus on Christian identity. Some groups preach more violence, while others offer a veneer of intellectualism.American Renaissance, for example, caters to “suit-and-tie” racists, offering pseudo-scientific papers on white supremacy. The group even holds conferences at a hotel near Dulles airport in Virginia.

Many young racist activists aren’t bothering to join groups at all anymore, further hampering the Klan’s recruitment efforts. Former KKK Grand Wizard Don Black in 1995 launched the website Stormfront, which enables individuals in the white supremacist movement to share ideas and read news stories reported from a racist perspective. The community-building site, and others like it, lessens the need for racists to socialize at Klan barbecues or introduce their children to Klanta Klaus at the KKK Christmas rally.